INTER-RACIAL
PROBLEMS
EDITED BY
*' G. SPILLER
LONDON
P. S. KING & SON
ORCHARD HOUSE, WESTMINSTER
BOSTON, U.S.A.
THE WORLD'S PEACE FOUNDATION
29*, BEACON STREET
THE LIBRARY
OF
THE UNIVERSITY
OF CALIFORNIA
RIVERSIDE
N3QOO 'M 'O
PAPERS ON INTER-RACIAL PROBLEMS
[/« English only]
A RECORD OF THE PROCEEDINGS
OF THE
FIRST UNIVERSAL RACES CONGRESS
HELD AT
THE UNIVERSITY OF LONDON
JULY 26 TO 29, 1911
LONDON
P. S. KING & SON
1911
PAPERS
ON
INTER-RACIAL
PROBLEMS
COMMUNICATED TO THE
FIRST UNIVERSAL RACES CONGRESS,/.^ A
HELD AT
THE UNIVERSITY OF LONDON
JULY 26-29, 1911
EDITED, FOR THE CONGRESS EXECUTIVE, BY
G. SPILLER
HON. ORGANISER OF THE CONGRESS
LONDON
P. S. KING & SON
ORCHARD HOUSE, WESTMINSTER
BOSTON, U.S.A.
THE WORLD'S PEACE FOUNDATION
29V BEACON STREET
I9II
c /1 Jl
"^r
C<?/ ouvrage est public simultaniment en franfats
et en anglais par MESSRS. P. S. KING & SON.
.2'CUJ'OW >THT
PREFACE
THE object of the Congress is "to discuss, in the light of
science and the modern conscience, the general relations
subsisting between the peoples of the West and those of
the East, between so-called white and so-called coloured
peoples, with a view to encouraging between them a fuller
understanding, the most friendly feelings, and a heartier
co-operation."
The writers of papers were requested to keep in view
the spirit of this object ; but were otherwise not supplied
with, or bound by, any instructions. Accordingly, it would
have been natural to find the widest differences of opinion
expressed in the following contributions. Singular to state,
however, the writers — coming literally from all parts of the
circumference of the globe — manifest a remarkable agree-
ment on almost every vital problem with which the Congress
is concerned, and support, as a whole, a view which must be
very encouraging to those in every land who see a brother
and an equal, at least potentially, in every human being,
whatever the colour of his skin. In view of the eminent
fitness of the writers to pronounce judgment on the issues
involved in the contact of races, the Congress may be said to
have effectively served both a scientific and a humanitarian
^ purpose. Henceforth it should not be difficult to answer
those who allege that their own race towers far above all
other races, and that therefore other races must cheerfully
;- submit to being treated, or mal-treated, as hewers of wood
and drawers of water. The writers have, as it were, reduced
to reasoned statements the generous sentiments prevailing
on this subject among the most cultivated and responsible
section of humanity, a section fairly represented in our
imposing list of Vice-Presidents, Hon. Vice- Presidents, and
Members of the Hon. General Committee.
It was felt that in a Congress of this comprehensive
character each people should speak for itself; and it is for
this reason that every paper referring to an Oriental people
vi PREFACE
will be found written by an eminent person belonging to it.
Thus the Occidental reader of this volume has the unpre-
cedented opportunity of learning what Oriental scholars
think of the contact of races. It is to be hoped that at
the Second Universal Races Congress a much larger number
of the general and scientific papers will come from Oriental
sources.
The particular opinions expressed by the writers in this
volume are personal, and do not in any way commit the
members of the Congress. The organisers adhere to their
original statement that " whilst wholly sympathetic towards
all far-sighted measures calculated to strengthen and promote
good relations, the Congress is pledged to no political
party and to no particular scheme of reforms." To this
should be added, in order to prevent possible misunder-
standings, that the contributors speak in their individual
capacity, and not as official representatives. These neces-
sary limitations, however, do not detract from the signifi-
cance and importance of the contributions embodied in
this volume.
The Executive Council takes this opportunity of
expressing its deep gratitude to the many writers of papers
who have contributed to the value and success of the Con-
gress by putting at its disposal their rich stores of knowledge
and experience. It desires also to acknowledge the valuable
services rendered by the translators, Mrs. Boyce Gibson and
Mr. Joseph McCabe. And, last but not least, the Executive
cannot forbear tendering its sincerest thanks to the Senate
of the University of London for having generously granted
the free use of halls and rooms for the meetings of the
Congress.
INTRODUCTION
To those who regard the furtherance of International Good
Will and Peace as the highest of all human interests, the
occasion of the First Universal Races Congress opens a
vista of almost boundless promise.
No impartial student of history can deny that in the case
of nearly all recorded wars, whatever the ostensible reasons
assigned, the underlying cause of conflict has been the exist-
ence of race antipathies — using the word race in its broad
and popular acceptation — which particular circumstances,
often in themselves of trivial moment, have fanned into
flame.
In the earliest times it took the form of one race attempt-
ing to subjugate and indeed enslave another ; but even in
modern wars, while questions of frontier, the ambitions of
rulers, or the rivalries of commercial policies, may have
provoked the actual crisis, it will be found, in almost every
instance, that the pre-existence of social and racial enmity
has in reality determined the breach which particular inci-
dents had merely precipitated.
As civilisation progresses and the Western world more
fully recognises its ethical responsibilities, it may be hoped
that such influences will become an ever-diminishing force ;
but the modern conscience has to-day, in addition, other and
quite new problems to solve in face of the startling and
sudden appearance of new factors in the Eastern Hemi-
sphere.
In less than twenty years we have witnessed the most
remarkable awakening of nations long regarded as sunk
in such depths of somnolence as to be only interesting
vii
viii INTRODUCTION
to the Western world because they presented a wide and
prolific field for commercial rivalries, often greedy, cruel,
and fraught with bloodshed in their prosecution, but which
otherwise were an almost negligible quantity in international
concerns.
How great is the change in the life-time of a single
generation, when, to select two instances alone, we contem-
plate the most remarkable rise of the power of the Empire
of Japan, the precursor, it would seem, of a similar revival
of the activities and highly developed qualities of the
population of the great Empire of China !
Nearer and nearer we see approaching the day when the
vast populations of the East will assert their claim to meet
on terms of equality the nations of the West, when the free
institutions and the organised forces of the one hemisphere
will have their counterbalance in the other, when their
mental outlook and their social aims will be in principle
identical ; when, in short, the colour prejudice will have
vanished and the so-called white races and the so-called
coloured races shall no longer merely meet in the glowing
periods of missionary exposition, but, in very fact, regard
one another as in truth men and brothers.
Are we ready for this change ? Have we duly considered
all that it signifies, and have we tutored our minds and
shaped our policy with a view of successfully meeting the
coming flood ? It is in order to discuss this question of such
supreme importance that the First Universal Races Congress
is being held. The papers, so varied in their scope and
treatment, which have been communicated by individuals of
eminence from many distant lands, will testify to the world-
wide interest which the examination of these grave problems
has aroused, the wise handling of which would remove
dangers and possible causes of strife which, but for skilled
guidance, might conceivably convulse mankind.
WEARDALE.
TABLE OF CONTENTS
PAGE
CIRCULARS ISSUED BY THE CONGRESS EXECUTIVE . xiii
OFFICERS, EXECUTIVE, HON. VICE-PRESIDENTS, AND
HON. GENERAL COMMITTEE. . xvii
FIRST SESSION
FUNDAMENTAL CONSIDERATIONS
MEANING OF RACE, TRIBE, NATION. By Dr. Brajendranath Seal . i
ANTHROPOLOGICAL VIEW OF RACE. By Prof. Felix v. Luschan . 13
RACE FROM THE SOCIOLOGICAL STANDPOINT. By Prof. Alfred
Fouillee '***: '.-. ' V 'lj'f ' . ' V1" ••;<';: '""''. •• •* .-iAl '•".' • "• u .- 24
THE PROBLEM OF RACE EQUALITY. By G. Spiller '.'••' •'/*'-'•'* 29
SECOND SESSION
CONDITIONS OF PROGRESS (GENERAL PROBLEMS)
THE RATIONALE OF AUTONOMY. By John M. Robertson v'X-i'iix J 40
INFLUENCE OF GEOGRAPHIC, ECONOMIC, AND POLITICAL CON-
DITIONS. By Prof. P. S. Reinsch -.* ytj v, . . ,a. t;^i/ <i/j ,^i- 49
LANGUAGE AS A CONSOLIDATING AND SEPARATING INFLUENCE.
By Prof. D. S. Margoliouth . ...'.'. . 57
RELIGION AS A CONSOLIDATING AND SEPARATING INFLUENCE. By
Prof. T. W. Rhys Davids and Mrs. Rhys Davids -(/. '»'{• '*'*' 62
DIFFERENCES IN CUSTOMS AND MORALS AND THEIR RESISTANCE
TO RAPID CHANGE. By Prof . Giuseppe Sergi . 3X<vi ;•>,(<// ^
ON THE PERMANENCE OF RACIAL MENTAL DIFFERENCES. By
Prof. Charles S. Myers ->!«£>A. «• $ft>y. :J .a/r'Orfr.:.,.!-/! 73
THE INTELLECTUAL STANDING OF DIFFERENT RACES AND THEIR
RESPECTIVE OPPORTUNITIES FOR CULTURE. By John Gray . 79
x TABLE OF CONTENTS
PAGE
THE PRESENT POSITION OF WOMAN. By Sister Nivedita (Miss
Margaret Noble) , . • . • 86
INSTABILITY OF HUMAN TYPES. By Prof. Franz Boas . . . 99
CLIMATIC CONTROL OF SKIN-COLOUR. By Prof. Lionel W. Lyde . 104
THE EFFECTS OF RACIAL MISCEGENATION. By Prof. Earl Finch . 108
THIRD SESSION
CONDITIONS OF PROGRESS (SPECIAL PROBLEMS)
TENDENCIES TOWARDS PARLIAMENTARY RULE. By Dr. Chr.
L. Lange . • ..»-. • • .»,•.'. .«-.*,-. •• - t. IJ3
CHINA. By Dr. Wu Ting-Fang ' g^? ,'^-f ' * ^P^f '? • ^ 123
JAPAN. By Profs. Tongo Takebe and Teruaki Kobayashi /" t j^2
SHINTOISM. By Prof. Genchi Kato 141
TURKEY. See Appendix
PERSIA. By Hadji Mirza Yahya 143
THE BAHAI MOVEMENT. Letter to the Congress by 'Abdu'l Baha
'Abbas • .&;; ' •.-•inntt •/ • • • .••••i../<T . ••*?* "•;•'' *54
EAST AND WEST IN INDIA. By the Hon. G. K. Gokhale i:..-.v. ,-,•.•,«>- 157
EGYPT. By Moh. Sourour Bey . . . , ^, ..,. : ;*-Oj;--; • *f>7
SOME GENERAL CONSIDERATIONS ON THE PEOPLE AND THE
GOVERNMENT OF HAITI. By General Legitime i:, i.^.iacoi'i r?8
HUNGARY. By Prof. Akos de Timon 184
THE ROLE OF RUSSIA IN THE MUTUAL APPROACH OF THE WEST
AND THE EAST. By Prof. Alexander Yastchenko . . . 195
FOURTH SESSION
I. SPECIAL PROBLEMS IN INTER-RACIAL ECONOMICS
INVESTMENTS AND LOANS. By Prof. A. de Navratil . "* ' SrV 208
WAGES AND IMMIGRATION. By Fred C. Croxton and W. Jett Lauck 211
OPENING OF MARKETS AND COUNTRIES. By John A. Hobson ' .' 222
II. PEACEFUL CONTACT BETWEEN CIVILISATIONS
SCIENCE AND ART, LITERATURE AND THE PRESS. By Prof.
Ferdinand Ton nies . M/,VIV»! K/ > • •••. - xi -.•»«. •'• 233
THE WORK DONE BY PRIVATE INITIATIVE IN THE ORGANISATION
OF THE WORLD. By Prof. H. La Fontaine . iv^^.iinv i» 243
THE INTERNATIONAL INSTITUTE OF AGRICULTURE AT ROME. By
David Lubin ... ., , / Tvi'i.*"ii<> •;-. -.w -,<;. .4h ,•,., i ,.- ;» 254
THE BATAK INSTITUTE AT LEYDEN. By Prof. A. W. Nieuwenhuis . 259
TABLE OF CONTENTS xi
FIFTH SESSION
THE MODERN CONSCIENCE IN RELATION TO
RACIAL QUESTIONS (GENERAL)
PACE
THE FUNDAMENTAL PRINCIPLE OF INTER-RACIAL ETHICS, AND
SOME PRACTICAL APPLICATIONS OF IT. By Prof. Felix Adler . 261
THE JEWISH RACE. By Israel Zangwill . .: . * 268
J •> ? T.TTT.-
THE MODERN CONSCIENCE IN RELATION TO THE TREATMENT OF
DEPENDENT PEOPLES AND COMMUNITIES. By Sir Charles
Bruce 'yj»«u"U'.»r,'> •'£T/>1Ui'/*Y; A'-\ ILlA'M.VV.i/SVl • • 279
THE GOVERNMENT OF COLONIES AND DEPENDENCIES. By Sir
Sydney Olivier . '\ ". "% . '•' VL V i '" . 293
THE INFLUENCE OF MISSIONS. By Prof. Alfred Caldecott . . 302
INDENTURED AND FORCED LABOUR. By the late the Right Hon.
Sir Charles W. Dilke ._.',_ .' .' .' ^; J^K ; -. . 3I2
Supplement, by Joseph Burtt, Matlock . ' J .' , ^ ' .' 323
TRAFFIC IN INTOXICANTS AND OPIUM. By Dr. J. H. Abendanon . 324
SIXTH SESSION
THE MODERN CONSCIENCE IN RELATION TO
RACIAL QUESTIONS (THE NEGRO AND THE
AMERICAN INDIAN)
THE WORLD- POSITION OF THE NEGRO AND NEGROID. By Sir
Harry H. Johnston . . . / .' : V^jr>.ie^ 328
NATIVE RACES OF SOUTH AFRICA. By J. Te.ngo Jabavu . . 336
THE WEST AFRICAN PROBLEM. By Dr. Mojola Agbebi . ^ 341
THE NEGRO RACE IN THE UNITED STATES OF AMERICA. By Dr.
W. E. B. DuBois . . . . . , , . . .348
THE NEGRO PROBLEM IN RELATION TO WHITE WOMEN. By
Dr. Frances Hoggan . --.—• ~~~i . -'* . . . . 364
THE NORTH AMERICAN INDIAN. By Dr. Charles A. Eastman . 367
THE METIS, OR HALF-BREEDS, OF BRAZIL. By Dr. Jean Baptiste
de Lacerda 377
SEVENTH SESSION
POSITIVE SUGGESTIONS FOR PROMOTING
INTER-RACIAL FRIENDLINESS
THE RESPECT WHICH THE WHITE RACE OWES TO OTHER
RACES. By Baron d'Estournelles de Constant , ft .' . 383
xii TABLE OF CONTENTS
PAGE
INTERNATIONAL LAW, TREATIES, CONFERENCES, AND THE HAGUE
TRIBUNAL. By Prof. Walther Schucking ,..v ., ^ . 387
INTERNATIONAL LAW AND SUBJECT RACES. By Sir John Macdonell 398
PERIODICAL PEACE CONFERENCES. By Jarousse de Sillac . . 409
LETTER FROM M. LEON BOURGEOIS. See APPENDIX.
EIGHTH SESSION
POSITIVE SUGGESTIONS FOR PROMOTING
INTER-RACIAL FRIENDLINESS (continued)
THE PRESS AS AN INSTRUMENT OF PEACE. By Alfred H. Fried . 420
INTERNATIONAL LANGUAGE. By Dr. L. L. Zamenhof . , . , • 425
ETHICAL TEACHING IN SCHOOLS WITH REGARD TO RACES. By
Dr. J. S. Mackenzie ..... ..., ..„ . ., 433
THE COSMOPOLITAN CLUB MOVEMENT. By Louis P. Lochner . 439
INTERNATIONAL ORGANISATION FOR INTER- RACIAL GOODWILL. By
Edwin D. Mead . ....... .- 443
HO I ££''!£ HTXIP
APPENDIX-
TURKEY. By Dr. Riza Tevfik . J . \".\ • 'VV \d ' * • 454
LETTER FROM M. LEON BOURGEOIS UM" * • • • 462
BIBLIOGRAPHY . > ^
INDEX . ..-; . ,• t. :> .'f'..» ' .r:\.., n vf".'-/*» 478
CIRCULARS ISSUED BY THE EXECUTIVE
COUNCIL
I. INVITATION
A CONGRESS dealing with the general relations subsisting between
West and East will be held in London from July 26 to July 29,
1911. So far as possible special treatment will be accorded to the
problem of the contact of European with other developed types of
civilisation, such as the Chinese, Japanese, Indian, Turkish, and
Persian. The official Congress languages are to be English, French,
German, and Italian ; but Oriental and other languages will not be
rigidly excluded. The papers (which will be taken as read) are to
appear, collected in volume form, both in an all-English and an all-
French edition, about a month before the Congress opens, and
among the contributors will be found eminent representatives of
more than twenty civilisations. All schools of thought which
sympathise with the Object of the Congress are hereby invited to
take part in the proceedings. Resolutions of a political character
will not be submitted.
II. OBJECT AND NATURE OF THE CONGRESS
THE object of the Congress will be to discuss, in the light of science and
the modern conscience, the general relations subsisting between the peoples
of the West and those of the East, between so-called white and so- called
coloured peoples, with a view to encouraging between them a fuller under-
standing, the most friendly feelings, and a heartier co-operation.
Political issues of the hour will be subordinated to this compre-
hensive end, in the firm belief that, when once mutual respect is
established, difficulties of every type will be sympathetically
approached and readily solved.
The origin of this Congress is easily explained. The interchange
of material and other wealth between the different races of
mankind has of late years assumed such dimensions that the old
attitude of distrust and aloofness is giving way to a general desire for
closer acquaintanceship. Out of this interesting situation has sprung
xiv OBJECT AND NATURE OF THE CONGRESS
the idea of holding a Congress where the representatives of the
different races might meet each other face to face, and might, in
friendly rivalry, further the cause of mutual trust and respect between
Occident and Orient, between the so-called white peoples and the so-
called coloured peoples.
Accordingly the Congress will not represent a meeting of all the
races for the purpose of discussing indiscriminately everybody's con-
cerns. It will not discuss purely European questions, such as the
relations existing between or within the different European countries ;
nor, of course, will it discuss the attitude of Europe towards the
United States, or towards other American Republics representing
races of European descent. Again, whilst wholly sympathetic
towards all far-sighted measures calculated to strengthen and pro-
mote good relations, the Congress is pledged to no political party and to
no particular scheme of reforms. The writers of papers will, however,
have the full right to express whatever political views they may hold,
though they will be expected to do justice to all political parties and
to treat the issues of the day only passingly. Furthermore, the Con-
gress will not be purely scientific in the sense of only stating facts and
not passing judgments. Nor will it be a peace congress in the sense
of aiming specifically at the prevention of war. Finally, it should be
noted that, since the Congress is to serve the purpose of bringing
about healthier relations between Occident and Orient, all bitterness
towards parties, peoples, or governments will be avoided, without, of
course, excluding reasoned praise and blame. With the problem
simplified in this manner, and with a limited number of papers
written by leading authorities, there is every hope that the dis-
cussions will bear a rich harvest of good, and contribute materially
towards encouraging friendly feelings and hearty co-operation
between the peoples of the West and the East
III. QUESTIONNAIRE
(Replies to any or all the questions should reach the Hon. Sec.
not later than June 15, 1911.)
I. (a} To what extent is it legitimate to argue from differences in
physical characteristics to differences in mental characteristics ? (£)
Do you consider that the physical and mental characteristics
observable in a particular race are (i) permanent, (2) modifiable only
through ages of environmental pressure, or (3) do you consider that
marked changes in popular education, in public sentiment, and in
environment generally, may, apart from intermarriage, materially
OBJECT AND NATURE OF THE CONGRESS xv
transform physical and especially mental characteristics in a
generation or two ?
2. (a} To what extent does the status of a race at any particular
moment of time offer an index to its innate or inherited capacities ?
(£) Of what importance is it in this respect that civilisations are
meteoric in nature, bursting out of obscurity only to plunge back
into it, and how would you explain this ?
3. (a) How would you combat the irreconcilable contentions
prevalent among all the more important races of mankind that their
customs, their civilisation, and their race are superior to those of other
races ? (£) Would you, in explanation of existing differences, refer
to special needs arising from peculiar geographical and economic
conditions and to related divergences in national history ; and, in
explanation of the attitude assumed, would you refer to intimacy
with one's own customs leading psychologically to a love of them and
unfamiliarity with others' customs tending to lead psychologically to
dislike and contempt of these latter ? (c) Or what other explanation
and arguments would you offer ?
4. (a) What part do differences in economic, hygienic, moral, and
educational standards play in estranging races which come in contact
with each other? (£) Is the ordinary observer to be informed that
these differences, like social differences generally, are in substance
almost certainly due to passing social conditions and not to innate
racial characteristics, and that the aim should be, as in social differences,
to remove these rather than to accentuate them by regarding them
as fixed ?
5. (a) Is perhaps the deepest cause of race misunderstandings the
tacit assumption that the present characteristics of a race are the
expression of fixed and permanent racial characteristics ? (£) If so,
could not anthropologists, sociologists, and scientific thinkers as a
class, powerfully assist the movement for a juster appreciation of
races by persistently pointing out in their lectures and in their works
the fundamental fallacy involved in taking a static instead of a
dynamic, a momentary instead of a historic, a local instead of a
general, point of view of race characteristics ? (c~) And could such
dynamic teaching be conveniently introduced into schools, more
especially in the geography and history lessons ; also into colleges
for the training of teachers, diplomats, colonial administrators, and
missionaries ?
6. (a) If you consider that the belief in racial superiority is not
largely due, as is suggested by some of the above questions, to unen-
lightened psychological repulsion and under-estimation of the
dynamic or environmental factors, please state what, in your opinion,
the chief factors are ? (£) Do you consider that there is fair proof,
xvi OBJECT AND NATURE OF THE CONGRESS
and if so what proof, of some races being substantially superior to
others in inborn capacity, and in such case is the moral standard to
be modified ?
7. (A) What is your attitude towards the suggestion (a) that, so
far at least as intellectual and moral aptitudes are concerned, we
ought to speak of civilisations where we now speak of races ? (b} that
the stage or form of the civilisation of a people has no connection with
its special inborn physical characteristics ? (c) and that even its
physical characteristics are to no small extent the direct result of the
environment, physical and social, under which it is living at the
moment? (B) To aid in clearing up the conceptions of race and
civilisation, how would you define these?
8. (a) Do you think that each race might with advantage study the
customs and civilisations of other races, even those you think the
lowliest ones, for the definite purpose of improving its own customs
and civilisation ? (b} Do you think that unostentatious conduct
generally and respect for the customs of other races, provided these
are not morally objectionable, should be recommended to all who
come in passing or permanent contact with members of other races ?
9. (a) Do you know of any experiments on a considerable scale,
past or present, showing the successful uplifting of relatively back-
ward races by the application of purely humane methods ? (b} Do
you know of any cases of colonisation or opening of a country achieved
by the same methods? (c) If so, how far do you think could such
methods be applied universally in our dealings with other races ?
10. What proposals do you have (a) for the Congress effectively
carrying out its object of encouraging better relations between East
and West, and more particularly (b} for the formation of an associa-
tion designed to promote inter-racial amity ?
/fov
OFFICERS, COUNCIL, AND SUPPORTERS.
President :
The Right Hon. LORD WEARDALE
Viee-Ppesidents :
The Right Honourable THE PRIME MINISTER
The Right Hon. VISCOUNT MORLEY OF BLACKBURN
The Right Hon. LORD CURZON OF KEDLESTON
The Right Hon. LORD AVEBURY
The Right Honourable THE SPEAKER
The Right Hon. ARTHUR JAMES BALFOUR, M.P.
The Right Hon. JOHN BURNS, M.P.
The Right Hon. HERBERT SAMUEL, M.P.
J. RAMSAY MACDONALD, Esq., M.P.
The Right Hon. THE LORD MAYOR OF LONDON
His Grace THE ARCHBISHOP OF YORK
The Very Reverend HERMANN ADLER
General BOOTH
Rev. Prof. J. ESTLIN CARPENTER
EDWARD CLODD
Dr. STANTON COIT
FREDERIC HARRISON
The Rev. F. B. MEYER
Father BERNARD VAUGHAN, S.J.
The VICE-CHANCELLORS of the Universities of ABERDEEN, ST. ANDREWS,
BELFAST, BRISTOL, CAMBRIDGE, DUBLIN, DURHAM, IRELAND, LEEDS,.
LIVERPOOL, LONDON, MANCHESTER, OXFORD, SHEFFIELD, and WALES
Chairman of Executive :
The Hon. WILLIAM PEMBER REEVES
Viee-Chairman of Executive :
Sir EDWARD BRABROOK
Chairman of Hon. General Committee :
Prof. FELIX ADLER, New York
Viee-Chairmen of Hon. General Committee :
Prof. FELIX v. LUSCHAN, Berlin
Sir EDWARD H. BUSK, London
Baron D'ESTOURNELLES DE CONSTANT, Paris
His Highness PRINCE DE CASSANO, Rome
Director of Exhibition :
Dr. ALFRED C. HADDON
Hon. Treasurer:
Sir RICHARD BIDDULPH MARTIN, Bart.
Assistant Hon. Treasurer ;
JOHN GRAY, Esq.
Hon. General Secretary :
G. SPILLER, Esq., 63 South Hill Park, Hampstead, London
xviii UNIVERSAL RACES CONGRESS
HON. SECRETARIES.
Argentina— W. V. O. DIARD, 253, Tucuari, Buenos Ayres.
Belgique — M. le Dr. E. WAXWEILER, Pare Leopold, Bruxelles.
Bresti—M. le Dr. EDGARD R. PINTO, Museu Nacional, Rio de Janeiro.
Bulgarie — M. le Prof. ISCHIRKOFF, ub. Aksacoff 9, Sofia.
Central America — M. DESIRE PECTOR, 51 rue de Clichy, Paris.
Chili — M. le Dr. A. ALVAREZ, Santiago.
Costa Rica — M. le THEODORO PICADO, San Josd.
Deutschland — Herr Prof. FERD. TONNIES, Eutin, Holstein.
Egypt — B. L. MOSELY, Esq., 5 Sharia Kasr-el-Nil, Cairo.
Espafia — M. le Prof. GASCON Y MARIN, Coso 5, Saragoza.
Finland— Herr Prof. RAFAEL KARSTEN, Die Universitat, Helsingfors.
France — M. JEAN FINOT, 45 rue Jacob, Paris.
Grece — Dr. S. C. ZAVITZIANOS, Corfou.
India — Mr. JEHANGIR B. PETIT, 7/10 Elphinstone Circle, Bombay.
If alia — Principe de CASSANO, Corso Umberto I. 440, Rome.
Japan — Prof. K. YOSHIDA, Hakusangatenmachi no, Tokyo.
Magyarorssag — Dir. F. KEMENY, Bulyovszky-utca 26, Budapest ;
ARISTIDE DE DESSEWFFY, K^pviselohaz, Budapest.
Mexico — Sefior AGUSTIN ARAGON, 53 del Pino 215, Mexico.
Nederland — M. le Dr J. H. ABENDANON, Jan v. Nassaustr. 43, Den Haag.
Oesterreich — Herr WILHELM BORNER, I. Spiegelgasse 19, Wien.
Pcrou — M. le Prof. JOAQUIN CAPELO, Lima.
Perse — M. HADJI MIRZA YAHYA, T6he>an.
Roumanie — M. MARC-A. JEANJAQUET, Boulev. Carol 5, Bucarest.
Serbie — M. le Prof. NOVAKOVITCH, Universite", Belgrade.
South Africa — Rev. RAMSDEN BALMFORTH, Upper Camp Street, Cape
Town.
United States— Dr. W. E. B. DuBois, 20 Vesey Street, New York ;
Rev. FREDERICK LYNCH, 13 E. i24th Street, New York.
West Indies— A. F. PALMER, Esq., Soufriere, St. Lucia.
OFFICERS, COUNCIL, AND SUPPORTERS xix
EXECUTIVE COUNCIL.
Chairman : THE HON. WILLIAM PEMBER REEVES.
Vice-Chairman : SIR EDWARD BRABROOK, C.B.
(The members of the Executive are drawn from all parties as befits a universal congress ;
but the Executive as such does not stand or work for any party. )
The Rt. Hon. AMEER ALI, P.C., London.
Prof. T. W. ARNOLD, M.A. (Arabic, U. of London).
MIRZA ALI ABBAS BAIG, Member of Council of Secretary of State for India.
J. ALLEN BAKER, M.P., London.
HENRY BALFOUR, M.A., F.Z.S., Oxford, representing the African Society.
THOMAS BATY, D.C.L., LL.D., London.
Sir MANCHERJEE MERWANJEE BHOWNAGGREE, K.C.I.E., London.
Major SYED HASSAN BILGRAMI, I. M.S. (Retired), London.
WILFRID SCAWEN BLUNT, Southwater, Sussex.
OSCAR BROWNING, M.A., Senior Fellow of King's College, Cambridge.
Prof. J. B. BURY (History, U. of Cambridge).
Sir EDWARD H. BUSK, Chairman of Convocation and Past Vice-Chancellor of the
University of London.
Rev. Prof. A. CALDECOTT, D.D., D.Lit., representing the University of London.
HOWARD D'EGVILLE, Barrister-at-Law, Secretary of the African Society, represent-
ing the African Society.
JOHN ARTHUR FALLOWS, M.A., London.
Dr. CHARLES GARNETT, M.A., B.D., London.
Dr. M. CASTER, London, representing the Royal Asiatic Society.
Prof. PATRICK GEDDES, F.R.S.E. (Botany, U. College of Dundee).
JOHN GRAY, B.Sc., A.R.S.M., F.R.A.I., London (Hon. Assistant Treasurer).
K. G. GUPTA, London, Member of Council of Secretary of State for India,
Dr. B. GUTTMAN, Journalist, London.
Prof. ALFRED C. HADDON, M.A., Sc.D., F.R.S. (Ethnology, U. of Cambridge).
HALIL HALID, M.A. (Turkish, U. of Cambridge).
Prof. LEONARD T. HOBHOUSE (Sociology, U. of London).
JOHN ATKINSON HOBSON, M.A., London.
Sir HARRY JOHNSTON, G.C.M.G., K.C.B., Poling, representing the Royal Geo-
graphical Society.
T. A. JOYCE, M.A., London, Hon. Sec. Royal Anthropological Institute.
ARTHUR F. LAKE, Merchant, London.
DUNCAN CAMPBELL LEE, M.A., London.
Mrs. ARCHIBALD LITTLE, London, Author and Traveller.
ROBERT RANULPH MARETT, M.A., F.R.A.I., Oxford University.
Prof. D. S. MARGOLIOUTH, D.Lit. (Arabic, U. of Oxford).
Rev. F. B. MEYER, B.A., late President of National Federation of Free Churches.
JOHN E. MILHOLLAND (Hon. Treasurer for U.S.A.], New York and London.
Prof. J. H. MuiRHEAD, LL.D. (Philosophy, U. of Birmingham).
Prof. J. L. MYRES, M.A. F.S.A. (Ancient History, Oxford).
SHRIJUT BIPIN CHANDRA PAL, London.
R. H. PYE, F.R.A.I., London, representing the Royal Anthropological Institute.
S. K. RATCLIFFE, London, Secretary and representing the Sociological Society.
L. W. RITCH, M.A., Barrister-at-Law, London.
JOHN MACKINNON ROBERTSON, M.P., London.
Rev. Dr. ROSEDALE, London.
HARRY SNELL, London, Secretary Union of Ethical Societies.
WILLIAM T. STEAD, London, Editor of " Review of Reviews."
S. H. SWINNY, M.A., London, representing the Sociological Society.
MARY F. A. TENCH, F.R.A.I., London.
Major A. J. N. TREMEARNE, B.A. (Hausa, U. of Cambridge).
Major-General Sir ALFRED TURNER, K.C.B., London.
H. J. WELCH, Solicitor, London.
Prof. EDWARD WESTERMARCK (London U. and U. of Helsingfors).
J. MARTIN WHITE, J.P., London.
Sir JAMES WILSON, K.C.S.I., London.
xx UNIVERSAL RACES CONGRESS
HON. VICE-PRESIDENTS.
/. Members of the Permanent Court of Arbitration and of the
Second Hague Conference.
(At the time of acceptance — A la date d'adhesion.)
Argentina— M. ESTANISLAS S. ZEBALLOS, late Minister of State, Member
of the Hague Court, Member of the Institut de Droit International, Professor
of International Law.
Austria— Prof. Dr. H. LAMMASCH, Member of both Hague Conferences,
Member of the Hague Court, Professor of International Law.
Baron Dr. ERNEST DE PLENER, Senator, Councillor of State President
of the Supreme Court of the Exchequer, Member of the Hague Court,
Member of the Council of the Inter-Parliamentary Union.
Belgium— M.. A. BEERNAERT, Deputy, Minister of State, late Prime
Minister, Member of the Hague Court and of both Hague Conferences,
President of the Inter- Parliamentary Union, Nobel Peace Prize, Hon.
Member of the Institute of International Law.
Le Baron GUILLAUME, Belgian Minister in Paris, Member of the Second
Hague Conference, Member of the Royal Academy of Roumania.
M. ERNEST NYS, Judge at the Brussels Court of Appeal, Member of the
Hague Court, Professor of International Law.
Brazil— M. CLOVIS BEVILAQUA, Jurisconsult at the Foreign Office, Member
of the Hague Court, Member of the Brazilian Academy, Professor of Law.
M. EDUARDO F. S. DOS SANTOS LISB6A, Brazilian Minister at The
Hague, Member of the Second Hague Conference.
M. LAFAYETTE RODRIGUES PEREIRA, late Prime Minister, Member
of the Hague Court.
Bulgaria— Dr. STOYAN DANEFF, late Prime Minister, late Minister for
Foreign Affairs, Member of the Hague Court, late Professor at the
University of Sophia.
M. IVAN KARANDJOULOFF, Attorney General of the Bulgarian High
Court of Cassation, Member of the Second Hague Conference.
Chile— Dr. ALEJANDRO ALVAREZ, Councillor at the Foreign Office,
Member of the Hague Court.
Dr. MIGUEL CRUCHAGA, late Prime Minister, Chilian Minister at
Buenos-Ayres, Member of the Hague Court.
tM. DOMINGO CAN A, Minister of Chile in London, Member of the Second
Hague Conference.
M. AUGUSTO MATTE, Minister of Chile in Berlin, Member of the Second
Hague Conference.
China— M. WU TING-FANG, late Chinese Ambassador in Washington, late
Imperial Commissioner, Member of the Hague Court.
M. LOU TSENG-TSIANG, Chinese Minister at The Hague, Member of the
Second Hague Conference.
Colombia— M. PEREZ TRIANA, Minister of Colombia in London, Member of
the Second Hague Conference.
Cuba— M.JUAN B. HERNANDES BARREIRO, President of the Supreme
Tribunal of the Republic, Member of the Hague Court.
M. GONZALO DE QUESADA, Cuban Minister in Berlin, Member of
the Hague Court.
Denmark— M. A. VEDEL, Sheriff for the county of Nestvest, Member of the
Second Hague Conference.
Dominican Republic— Dr. FRANCISCO HENRIQUEZ Y CARVAJAL, late
Minister for Foreign Affairs, Member of the Hague Court and of the Second
Hague Conference.
M. RAFAEL J. CASTILLO, President of the Supreme Court of Justice,
Member of the Hague Court.
M. ELISEO GRULL.6N, late Minister for Foreign Affairs, Member of the
Hague Court.
OFFICERS, COUNCIL, AND SUPPORTERS xxi
Ecuador— M. E. DORN Y DE ALSUA, Member of the Second Hague Con-
ference, Charg-^ d'Affaires in Paris.
General JULIO ANDRADE, Deputy, late Minister of Public Instruction,
Minister of Ecuador at Bogota, Member of the Hague Court.
France— M. LEON BOURGEOIS, late Prime Minister and President of the
Chamber of Deputies, Member of the Hague Court and of both Hague
Conferences.
Baron D'ESTOURNELLES DE CONSTANT, Senator, Member of
both Hague Conferences, Member of the Hague Court, President of the
Conciliation Internationale, Nobel Peace Prize.
M. ALBERT DECRAIS, Senator, late Ambassador and Colonial Minister,
Member of the Hague Court.
M. MARCELLIN PELLET, French Minister at The Hague, Member of the
Second Hague Conference.
M. LOUIS RENAULT, Membre de Tlnstitut, Member of both Hague Con-
ferences, Member of the Hague Court, Nobel Peace Prize, Professor of
International Law.
Germany — Dr. L. v. BAR, Member of the Hague Court, Hon. Member of the
Institute of International Law, Professor of International Law.
Dr. PHILIPP ZORN, Senator, Member of both Hague Conferences,
Professor of International Law.
Greece— M. A. TYPALDO-BASSIA, late President ad interim of Greek Parlia-
ment, Member of the Hague Court, Professor of Economics.
Prof. Dr. MICHEL KEBEDGY, Judge of the Court of Appeal at Alexandria,
Member of the Hague Court.
M. CLEON RIZO RANGABE, Greek Minister in Berlin, Member of the
Second Hague Conference.
M. GEORGES STREIT, Member of the Second Hague Conference, Member
of the Hague Court, Professor of International Law.
Guatemala— M. ANTONIO BATRES JAUREGUI, late Minister of State,
Member of the Hague Court.
M. LUIS TOLEDO HERRARTE, Minister of Guatemala at Washington,
Member of the Hague Court.
M. MANUEL CABRAL, late Minister of State, President of the Judiciary
Power, Member of the Hague Court.
Haiti— M. JEAN JOSEPH DALBEMAR, late Haytian Minister in Paris,
Member of the Second Hague Conference.
M. TERTULLIEN GUILBAUD, late Chief of Cabinet, late Senator,
Member of the Hague Court.
M. PIERRE HUDICOURT, Member of the Second Hague Conference,
Batonnier de 1'Ordre des Avocats de Port-au-Prince, late Professor of Inter-
national Law.
M. JACQUES NICOLAS LEGER, late Minister of Hayti in Washington,
Member of the Hague Court, Member of the Second Hague Conference,
President of the Port-au-Prince Society for Legislation.
General LEGITIME, late President of the Republic of Hayti, Member of the
Hague Court.
M. SOLON MENOS, late Minister of Finance, Commerce, Justice, and
Foreign Affairs, Member of the Hague Court.
Hungary— Count ALBERT APPONYI, Deputy, late Minister of Public Educa-
tion, late Speaker, Member of the Hague Court.
M. ALBERT DE BERZEVICZY, President of the Chamber of Deputies,
President of the Hungarian Academy of Sciences, Member of Hague Court.
Italy— M. GUIDO FUSINATO, Deputy, Councillor of State, late Minister of
Public Instruction, Member of the Second Hague Conference, Member of
the Hague Court, late Professor of International Law.
tM. ANGELO MAJORANA, Deputy, late Minister of Finance, Member of
the Hague Court, Professor of International Law.
tM. AUGUSTE PIERANTONI, LL.D. (Oxford and Edinburgh), Senator,
late President of the Institute of International Law, Member of the Hague
Court, Professor of International Law.
tM. GUIDO POMPILJ, Deputy, Under Secretary of State for Foreign
Affairs, Member of both Hague Conferences.
xxii UNIVERSAL RACES CONGRESS
Japan— Baron Dr. ITCHIRO MOTONO, Japanese Ambassador at St. Peters-
burg, Member of the Hague Court and of the First Hague Conference.
M. AIMARO SATO, Japanese Minister at The Hague, Member of the
Second Hague Conference.
M. KEIROKU TSUDZUKI, Member of the Second Hague Conference.
Luxemburg— TA. EYSCHEN, The Minister of State, President of the Grand-
Ducal Government, Member of both Hague Conferences.
Mexico— M.. FRANCISCO L. DE LA BARRA, Mexican Ambassador at Wash-
ington, Member of the Second Hague Conference.
M. JOAQUIN D. CASASUS, late Ambassador at Washington, late Director of
the National School of Jurisprudence of Mexico, Member of the Hague Court.
M. GONZALO A. ESTEVA, Mexican Minister in Rome, Member of the
Second Hague Conference.
Dr. JOAQUIN OBREGON GONZALEZ, Governor of the State of
Guanajuato, Member of the Hague Court.
M. JOSE IVES LIMANTOUR, Secretary of State in the Ministry of
Finance, Member of the Hague Court.
M. PABLO MACEDO, Deputy, President of the Monetary Commission,
Director of the National School of Law, Member of the Hague Court.
M. SEBASTIAN B. de MIER, Mexican Minister in Paris, Member of the
Second Hague Conference.
Netherlands— M. T. M. C. ASSER, Minister of State, Member of the Council
of State, Member of the Hague Court and of both Hague Conferences,
Foundation Member and Hon. Member of Institute of International Law.
The JONKHEER G. L. M. R. RUYS DE BEERENBROUCK, late
Minister of Justice, Queen's Commissioner in the Province of Limburg,
Member of the Hague Court.
M. F. B. CONINCK LIEFSTING, late President of the Court of Cassation,
Member of the Hague Court.
The JONKHEER DEN BEER PORTUGAEL, Lieutenant-General, late
Minister of War, Member of the Council of State, Member of the First and
Second Hague Conferences.
The JONKHEER J. A. ROELL, Vice-Admiral retired, Aide-de-Camp to
Her Majesty, late Minister of Marine, Member of the Second Hague Con-
ference, First Naval Delegate to the Naval Conference in London.
Nicaragua— M. CRISANTO MEDINA, Minister of Nicaragua in Paris,
Member of the Hague Court and of the Second Hague Conference.
M. DESIRE PECTOR, Member of the Hague Court, Consul-General for
France of Nicaragua and Honduras.
Norway— M. JOACHIM GRIEG, late Deputy, Member of Second Hague
Conference.
Dr. FRANCIS HAGERUP, late Premier, Norwegian Minister at Copen-
hagen, Member of the Second Hague Conference, Member of the Hague
Court, Member of the Storting Nobel Committee.
M. H. J. HORST, late Deputy, late President of" Lagting," Member of Inter-
Parliamentary Council, Member of the Nobel Committee of the-" Storting,"
Member of the International Peace Bureau, Member of the Hague Court.
Dr. SIGURD IBSEN, late Minister of State, Member of the Hague Court.
Dr. CHRISTIAN L. LANGE, Member of the Second Hague Conference,
General Secretary of the Inter-Parliamentary Union.
Panama— M. BELISARIO PORRAS, Envoy Extraordinary, Member of the
Second Hague Conference.
Persia -M. MIRZA HASSAN-KHAN MUCHIR-UL-DEVLET, Minister of
Justice, Member of the Hague Court.
M. MIRZA AHMED KHAN SADIGHUL MULK, Persian Minister at the
Hague, Member of the Second Hague Conference.
M. MIRZA SAMAD-KHAN MOMTAZOS SALTANEH, Persian Minister
m Paris, Member of the Hague Court and of both Hague Conferences.
Portugal— M. ALBERTO D'OLIVEIRA, late Portuguese Minister at Berne,
Member of the Second Hague Conference.
M. FERNANDO MATTOSO SANTOS, late Minister of Finance and of
Foreign AfTairs, Member of the Hague Court.
OFFICERS, COUNCIL, AND SUPPORTERS xxiii
MARQUIS DE SOVERAL, G.C.M.G., Councillor of State, late Minister
for Foreign Affairs, late Portuguese Ambassador in London, Member of
the Second Hague Conference.
Xoumania—M. CONSTANTIN G. DISSESCU, Senator, late Minister of
Justice and of Education, Member of the Hague Court, Member of the
Inter- Parliamentary Council, Professor of Law.
Dr. JEAN KALINDERU, late President of the High Court of Cassation and
Justice, Member of the Roumanian Academy, Administrator of the Crown
Domains, Member of the Hague Court.
M. THEODORE G. ROSETTI, late Premier, late President of the High
Court of Cassation, Member of the Hague Court.
Xussta—M. J. OVTCHINNIKOW, Professor of International Law, Member
of both Hague Conferences.
M. NICOLAS TCHARYKOW, Russian Ambassador at Constantinople,
Member of the Second Hague Conference.
Salvador— M. PEDRO J. MATHEU, Consul-General of Salvador in Spain,
Member of the Hague Court and of the Second Hague Conference.
Servia— General SAVA GROUITCH, late President of the Council of State,
Member of the Second Hague Conference.
M. MILOVAN MILOVANOVITCH, Minister for Foreign Affairs, Member of
the Hague Court and of the Second Hague Conference, late Professor of Law.
M. MILENKO R. VESNITCH, Servian Minister for France and
Belgium, late Minister of Justice, late President of the Skouptchina,
Member of the Hague Court, late Professor of International Law.
Spain— M. GABRIEL MAURA Y GAMAZO, Comte de la Mortera, Deputy,
Member of the Second Hague Conference.
M. EDUARDO DATO IRADIER, President of the Chamber of Deputies,
late Minister of the Interior and of Justice, Member of the Hague Court.
M. RAFAEL M. DE LABRA, Senator, Director of Primary Instruction,
Member of the Hague Court, Member of the Institute of International Law;
M. RAFAEL DE URENA Y SMENJAUD, Member of the Hague Court,
Professor of Law.
M. WENCESLAO RAMIREZ DE VILLA URRUTIA, Senator, late
Minister for Foreign Affairs, Spanish Ambassador in London, Member of
both Hague Conferences.
Sweden,- M. JOHAN FREDRIK IVAR AFZELIUS, Deputy, President of the
Commission for the Revision of the Law, late Judge of the Supreme Court,
Member of the Hague Court.
M. KNUT HJALMAR LEpNARD DE HAMMARSKJOLD, late Minister
of Justice and of Education, late Swedish Minister at Copenhagen, late
President of the Court of Appeal of Jonkoping, Governor of the Province of
Upsala, Member of the Hague Court and of the Second Hague Conference,
late Professor of Law.
Switzerland— M. GASTON CARLIN, Swiss Minister in London, Member of
the Second Hague Conference.
Dr. EUGEN HUBER, Member of the National Council, Member of the
Hague Court, Professor of Law.
Dr. MAX HUBER, Member of Second Hague Conference, Professor of Law.
Turkey— M. SAID BEY, President of the Legislative Section of the Council of
State, Member of the Hague Court.
GABRIEL EFFENDI NORADOUNGHIAN, Senator, late Minister of
Commerce and Public Works, Member of the Hague Court.
MOUSTAFA RECHID PASHA, Turkish Ambassador at Vienna, Member
of the Second Hague Conference.
TURKHAN PASHA, Ottoman Ambassador at St. Petersburg, Member of
the Second Hague Conference.
United States— The, Hon. JOSEPH H. CHOATE, LL.D., late United States
Ambassador to Great Britain, Member of the Second Hague Conference.
The Hon. GEORGE B. DAVIS, Judge Attorney General, Member of the
Second Hague Conference. --'J •:-
The Hon. JOHN W. GRIGGS, late Attorney-General, Member of the Hague
Court.
xxiv UNIVERSAL RACES CONGRESS
The Hon. HORACE PORTER, late United States Ambassador in Paris,
Member of the Second Hague Conference.
The Hon. URIAH M. ROSE, Ambassador Extraordinary, Member of the
Second Hague Conference.
Uruguay— Dr. GONZALO RAMIREZ, Minister of Uruguay at Buenos-Ayres,
Professor of International Law in the University of Montevideo, Member
of the Hague Court.
Venezuela— Dr. FRANCISCO ARROYO PAREJO, Legal Adviser at the
Ministry for Public Works, Professor of Civil Law at the University of
Caracas, Member of the Hague Court.
Dr. CARLOS LEON, late Minister of Public Instruction, late Governor
of the Federal District, late Judge at the Court of Cassation, Professor
of Sociology and Economics at the University of Caracas, Member of the
Hague Court.
General MANUEL ANTONIO MATOS, late Minister of State, late President
of the Senate, Member of the Hague Court.
//. Presidents of Parliaments
(At the time of acceptance — A la date d 'adhesion.)
Argentina— M. B. VILLANUEVA, President of the Senate.
Belgium— M. le VICOMTE SIMONIS, President of the Senate.
M. COOREMAN, President of the Chamber of Deputies.
Brazil— M. QUINTINO BOCAYUVA, President of the Senate.
Bulgaria— Dr. P. ORACHNOWAC, President of the National Assembly.
Canada— The Hon. CHARLES MARCIL, M.P., LL.D., Speaker of the House
of Commons of Canada.
Costa Rica— M. RICARDO JIMENEZ, President of the Chamber of Deputies,
President of the Republic for 1910-1914.
Denmark— Dr. CARL GOOS, President of the Senate.
M. CHR. SONNE, (late) President of the Senate.
M. A. THOMSEN, President of Folketing.
France— M. ANTONIN DUBOST, President of the Senate.
M. HENRI BRISSON, President of the Chamber of Deputies.
Germany— Graf v. SCHWERIN-LOWITZ, President of the Reichstag.
ffayti—M. F. P. PAULIN, President of the Senate.
M. GERSON DESROSIER, President of the National Assembly.
Hungary— Count ALBIN CSAKY, President of the Chamber of Magnates.
M. ALBERT DE BERZEVICZY, President of the Chamber of Deputies.
(See also Section I.)
Count AURELE DESSEVFFY, (late) President of the Chamber of Magnates.
Dr. ALEXANDER GAL, (late) President of the Chamber of Deputies.
Japan— M. S. HASEBA, President of the Chamber of Deputies.
Netherlands— M. I. E. N. Baron SCHIMMELPENNINCK VAN DER OYE
DE HOEVELAKEN, President of the Senate.
Portugal— M. JOSE JOAQUIM MENDES LEAL, President of the House of
Deputies, late Civil Governor.
Roumania— General C. BUDISTEANU, President of the Senate.
M. PHEREKYDE, President of the Chamber of Deputies.
Russia— M. N. A. HOMIAKOFF, late President of the Duma of the Empire.
Servia— M. A. NIKOLITCH, President of the Chamber of Deputies.
Spain— M. le MARQUIS de AZCARRAGA, President of the Senate.
M. EDUARDO DATO IRADIER, President of the Chamber of Deputies
(See also Section I.)
Sweden— M. CHR. LUNDEBERG, President of the First Chamber.
Switzerland— Dr. VIRGILE ROSSEL, President of the National Council
Professor at the University of Berne.
Dr. PAUL USTERI, President of the State Council.
Turkey— His Highness SAID PASHA, President of Senate, late Grand Vizier.
M. AHMED RIZA, President of the Chamber of Deputies.
OFFICERS, COUNCIL, AND SUPPORTERS xxv
///. Rulers, Ministers of State, Governors, and A mbassadors*
(At the time of acceptance — A la date d'adh^sion.)
Argentina— Dr. V. DE LA PLAZA, Minister for Foreign Affairs.
Belgium— M. le COMTE de LALAING, Belgian Minister in London.
M. J. RENKIN, Minister for Colonial Affairs.
Bolivia— M. D. SANCHEZ BUSTAMENTE, Minister for Foreign Affairs.
Brazil— W.. le MARECHAL HERMES da FONSECA, President of the Re-
public.
Bulgaria— M. HEDJI MISCHEFF, Bulgarian Charge d'Affaires in London.
General PAPRIKOFF, Bulgarian Minister for Foreign Affairs.
China— M. YIN-CH'ANG, Chinese Minister in Berlin.
M. LI CHING FONG, K.C.V.O., Chinese Minister in London.
M. WOU TSUNG-LIEN, Chinese Minister at Rome.
Colombia— M. C. CALDERON, (late) Minister for Foreign Affairs.
Denmark— M. LIMPRICHT, Governor of the Danish West India Islands.
France— M.. G. ANGOULVANT, C.M.G., Governor of French Ivory Coast.
M. VICTOR AUGAGNEUR, Governor-General of Madagascar.
M. DIDELOT, Administrator of Saint-Pierre and Miquelon.
M. LIOTARD, Lt.-Governor of French Guinea.
M. PASCAL, Governor of French Somaliland.
Germany — Dr. ALBERT HAHL, Governor of German New Guinea.
Dr. SOLF, Governor of Samoan Islands.
Great Britain— Admiral Sir DAY H. BOSANQUET, G.C.V.O., K.C.B., J.P.,
D.L., Governor of South Australia.
Sir CAVENDISH BOYLE, K.C.M.G., Governor and Commander-in-Chief
of Mauritius.
The Hon. ALFRED DEAKIN, Prime Minister of the Commonwealth of
Australia.
Sir THOMAS DAVID GIBSON-CARMICHAEL, Bart., K.C.M.G., M.A.,
D.L., Governor of Victoria.
Lt.-Colonel HENRY LIONEL GALLWEY, C.M.G., D.S.O., Governor of
St. Helena.
His Highness the RAJA OF KANIKA.
Sir EVERARD im THURN, K.C.M.G., C.B., Governor of Fiji and High
Commissioner of the Western Pacific.
The Hon. WILLIAM KIDSTON, Prime Minister of Queensland.
Sir GEORGE R. LE HUNTE, K.C.M.G., Governor and Commander-in-Chief
of Trinidad and Tobago.
Sir JAMES H. S. LOCKHART, K.C.M.G., Commissioner of Waihaiwai.
Sir WILLIAM MAcGREGOR, G.C.M.G., C.B., M.D., D.Sc., LL.D.,
F.F.P.S., Governor of Queensland.
His Highness THE MAHARAJA BAHADUR of Darbhanga, K.C.I.E.
His Highness THE MAHARAJADHIRAJA, Bahadur of Burdwan.
His Highness MAHARAJA SAYAJIRAO GAEKWAR OF BARODA,
G. C.S.I., etc., etc.
The Right Hon. Sir FREDERICK ROBERT' MOOR, P.C., K.C.M.G.,
D.C.L., LL.D., M.L.A., Prime Minister of Natal.
Lt.-Col. Sir N. J. MOORE, K.C.M.G., Premier of Western Australia.
The Hon. J. H. P. MURRAY, Lt.-Governor of Papua.
The Hon. JOHN MURRAY, Premier of Victoria.
His Highness THE NAWAB of Dacca.
Sir SYDNEY OLIVIER, K.C.M.G., Governor of Jamaica.
The Hon. A. C. RUTHERFORD, Prime Minister of Alberta, Canada.
Lieut.-Col. Sir JAMES HAYES SADLER, K.C.M.G., C.B., Governor and
Commander-in-Chief of Windward Islands.
The Hon. J. W. SAUER, M.L.D., Minister of Railways and Harbours of the
Dominion of United South Africa.
His Highness RAJA AIPUDAMAN SINGH of NABHA, G.C.S.I., G.C.I.E.
* See also under Sections I. and II. — Voir aussi Sections I. et II.
xxvi UNIVERSAL RACES CONGRESS
Colonel Sir ERIC JOHN EAGLES SWAYNE, K.C.M.G., C.B., Governor
of British Honduras.
The Hon. CHARLES GREGORY WADE, K.C., Prime Minister of New
South Wales.
The Right Hon. Sir JOSEPH G. WARD, K.C.M.G., LL.D., Premier of
New Zealand.
Greece— M. J. GENNADIUS, Greek Minister in London.
Guatemala— M. ESTRADA CABRERA, .President of the Republic.
Hayti—M. MURAT CLAUDE, Minister for Foreign Affairs and Public
Instruction.
M. C. FOUCHARD, Haytian Minister in Berlin.
M. GEORGES SYLVAIN, Haytian Minister in Paris.
M. DURACINE VAVAL, Haytian Minister in London.
Honduras— General MIGUEL R. DAVILA, President of the Republic.
Dr. LUIS LAZO ARRIAGA, Minister of Honduras at Washington.
Italy— M. L. CREDARO, Minister of Public Instruction.
Liberia— M. ARTHUR BARCLAY, President of the Republic.
M. J. CROMMELIN, Liberian Minister in London.
M. M. DINKLAGE, Charge d 'Affaires for Liberia in Germany.
The Hon. F. E. R. JOHNSON, Secretary of State.
Mexico— M. MIGUEL COVARRUBIAS, Mexican Minister in London.
Netherlands — Dr. D. FOCK, Governor of Surinam, late Colonial Minister,
Member of the Institut Colonial International.
Baron GERICKE VAN HERWIJNEN, Netherlands Minister in London.
M. J.-H. de WAAL MALEFYT, Minister for Colonial Affairs.
Dr. Th. J. A. NUYENS, Governor of Cura?ao, West Indies.
Baron A. J. QUARLES DE QUARLES, Governor of Island of Celebes.
Nicaragua— M. JOS£ MADRIZ, President of the Republic.
Persia— M. HAKIM-EL-MOLK, Minister of Public Instruction.
M. MAHMOUD KHAN, Persian Minister at Brussels, Corresponding
Member of the Lisbon Geographical Society.
M. MIRZA MEHDI KHAN MUSHIR-UL-MULK, Persian Minister in
London.
M. MOHTACHEMOS-SALTANEH, Minister for Foreign Affairs.
M. MIRZA MOUSTAPHA KHAN SAFAOL MEMALEK, Persian Minister
in Vienna
M. ISAAC KHAN MOFAKHAM-ED-DOVLEH, Persian Minister at Rome.
M. MOKHBER-ES-SALTANEH, Governor-General of Azerbaijan (Tabriz).
M. MIRZA MAHMOUD KHAN EHTECHAM-OS-SALTANE, Persian
Minister in Berlin.
M. VUSOUK ED DAULEH, Minister of Justice.
Peru— M. EDUARDO LEMBCKE, Charge d'Affaires of Peru in London.
Portugal— M. A. A. FREIRE D'ANDRADE, Governor-General of Portuguese
East Africa.
M. MAGALHAES LIMA, Portugese Minister in London.
M. MARQUES, Governor of Macao.
M. ROCADAS, Governor of Angola.
Roumania — M. A. C. CATARGI, Roumanian Minister in London.
Salvador— General F. FIGUEROA, President of the Republic.
Servia.— M. S. Y. GROUITCH, Servian Charg<$ d'Affaires.
Siam— The Ven. P. C. JINAVARAVANSA, S'yam Rajakumara Nayaka
Thera, M.R.A.S. (the late Col. Prince Prisdang, C.M.G., etc., of Siam),
Ratna Chetiyarama, Colombo.
Spain— M. .FIDE LEON Y CASTILLO, MARQUIS DEL MUNI, Senator,
late Minister of State, Spanish Ambassador in Paris.
Sweden— Count H. WRANGEL, Swedish Minister in London.
Turkey— NAOUM PASHA, Turkish Ambassador in Paris.
RIFAAT PASHA, Minister for Foreign Affairs.
TEWF1K PASHA, Turkish Ambassador in London.
Ventsuela— General JUAN VICENTE GOMEZ, President of the Republic.
United States- T. J. O'BRIEN, LL.D., United States Ambassador at Tokyo.
OFFICERS, COUNCIL, AND SUPPORTERS xxvii
HON. GENERAL COMMITTEE.
President :
PROF. FELIX ABLER, New York.
Vice-Presidents :
PROF. FELIX v. LUSCHAN, Berlin. SIR EDWARD BUSK, London.
BARON D'ESTOURNELLES DE CONSTANT, Paris.
His HIGHNESS PRINCE DE CASSANO, Rome.
AFGHANISTAN.
Fakir SYED IFTIKHARUDDIN, British Agent at Kaboul.
ARGENTINA.
Dr. F. AMEGHINO, Director National Natural History Museum at Buenos Ayres.
Prof. EDUARDO L. BIDAU, Argentine Delegate to the fourth Pan-American Con-
gress (International Law, U. of Buenos Ayres).
M. NESTOR CARETO, Cordova.
Dr. MANUEL DESSEIN, Buenos Ayres.
M.ViCTOR O. DIARD, Buenos Ayres, President-General of the Universal Scientific
Alliance for America.
M. AUGUSTE LAPPA, Buenos Ayres.
Dr. GUILLERMO MATTI, Buenos Ayres.
Prof. Dr. ENRIQUE MARTINEZ PAZ (Sociology, U. of Cordova).
Prof. ARNAUD SARRAT, Buenos Ayres.
M. THEODORE SOURDILLE, Mathematician, Cordova.
Prof. Jos£ LEON SUAREZ (International Law, U. of Buenos Ayres).
AUSTRIA.
Prof. Dr. J. DE BLOCISZEWSKI (Diplomatic History and International Law,
Consular Academy, Vienna).
Dr. RUDOLF EISLER, Secretary of the Vienna Sociological Society, Editor of
" Philos.-Sociologische Biicherei."
M. ALFRED H. FRIED, Vienna, Editor of Friedenswarte, Member of the Inter-
national Peace Bureau.
Prof. Dr. RUDOLF GEYER (Arabic, U . of Vienna).
Dr. RUDOLF GOLDSCHEID, Sociological Society of Vienna.
Prof. Dr. HANS GROSS (Law, U. of Graz).
Prof. Dr. MAX GRUNERT, Rector of the German University in Prague.
Prof. Dr. WLADYSLAW HEINRICH (Philosophy, U. of Cracow).
Dr. FRIEDRICH HERTZ, Vienna, Author.
Prof. Dr. MAURICE HOERNES (Prehistorical Archaeology, U. of Vienna).
Prof. Baron ALEXANDER v. HOLD-FERNECK (International Law, U. of Vienna).
Prof. Dr. FRIEDRICH JODL (Philosophy, U. of Vienna).
Prof. Dr. J. KlRSTE (Oriental Philology, U. of Graz).
Prof. Dr. RUDOLF KOBATSCH (Commercial Politics, Konsular Akademie, Vienna).
Prof. Dr. KARL KRETSCHMER (Comparative Philology, U. of Vienna).
Prof. T. G. MASARYK, Member of Reichsrat (Philosophy, U. of Prague).
Prof. Dr. ALEXIUS MEINONG (Philosophy, U. of Graz).
Dr. JULIUS OFNER, Vienna, Member of Reichsrat.
Dr. ALBERT REIBMAYER, Brixen, Tyrol.
Prof Dr. EMIL REICH (Aesthetics, U. of Vienna).
Count MICHEL ROSTWOROWSKI, Associate of the Institut de Droit International
(Constitutional and International Law, U. of Cracow).
Prof. Dr. FRANCO SAVORGNAN (Economics, Higher Commercial School, Trieste).
Father WILHELM SCHMIDT, S.V.D., Editor of Anthropos, Modling, Vienna.
xxviii UNIVERSAL RACES CONGRESS
Prof. Dr. LEO STRISOWER (International Law, U. of Vienna).
Baroness BERTHA V. SUTTNER, Vienna, Authoress, Hon. President of the Inter-
national Peace Bureau, Nobel Prize Laureate.
Prof. Dr. M.WlNTERNlTZ(£'//&»0/<?gj'and Indian Philology, German U. of Prague).
BELGIUM.
Prof. MAURICE ANSIAUX (Economics, U. of Brussels).
Prof. Dr. BONMARIAGE (Colonial Hygiene, Institut des Hautes Etudes, Brussels).
Prof. JEAN C APART (Egyptology, U. of Liege).
The Very Rev. Father A. DE CLERCQ, Scheut, Rector of the Seminaire des Mis-
sions Etrangeres.
Prof. HECTOR DENIS (Philosophy, U. of Brussels).
M. V. DENYN, Brussels, Director- General at the Belgian Colonial Office and Chief
of the Colonial Minister's Cabinet.
Prof. R. DE RIDDER (International Law, U. of Ghent).
M. DESTR£E, Deputy, Brussels.
Prof. Dr. EMILE DE WILDEMAN, General Secretary of the Third International
Congress of Botany.
M. NORBERT DIDERRICH, Brussels, Member of Colonial Council, Member of
Institut Colonial International.
Dr. GUSTAVE DRYEPONDT, Brussels, Associate of Institut Colonial International.
Prof. L. DUPRIEZ, Member of Colonial Council (Comparative Law, U. of Louvain).
M. PAUL ERRERA, Rector of Brussels University, Associate Institut de Droit
International (Public Law, U. of Brussels).
M. LEON FURNEMONT, Brussels, Barrister, Deputy.
Prof. GOFFART (Economics and Industrial Geography, U. of Ghent).
Prof. TH. COLLIER (Japanese, U. of Li&ge).
M. MICHEL HALEWYCK, Brussels, Director at the Belgian Colonial Office of
Belgium, Second Secretary of Belgian Colonial Council.
Prof. Dr. E. HOUZ6 (Anthropology, U. of Brussels).
Prof. MICHEL HUISMAN (History and Economic Geography, U. of Brussels).
Dr. JULES INGENBLEEK, Brussels, Private Secretary to Their Majesties the King
and Queen of Belgium.
M. T. JANSON, Brussels, Deputy, late Batonnier.
M. CAMILLE JANSSEN, late Governor-General of the Belgian Congo, General
Secretary of the International Colonial Institute.
M. H. LA FONTAINE, Senator, President of the International Peace Bureau (Inter-
national Law, U. of Brussels).
M. AUG. HOUZEAU DE LEHAIE, Senator, Member and Treasurer of the Inter-
Parliamentary Council.
M. MAURICE MAETERLINCK, Author, Grasse (France).
Prof. ERNEST MAHAIM (International Law, U. of Liege).
M. PAUL OTLET, Brussels, General Sec. of Institut International de Bibliographic
and of Office Central des Institutions Internationales.
M. CYRIL VAN OVERBERGH, Brussels, Director-General for Higher Education,
President of the Belgian Sociological Society, President of the Provisory
International Bureau of Ethnography.
Prof. P. POULLET, Deputy, Associate of the Institut de Droit International (Inter-
national Law, U. of Louvain)
M. ADOLPHE PRINS, Inspector-General of Belgian Prisons, President of the Union
Internationale de Droit Pe*nal (Law, U. of Brussels).
Pro£ ALBERIC ROLIN, General Secretary of the Institute of International Law
(International Law, U. of Ghent).
M. HENRI ROLIN, Judge (Law, U. of Brussels).
M. F. C. DE SKEEL-GIORLING, Brussels, Editor of Revuo de la Kongresoj.
Prof. H. SPEYER, Member of Colonial Council, Associate of Institut Colonial
International (Criminal Law, U. of Brussels).
Colonel THYS, Brussels, President of the Compagnie du chemin de fer du Congo,
Member of the Institut Colonial International.
M. J. VAN DEN GHEYN, S.J., Brussels, Chief Librarian Royal Library of Belgium.
Prof. A. VERMEERSCH, S.J. (Moral Theology, Theological College, Louvain).
M. G. VOUCHARD, Brussels, Editor of Mouvement Giiographique.
OFFICERS, COUNCIL, AND SUPPORTERS xxix
M. A. J. WAUTERS, Brussels, General Sec. of Congo Railway, Member of the
Belgian Royal Academy, Associate of Institut Colonial International.
Prof. E. WAXWEILER, Director of the Institut de Sociologie, Brussels.
BRAZIL.
Madame AMELIA DE FREITAS BEVILAQUA, Author, Rio de Janeiro.
Prof. JOAO BAPTISTE DE LACERDA, Director National Museum of Rio de Janeiro.
M. JACQUES HUBER, Ph.D., Pard, Director of Museo Goeldi de Historia Natural
e Ethnographia.
BULGARIA.
M. STEFAN S. BOBTCHEV, Deputy, President of the Soci^te" Slave and of the
Socie'te' des Publicistes Bulgares (History of Law, U. of Sophia).
Prof. Dr. T. GH£ORGOV (Philosophy, U. of Sophia).
Prof. Dr. ISIRKOL (Geography, U. of Sophia).
Prof. M. POPOVILIEV, Dean of Faculty of Law (International Law, U. of Sophia).
CHILE.
M. ANTONIO HUNEEUS, Santiago, late Minister for Foreign Affairs.
M. MARCIAL MARTINEZ, LL.D. (of Yale and Edinburgh).
Prof. CARLOS E. PORTER, Director of the Natural History Museum of Valparaiso.
CHINA.
C. W. CAMPBELL, C.M.G., F.R.A.I., British Legation, Peking.
COSTA RICA.
Dr. THEODORE PICADO MARIN, San Jose.
DENMARK.
Prof. Dr. DINES ANDERSEN (Indian Philology, U. of Copenhagen).
M. FREDRIK BAJER, Copenhagen, late Hon. President of the International Peace
Bureau, Nobel Prize Laureate, Member of Inter-Parliamentary Council.
Commodore E. BLUHME, Norlund, late Deputy, Member of the Danish Committee
of the Inter-Parliamentary Union.
M. JENS CHRISTIAN CHRISTENSEN, Copenhagen, late Prime Minister, Member
of the Danish Committee of the Inter-Parliamentary Union.
M. CARL Goos, late Minister of Justice, Member of Institut de Droit International.
Prof. Dr. HARALD HOEFFDING (Philosophy, U. of Copenhagen).
Prof. Dr. VILHELM THOMSEN, Hon. M.R.A.S., President of the Royal Danish
Academy (Comparative Philology, U. of Copenhagen).
DOMINICAN REPUBLIC.
General CASIMIRO N. DE MOYA, Santo Domingo.
EGYPT.
Dr. M. MUHAMMAD BADRE, F.R.S.E., M.R.A.S., Cairo, of Edinburgh and Bonn
Universities.
His Excellency HASSAN SABRY BEY, Cairo.
His Excellency Shiek ALY YUSIF, Cairo, Editor-Proprietor of Al-Moayad,
President of the Constitutional Reform League.
FRANCE.
M. EMILE ARNAUD, Luzarches, Notary, General President of the Ligue Interna-
tionale de la Paix et de la Libert^, Vice-President International Peace Bureau.
M. ALFRED BARRIOL, General Secretary of the Societe de Statistique of Paris.
M. GUILLAUME LE BARS, Barrister, Vitry-le-Frangois.
M. AUGUSTE BARTH, Paris, Membre de 1'Institut.
Prof. BASDEVANT (International Law, U. of Grenoble).
M. CHARLES BEAUQUIER, Deputy, Vice-President of the Parliamentary Peace
Group, President of the Franco-Italian League, and Hon. President of the
Franco-Ottoman League.
Prof. ALEXIS BERTRAND (Philosophy, U. of Lyons).
xxx UNIVERSAL RACES CONGRESS
Prof. P. VIDAL DE LA BLACHE, Membre de PInstitut (Geography, U. of Paris).
Prof. CHARLES DE BOECK (International Law, U. of Bordeaux).
M. LEON BOLLACK, Paris, President of the Paris section of the Association de la
Paix par le Droit, Author of La Langue Bleue.
Prof. EMILE BOREL, Editor of Revue du Mots (MatJtematics, U. of Paris).
Dr. RODOLPHE BRODA, Paris, Editor of Les Documents du Progrh.
Prof. LUCIEN LEVY BRUHL (Philosophy, U. of Paris).
Prof. LEON BRUNSCHVICG (Philosophy, U. of Paris).
M. FERDINAND BUISSON, Paris, Deputy, Member Inter- Parliamentary Council.
Prof. PAUL BUREAU (International Law, Faculte libre de Droit, Paris).
Prof. JULES CABOUAT (International Law, U. of Caen).
Prof. J. CHAILLEY, Deputy, Director-General of the French Colonial Union,
Member of the Institut Colonial International (Comparative Colonisation,
Ecole des Sciences Politiques, Paris).
Prof. ALFRED CHRETIEN, Associate of the Institute of International Law (Inter-
national Law, U. of Nancy).
M. ARTHUR CHUQUET, Membre de 1'Institut (History and Germanic Languages,
U. of Paris).
Prof. AMBROISE COLIN (Comparative Law, U. of Paris).
Dr. REN 6 COLLIGNON, Hon. F.R.A.I., Cherbourg.
M. GABRIEL COMPAYRE, Paris, Membre de PInstitut.
Prof. LOUIS COUTURAT (Philosophy, U. of Paris).
Prof. JOSEPH DELPECH (International Law, U. of Dijon).
Dr. J. DENIKER, Hon. F.R.A.I., Paris, Librarian of the Museum d'Histoire Naturelle.
M. PAUL DESCHANEL, Paris, Deputy, Member of the Academic Franchise, late
President of the Chamber of Deputies.
Prof. L. DUGUIT (International Law, U. of Bordeaux).
Prof. EMILE DURKHEIM (Sociology, U. of Paris).
Prof. E. DOUTT£ (Mohammedan Civilisation, Ecole Superieure des Lettres, Algiers).
M. PAUL FAUCHILLE, Sceaux, Editor of the Revue Gdnerale de Droit Inter-
national Public.
M. JEAN FINOT, Paris, Editor of La Revue.
M. ALFRED FOUILLEE, Mentone, Membre de PInstitut.
M. LUCIEN LE FOYER, Deputy, Vice-President Association de la Paix par le Droit.
Prof. E. F. GAUTIER (Comparative Philology, Ecole des Lettres, Algiers).
Prof. HENRI GERARD (International Law, U. of Algiers).
Prof. GILBERT GIDEL (International Law, U. of Rennes).
Prof. ARTHUR GIRAULT, Member of the Institut Colonial International (Colonial
Legislation, U. of Poitiers).
Prof. J. HALEVY (Egyptology, Ecole Pratique des Hautes Etudes, Paris).
M. CLEMENT HUART, Professeur a PEcole des Langues Orientales Vivantes
Directeur deludes a PEcole Pratique des Hautes Etudes, Paris.
Prof. JULES JACQUEY (International Law, U. of Lille).
M. EMILE LABICHE, Paris, Senator, President of the French Inter- Parliamentary
Peace Group, Member of Inter- Parliamentary Council.
Prof. A. DE LAPRADELLE, Editor of the Revue de Droit International Prive, and
Co-Editor of the Recueil des Arbitrages Internationaux (International Law,
U. of Paris).
M. PAbbe^ ADRIEN LAUNAY, Se"minaire des Missions Etrangeres, Paris.
Sa Grandeur Msgr. ALEXANDRE LE ROY, Paris, Eveque d'Alinda, Supdrieur
GeneYal de la Congregation du St.-Esprit.
M. le Vicomte COMBES DE LESTRADE, Paris, Member of the International Institute
of Sociology.
Prof. E. LEVASSKUR, Membre de PInstitut, Administrator of the College de France
(Economic History and Statistics, U. of Paris).
Prof. L. MANOUVKIER, Hon. F.R.A.I. (Anthropology, Ecole d'Anthropologie,
Paris).
Prof. C. MELINAND (Ethics, Ecole Normale Supdrieure, St. Cloud).
M. GASTON MOCH, Paris, Member of the International Peace Bureau, Hon.
President of the Institut International de la Paix of Monaco, and Member of
the Paris Committee for the Defence and Protection of Aborigines.
Prof. GABRIEL MONOD, Membre de PInstitut, President of the Historical and
Philological Section at the Ecole Pratique des Hautes Etudes (History and
Historical Method, U. of Paris).
XXXI
Prof. MARCEL MOVE (International Law, U. of Montpellier).
M. Louis OLIVIER, Editor of the Revue Ge"nerale des Sciences.
Prof. Dr. G. PAPILLAULT (Sociology, Ecole d'Anthropologie, Paris).
Prof. D. PARODI (Philosophy, Lycee Michelet, Paris).
Prof. JEAN PERRINJAQUET (International Law, U. of Aix-Marseille).
Prof. P. Pic (International Law, U. of Lyons).
Prof. N. POLITIS, Associate of the Institute of International Law, Editor of the
Recueil des Arbitrages Internationaux (International Law, U. of Poitiers).
Prof. MICHEL REVON (Civilisation of the Extreme East, U. of Paris).
Prof. Dr. C. RICHET, Member International Peace Bureau (Physiology, U. of Paris).
Dr. J. A. RIVIERE, President of the International Medical Association for Aiding
the Suppression of War, Editor of Annales de Physicothe'rapie.
Prof. L£ON DE ROSNY, Paris, Founder and European President of the Inter-
national Association of Men of Science, formerly Professor of Eastern Religions
at the Sorbonne and Professor of Japanese at Ecole des Langues Orientales.
Prof. TH. RUYSSEN, President of the Association de la Paix par le Droit
(Philosophy, U. of Bordeaux).
Prof. GABRIEL S FAILLES (Philosophy, U. of Paris).
Prof. A. GAIRAL DE Sf REZIN (International Law, U. of Lyon).
Dr. PAUL TOPINARD, Paris, late Gen.-Sec. of the Societe d'Anthropologie of Paris.
Prof. ARNOLD VISSIERE (Chinese, Ecole des Langues Orientales, Paris).
M. WAILLE-MARYAL, Oran, President-General of the Alliance Scientifique
Universelle for Africa.
Prof. ANDRE WEISS, Member of the Institut de Droit International (International
Law, U. of Paris).
Prof. REN£ WORMS, Paris, Permanent Secretary Institut International de
Sociologie, Editor of the Revue Internationale de Sociologie (History of
Sociology, Ecole des Hautes Etudes Sociales, Paris).
GERMANY.
Prof. Dr. PHILIPP ALLFELD (International Law, U. of Erlangen).
Prof. Dr. RICHARD ANDREE, Munich.
Prof. Dr. G. K. ANTON, Member of the Institut Colonial International (Political
Economy, U. of Jena).
Prof. Dr. PAUL BARTH (Philosophy, U. of Leipzig).
Prof. Dr. C. H. BECKER, Associate of the Institut Colonial International (Oriental
History, Colonial Institute in Hamburg).
Prof. Dr. Lujo BRENTANO (Economics, U. of Munich).
Prof. Dr. SIEGFRIED BRIE (International Law, U. of Breslau).
Prof. Dr. HERMANN COHEN (Philosophy, U. of Marburg).
Prof. Dr. FRIEDRICH DELITZSCH, Hon. M.R.A.S. (Assyriology, U. of Berlin).
Prof. Dr. ALFRED DOREN (History, U. of Leipzig).
Prof. Dr. AUGUST DORING (Philosophy, U. of Berlin).
Prof. Dr. GODEHARD JOSEF EBERS (International Law, U. of Breslau).
Prof. RICHARD EICKHOFF, Remscheid, Member of Reichstag and Prussian Diet
Member of the Inter- Parliamentary Council.
Prof. Dr. BENNO ERDMANN (Philosophy, U. of Berlin).
Frau LUCY HOESCH ERNST, Ph.D., F.R.A.I., Godesberg.
M. ERZBERGER, Member of Reichstag.
Prof. Dr. RUDOLF EUCKEN, Nobel Prize for Literature (Philosophy, U. of Jena).
.Dr. L. FEYERABEND, President of the Anthropological Society of Oberlausitz, and
President of the Society of Natural Sciences of Gorlitz.
Prof. Dr. A. FINGER (International Law, U. of Halle).
Prof. Dr. AUGUST FISCHER (Semitic Philology, U. of Leipzig).
Prof. Dr. EUGEN FISCHER (Anthropology, U. of Freiburg).
Prof. Dr. WlLHELM FOERSTER (Astronomy, U. of Berlin).
Prof. Dr. ERNST FRIEDRICH (Geography, U. of Leipzig).
Sr. Hochw. P. Provinzial Dr. J. FROBERGER, Missionshaus der Weissen Vater, Trier.
Prof. Dr. FRANZ ADAM GOEPFERT (Moraltheology, U. of Wiirzburg).
Prof. Dr. ERNST HAECKEL (Zoology, U. of Jena).
Prof. Dr. H. HARBURGER, Judge of the Supreme Court of Bavaria, Member
Institut de Droit International (International Law, U. of Munich).
Prof. Dr. W. HASBACH (Economics, U. of Kiel).
Prof. Dr. JULIUS HATSCHEK (Law, U. of Gottingen).
xxxii UNIVERSAL RACES CONGRESS
Prof. Dr. FELIX HAUPTMANN, Member of Prussian Diet, Member of Inter-
Parliamentary Council (Methodology of Law, U. of Bonn).
Justizrat Dr. A. HEILBERG, Breslau, Member of the International Peace Bureau.
Prof Dr. Paul HEILBORN (International Law, U. of Breslau).
Prof. Dr. H. HERKNER (Political Economy, Technische Hochschule, Berlin).
Prof. Dr. J. JASTROW (Economics, Handelshochschule, Charlottenburg).
Prof. Dr. GEORG JELLINEK (International Law, U. of Heidelberg).
Prof. Dr. WILHELM KAUFMANN (International Law, U. of Berlin).
Prof. Dr. A. VON KIRCHENHEIM (International Law, U. of Heidelberg).
Dr. THEODOR KOCH-GRUNBERG (Ethnology, U. of Freiburg).
Prof. Dr. JOSEF KOHLER (International Law, U. of Berlin).
Prof. Dr. ERNST KUHN, Hon. M.R.A.S. (Arian Philology, U. of Munich).
Prof. Dr. EUGEN KtJHNEMANN (Philosophy, U. of Breslau).
Prof. Dr. PAUL LABAND, Member of the Council of State of Alsace-Lorraine,
Associate of the Institut Colonial International (Public Law, U. of Strassburg).
Prof. Dr. P. VON LlLIENTHAL (International Law, U. of Heidelberg).
Prof. Dr. THEODOR LINDNER (History, U. of Halle).
Prof. Dr. FRANZ v. LISZT (International Law, U. of Berlin).
Prof. Dr. F. v. LUSCHAN, Hon. F.R.A.I. (Anthropology, U. of Berlin).
Prof. Dr. GEORG VON MAYR, President of the Munich Oriental Society, Under-
secretary of State (Economics, U. of Munich).
Prof. Dr. FRIEDRICH MEINECKE (Modern History, U. of Freiburg).
Prof. Dr. CARL MEINHOF (African Languages, Colonial Institut, Hamburg).
Prof. Dr. MEURER (International Law, U. of Wiirzburg).
Prof. Dr. PAUL NATORP (Philosophy, U. of Marburg).
Prof. ALBERT NEISSER (Medicine, U. of Breslau).
Baron E. DE NEUFVILLE, Francfort o/M., Member International Peace Bureau.
Prof. Dr. KARL NEUMEYER (International Law, U. of Munich).
Prof. Dr. THEODOR NIEMEYER (International Law, U. of Kiel).
Prof. Dr. HERMANN ONCKEN (Modern History, U. of Heidelberg).
Prof. Dr. WILHELM OSTWALD, Gross-Bothen.
Dr. RUDOLPH PENZIG, Editor of " Ethische Kultur," Berlin.
Dr. ARTHUR PFUNGST, M.R.A.S., Francfort-on-Main.
Prof. Dr. L. PLATE (Zoology, U. of Jena).
Prof. QUIDDE, Munich, Member of the International Peace Bureau.
Prof. Dr. J. RANKE, Hon. F.R.A.I. (Anthropology, U. of Munich).
Prof. Dr PAUL RATHGEN, Associate of the Institut Colonial International (Political
Economy, Colonial Institute in Hamburg).
Prof. Dr. FRITZ REGEL (Geography, U. of Wiirzburg).
Dr. ADOLF RICHTER, Pforzheim, President of the German Peace Society, Member
of the International Peace Bureau.
Prof. Dr. ALOIS RlEHL (Philosophy, U. of Berlin).
Prof. Dr. ROBERT SCHACHNER (Political Economy, U. of Jena).
Prof. Dr. L. SCHEMANN, Freiburg, President of Gobineau-Vereinigung.
Prof. Dr. JOSEPH SCHMIDLIN (Church History, Catholic Faculty, U. of Miinster).
Prof. Dr. PAUL SCHOEN (International Law, U. of Gottingen).
Prof. Dr. WALTER SCHUCKING (International Law, U. of Marburg).
Prof. Dr. GEORG SIMMEL (Philosophy, U. of Berlin).
Prof. Dr. WERNER SOMBART (Economics, Handelshochschule, Charlottenburg).
Prof. Dr. CARL STUMPF,late Rector University of Berlin (Philosophy, U. of Berlin).
Prof. Dr. G. THILENIUS, Gen. Sec. of the German Anthropological Society,
Director of the Ethnological Museum of Hamburg (Anthropology and
Ethnology, Hamburg).
Prof. Dr. FERDINAND TONNIES (Sociology, U. of Kiel).
Prof. Dr. C. UHLIG (Geography, U. of Berlin).
Prof. Dr. v. ULLMANN (International Law, U. of Munich).
Dr. A. VlERKANDT (Ethnology, U. of Berlin).
Prof. Dr. WEULE, Director Leipzig Ethnological Museum (Ethnology, U. of Leipzig).
Prof. Dr. JULIUS WOLF (Political Economy, U. of Breslau).
GREAT AND GREATER BRITAIN.
(a) BRITISH EMPIRE, EXCLUDING INDIA.
Prof. ALBERT H. ABBOTT (Philosophy ; U. of Toronto).
Dr. A. ABDURAHMAN, Cape Town.
OFFICERS, COUNCIL, AND SUPPORTERS xxxiii
ISRAEL ABRAHAMS, M.A. (Talmudic, U. of Cambridge).
Prof. S. ALEXANDER (Philosophy, U. of Manchester).
JUSTIN CHARLES WILLIAM ALVAREZ, I.S.O., Tripoli, H.B.M.'s Consul-General
for Tripoli of Barbary.
THE OMANHENE AMONOO V., Anumabu, West Africa.
The Rt. Rev. WALTER ANDREWS, D.D., Bishop of Hokkaido, Japan.
Prof. EDWARD ANWYL, M.A. (Comparative Philology, U. College of Aberystwyth).
The Rt. Rev. THOMAS HENRY ARMSTRONG, D.D., Bishop of Wangaratta.
Australia.
The Right Hon. W. F. BAILEY, C.B., F.R.G.S., Dublin.
Rev. RAMSDEN BALMFORTH, Cape Town.
The Rt. Rev. CHRISTOPHER GEORGE BARLOW, D.D., Bishop of Goulburn.
Prof. CHARLES F. BASTABLE, M.A., LL.D., (International Law, U. of Dublin).
JOHN BEDDOE, M.D., LL.D., F.R.S., V.P.R.A.I., etc., late President Royal Anthro-
pological Institute, Bradford-on-Avon.
Sir HENRY ARTHUR BLAKE, G.C.M.G., Youghal (Ireland), late Governor
Bahamas, Newfoundland, Jamaica, Hong-Kong, Ceylon.
EDWARD WILMOT BLYDEN, LL.D., Sierra Leone.
Rev. W. COPELAND BOWIE, London, Sec. British and Foreign Unitarian Association.
Prof. GEORGE SIDNEY BRETT, M.A. (Philosophy, U. of Toronto).
Rev. DAVID BROOK, M.A., D.C.L. (Oxon), Southport, ex-President National Free
Church Council.
Prof. J. BROUGH, LL.D. (Philosophy, U. College of Aberystwyth).
The Hon. JOSEPH PETER BROWN, Cape Coast Castle, West Africa.
Sir CHARLES BRUCE, G.C.M.G., J.P., D.L., Leslie, late Governor of Mauritius.
Prof. THOMAS H. BRYCE, M.A., M.D. (Anatomy, U. of Glasgow).
Prof. T. L. BULLOCK, M.A. (Chinese, U. of Oxford).
Sir PERCY BUNTING, M.A., London, Editor of the Contemporary Review.
HERBERT BURROWS, London.
The Rt. Rev. HERBERT BURY, D.D. (Oxon), Bishop of British Honduras with
Central America.
WILLIAM P. BYLES, M.P., London.
Mrs. W. P. BYLES, London.
CHARLES CALLAWAY, M.A., D.Sc., Cheltenham.
EDWARD CARPENTER, Author, Sheffield.
Prof. J. ESTLIN CARPENTER, D.Litt, Principal of Manchester College, U. of Oxford.
ROGER CASEMENT, C.M.G., Consul-General at Rio de Janeiro.
JOSEPH CHARLES CASSON, Superintendent of Native Affairs, Zomba, Nyasaland.
The Rt. Rev. ARTHUR CHANDLER, Bishop of Bloemfontein, Orange Free State.
Prof. S. J. CHAPMAN, M.A. (Political Economy, U. of Manchester).
GEORGE G. CHISHOLM, M.A., B.Sc. (Geography, U. of Edinburgh).
The Most Rev. HENRY LOWTHER CLARKE, Archbishop of Melbourne.
Rev. JOHN CLIFFORD, M.A., LL.D., D.D., London.
EDWARD CLODD, Author, London.
STANTON COIT, Ph.D., London.
ROBERT J. COLENSO, M.D. (Oxon), etc., London.
Dr. FRANK CORNER, F.G.S., F.R.A.I.,M.R.C.S., London.
W. L. COURTNEY, M.A., LL.D., London, Editor of the Fortnightly Review.
WILLIAM MONTGOMERY CROOK, B.A., F.R.G.S., London.
WILLIAM CROOKE, B.A., F.R.A.I., M.F.L.S., Cheltenham.
Major S. LYLE CUMMINS, R.A.M.C., F.R.A.I., Netley, Hants.
Dr. W. EVANS DARBY, London, Secretary of the Peace Society, Member of the
International Peace Bureau.
Canon G. DAUTH, Vice- Rector of the University of Laval, Montreal.
Mrs. RHYS DAVIDS, M.A., Ashton-on -Mersey, Hon. Sec. Pali Text Society.
Prof. T. W. RHYS DAVIDS, F.B.A., LL.D., Ph.D. (Comparative Religion, U. of
Manchester).
Rev. J. G. DAVIES, Barmouth, Sec. Welsh Calvinistic Methodist General Assembly.
Prof. T. WITTON DAVIES, Ph.D., D.D. (Semitic Languages, U. College Bangor).
W. BOYD DAWKINS, M.A., D.Sc., F.R.S., F.S.A., F.G.S., F.R.A.I., Hon. Professor
of Palaeontology in U. of Manchester.
Mrs. C. DESPARD, London.
ROBERT DONALD, London, Editor of the Daily Chronicle.
The Most Rev. ST. CLAIR G. DONALDSON, Archbishop of Brisbane, Queensland.
xxxiv UNIVERSAL RACES CONGRESS
The Rt. Rev. JOHN P. Du MOULIN, Bishop of Niagara, Canada.
The Rt. Rev. A. H. DUNN, D.D., Bishop of Quebec, Canada.
The Rt. Rev. Dr. F. H. DUVERET, D.D., Bishop of Caledonia.
Rev. CHARLES S. EBY, D.D., Sec. Peace and Arbitration Society, Toronto.
Prof. EDWARD EDWARDS, M.A. (History, U. College of Aberystwyth).
The Rt Hon. Sir EDWIN EGERTON,G.C.M.G., K.C.B., York, late British Ambassador
at Rome.
ROBERT WILLIAM FELKIN, M.D., F.R.S.E., F.R.G.S.; F.R.A.I., London.
Prof. HENRY O. FORBES, LL.D., F.R.G.S., F.R.A.I., Director of Liverpool City
Museums (Ethnography, U. of Liverpool).
The Rt. Rev. GEORGE H. FORDHAM, D.D., Bishop of North Queensland.
Rev. J. R. FREDERICK, Native Wesleyan Minister, Sierra Leone.
ALFRED G. GARDINER, London, Editor of the Daily News.
ARTHUR EARDLEY MAXWELL GIBSON, M.A., B.C.L., Southern Nigeria.
Rev. T. MONRO GIBSON, M.A., D.D., L.L.D., late President National Free Church
Council.
REGINALD JOHN GLADSTONE, M.D., F.R.C.S., London.
The Rt Rev. FREDERICK GOLDSMITH, D.D., Bishop of Bunbury, Western Australia.
GEORGE PEABODY GOOCH, M.A., late M.P., London.
Prof. HENRY GOUDY, M.A,, D.C.L., LL.D. (Civil Law, U. of Oxford).
Prof. FRANK GRANGER, D.Litt. (Philosophy, U. College of Nottingham).
Prof. ARTHUR J. GRANT, M.A. (History, U. of Leeds).
J. FREDERICK GREEN, London, Member of International Peace Bureau, Secretary
of International Peace and Arbitration Association.
The Rt. Rev. JOHN GRISDALE, D.D., D.C.L., Bishop of Qu'appelle, Canada.
Dr. HADEN GUEST, London.
H ADIR-UD-DEEN, Sec. Government Mohammedan Board of Education, Sierra Leone.
The Most Rev. CHARLES HAMILTON, D.D., Archbishop of Ottawa.
Rev. JAMES HASTINGS, M.A., D.D., St. Cyrus, Scotland.
Prof. MATTHEW HAY, M.D., F.R.A.I. (Forensic Medicine, U. of Aberdeen).
Prof. F. J. C. HEARNSHAW, M.A., LL.B. (History, U. College of Southampton).
CARL HEATH, London, Sec. National Peace Council.
Rev. ARCHIBALD HENDERSON, D.D., Crieff, Moderator of Assembly of the United
Free Church of Scotland.
D. F. A. HERVEY, C.M.G., R.A.S., F.R.G.S., F.R.A.I., Aldeburgh.
ALEXANDER PEARCE HIGGINS (International Law, Cambridge and London).
Prof. R. F. ALFRED HOERNL£ (Philosophy, S. African College, Cape Town).
Prof. HOPE W. HOGG, M.A., B.Litt (Semitic Languages and Literature, U. of
Manchester).
A. C. HOLLIS, Secretary Native Affairs, Nairoli, E. Africa Protectorate.
The Rt. Rev. WILFRID BIRD HORNBY, D.D., Bishop of Nassau, Bahamas.
Rev. Dr. R. F. HORTON, M.A., London, late Chairman of Congregational Union
of England and Wales.
The Rt Rev. GEOFFREY D. ILIFF, D.D., Bishop of Shantung, N. China.
The Hon. Sir JAMES ROSE-!NNES, K.C., Chief Justice of the Transvaal, Pretoria.
- HUGH, Editor The Voice, St Lucia, British W. Africa.
The Rt. Rev. JAMES JOHNSON, D.D., Bishop of Western Equatorial Africa.
Sir HARRY H. JOHNSTON, G.C.M.G., K.C.B., D.Sc., etc., etc., Arundel, Sussex.
Rev. J. D. JONES, M.D., B.D., Bournemouth, President Congregational Union.
Prof. W. JENKYN JONES, M.A. (Political Science, U. College, Aberystwyth).
Prof. CHARLES H. KEITH JOPP (Maratta, U. of Oxford).
A. H. KEANE, LL.D., F.R.A.I., London.
The Rt. Rev. G. LANCHESTER KING, D.D., Bishop of Madagascar.
Dr. Louis LABERGE, Montreal.
The Rt Rev. GERARD H. LANDER, D.D., Bishop of Victoria, Hong Kong.
Rev. WILLIAM B. LARK, Bude, President of the United Methodist Church.
Prof. ROBERT LATTA, Ph.D. (Logic and Rhetoric, U. of Glasgow).
ALFRED LIONEL LEWIS, F.C.A., F.R.A.I., Wallington, Surrey.
Rev. J. SCOTT LIDGETT, M.A., D.D., late President Wesleyan Methodist Confer-
ence and late President National Free Church Council.
The Rt Rev. JOSEPH LOFTHOUSE, Bishop of Keewatin, Canada.
Prof. JOSEPH HENRY LONGFORD, late H.M. Consul at Nagasaki (Japanese, King's
College, London).
Dr. J. J. McCLURE, Cape Town, Ex-Moderator Presbyterian Church of S. Africa.
OFFICERS, COUNCIL, AND SUPPORTERS xxxv
Prof. J. FREDERICK McCuRDY (Oriental Languages, U. of Toronto).
A. C. MACDONALD, F.R.G.S., F.R.Hist.Soc., F.I.Inst., Melbourne.
J. A. MURRAY MACDONALD, M.A., M.P., London.
Sir JOHN MACDONELL, C.B., LL.D, M.A. (International Law, U. of London).
Prof. J. S. MACKENZIE (Philosophy, U. College, Cardiff).
HENRY ELLIOT MALDEN, M.A., London, Hon. Sec. Royal Historical Society.
JOSEPH MALINS, J.P., Birmingham, Grand Chief Templar for England of the
International Order of Good Templars.
ALFRED MANGENA, of Zululand, Barrister, Pretoria.
HENRY COLLEY MARCH, M.D., F. R.A.I., Dorchester.
Rev. JOHN TURNER MARSHALL, M.A., D.D., Manchester, President Baptist Church.
R. H. MARTEN, M.D., F.R.A.I., Adelaide, S. Australia.
H. W. MASSINGHAM, London, Editor of the Nation.
F. JAMES MATHESON, London.
The Most Rev. S.PRlTCHARDMATHESON,D.D.,Archbishopof Rupert's Land, Canada.
The Rt. Rev. JOHN EDWARD MERCER, D.D., Bishop of Tasmania.
J. C. MILLINGTON, M.A., London.
P. CHALMERS MITCHELL, M.A., D.Sc., LL.D., F.R.S., London, Sec. Zoological Soc.
Prof. WILLIAM MITCHELL (Philosophy, U. of Adelaide).
The Rev. J. S. MOFFAT, C.M.G., Cape Town, late South African Missionary and
Resident Magistrate.
The Rt. Rev. HERBERT JAMES MOLONY, D.D., Bishop in Chekiang, China.
E. D. MOREL, London.
FELIX MOSCHELES, London, Chairman of International Arbitration and Peace
Association, Member of the International Peace Bureau.
The Rt. Rev. H. CARR GLYN MOULE, D.D., Bishop of Durham.
The Rt. Rev. W. ROBERT MOUNSEY, Bishop of Labuan and Sarawak.
CHARLES S. MYERS, M.A., M.D.,Sc.D. (Experimental Psychology, U. of Cambridge).
The Rt. Rev. SAMUEL TARRATT NEVILL, D.D., Bishop of Dunedin and Primate
of New Zealand.
H. W. NEVINSON, War Correspondent, London.
Prof. REYNOLD ALLEYNE NICHOLSON, LittD. (Persian, U. of Cambridge).
Prof. L. OPPENHEIM, M.A., LL.D. (International Law, U. of Cambridge).
ERNEST PARKE, J.P., London, Editor of the Morning Leader.
CHARLES PARTRIDGE, M.A., F.S.A., F.R.G.S., District Commissioner in S. Nigeria.
Prof. A. MELVILLE PATERSON, M.D., F.R.A.I. (Anatomy, U. of Liverpool).
FRANCIS JOHN PAYNE, London, Hon. Gen. Sec. Buddhist Society of Great Britain
and Ireland, Editor of the Buddhist Review.
The Rt. Rev. JOHN PERCIVAL, D.D., Bishop of Hereford.
J. S. R. PHILLIPS, Leeds, Editor of the Yorkshire Post.
The Rt. Rev. W. CYPRIAN PINKHAM, D.D., D.C.L., Bishop of Calgary, Canada.
Capt. D. V. PIRIE, M.P., Member of the Inter- Parliamentary Council.
Prof. THOMAS POWEL, M.A. (Celtic, U. College of Cardiff).
The PRESIDENT Gold Coast Aborigines Society, Cape Coast Castle, W. Africa.
The Rt. Rev. H. M. C. E. PRICE, Bishop in Fuhkien, S. China.
Miss B. PULLEN-BURRY, F.R.A.I., Croydon.
ERNEST G. RAVENSTEIN, Ph.D., F.R.G.S., F.R.A.I., London.
Col. HERBERT EDWARD RAWSON, C.B., York, late Imperial Representative Natal
Native Affairs Commission.
Prof. WILLIAM RIDGEWAY, M.A., D.Sc., President Royal Anthropological Insti-
tute (Archceology, U. of Cambridge).
The Most Rev. JAMES ROBERTSON, D.D., Prestonkirk, Moderator of the General
Assembly of the Church of Scotland.
W. C. F. ROBERTSON, Secretary Native Affairs, Gold Coast.
WILLIAM ROTHENSTEIN, Artist, London.
M. EUGENE ROUILLARD, Publicist, Quebec.
The Hon. ADOLPHE B. ROUTHIER, Judge of the Court of Admiralty at Quebec
(International Law, U. of Laval).
Sir EDWARD R. RUSSELL, Liverpool, Editor of the Liverpool Daily Post.
JOHN RUSSELL, M.A., London.
SAMUEL SACOOM, Axim, Gold Coast, W. Africa.
Sir FREDERICK R. ST. JOHN, K.C.M.G., Shanklin, late Minister Plenipotentiary.
C. W. SALEEBY, M.D., F.R.S.E., London.
The Hon. JOHN MENSAH SARBAH, Cape Coast Castle, W. Africa.
xxxvi UNIVERSAL RACES CONGRESS
The Hon. Sir FRANCIS C. SCANLEN, K.C.M.G., Salisbury, Rhodesia, late Adminis-
trator of Rhodesia.
F. C. S. SCHILLER, M.A., D.Sc. (Philosophy, U. of Oxford).
OLIVE SCHREINER, Author, Cape Colony.
C. P. SCOTT, J.P., Manchester, Editor of the Manchester Guardian.
Rev. THOMAS G. SELBV, Missionary and Traveller in China, Bromley, Kent.
CHARLES G. SELIGMANN, M.D., F.R.A.I., London.
Sir HENRY SETON-KARR, C.M.G., J.P., London.
H. W. SETON-KARR, F.R.G.S., F.R.A.I., London.
FRANK CHARLES SHRUBSALL, M.A., M.D., F.R.A.I., London.
WALTER W. SKEAT, M.A., F.R.A.I., St. Albans.
J. W. SLAUGHTER, Ph.D., London.
The Rev. Canon F. C. SMITH, Sierra Leone.
The Rt. Rev. W. E. SMYTH, M.A., M.B., Bishop of Lebombo, Lourenc,o Marques.
Mrs. JULIA F. SOLLY, Cape Colony.
Mrs. SAUL SOLOMON, of Cape Colony, London.
Capt. BOYLE T. SOMERVILLE, R.N., F.R.A.I., Tenby, S. Wales.
The Hon. Sir R. STOUT, K.C.M.G., Chief Justice of New Zealand, late Premier.
The Rt. Rev. HERBERT TAGWELL, D.D., Bishop in W. Eq. Africa, S. Nigeria.
Prof. F. ROBERT TENNANT, D.D., B.Sc. (Philosophy of Religion, U. of Cambridge).
The Hon. JONATHAN JAMES THOMAS, C.M.G., Unofficial Member of the Legis-
lative Council of Serria Leone.
SIMEON CORNELIUS THOMPSON, Old Harbour, Jamaica.
Prof. ARTHUR THOMSON, M.B. (Human Anatomy, U. of Oxford).
BASIL THOMSON, London, late Colonial Service, late Prime Minister of Tonga.
Rev. W. T. TOWNSEND, D.D., late President of National Free Church Council and
of United Methodist Church.
Rev. JAMES TRAVIS, Chester, ex-President Primitive Methodist Conference, ex-
President National Free Church Council.
The Rt. Rev. A. B. TURNER, D.D., Bishop of Corea.
Prof. E. J. URWICK (Political Economy, King's College, London).
Dr. R. VILLECOURT, Montreal.
Prof. PAUL VINOGRADOFF, M.A., F.B.A., LL.D. (Jurisprudence, U. of Oxford).
Rev. THOMAS A. WALKER, LL.D., LitLD. (International Law, U. of Cambridge).
GRAHAM WALLAS, M.A., London.
H. G. WELLS, B.Sc., Author, London.
The Rt. Rev. GILBERT WHITE, Bishop of Carpentaria, Queensland.
The Rt. Rev. CECIL WILSON, D.D., Bishop of Melanesia, Norfolk Island.
BERTRAM C. A. WINDLE, M.A., D.Sc., F.R.S., President of U. College, Cork.
Sir JAMES S. WINTER, K.C.M.G., K.C., St. John's (Newfoundland), late Speaker,
Solicitor-General, Attorney-General, Judge of Supreme Court, and Premier.
Prof. GEORGE M. WRONG (History, U. of Toronto)
ISRAEL ZANGWILL, London, President International Jewish Territorial Organi-
sation.
A. E. ZIMMERN, M.A., Surbiton, late Fellow and Tut«r of New College, Oxford.
(b) INDIA.*
SYED ABUL AAs, M.A.S., Zemindar and Hon. Magistrate, Bankipur.
The Hon. Mr. P. S. SIVASWANY AIYER, C.I. E., Advocate-General, Madras.
SIR ARUNDEL T. ARVNDEL, K. C.S.I., Woking, late Member of the Council of the
Viceroy of India.
Hon. AHMAD MUHIUDDIN KHAN BAHADUR, Mylapur, Madras.
The Hon. NAWAB SYED MOHAMMED SAHEB BAHADUR, Madras.
SURENDRANATH BANERJEE, Calcutta, Editor of Bengalee.
Sir DAVID M. BARBOUR, K.C.S.I., K.C.M.G., Crawley Down.
Mrs. ANNIE BESANT, Adyar, President of the Theosophical Society.
SRISH CHANDRA BISWA, B.A., B.L., Calcutta, Pleader, Editor of Lawyer.
BUSSANTA COOMAR BOSE, Pleader, High Court, Calcutta.
DIWAN TEK CHAND, B.A., I.C.S., M.R.A.S., Deputy Commissioner in the Punjab,
Revenue Minister, Baroda.
AMANDA K. COOMARASWAMY, D.Sc., F.G.S., F.L.S., Broad Campden.
HARRY EVAN AUGUSTS COTTON, London, Editor of India.
• See also Hon. Vice* Presidents and Executive Committee.
OFFICERS, COUNCIL, AND SUPPORTERS xxxvii
Sir HENRY JOHN STEDMAN COTTON, K.C.S.I., London, late Chief-Commissioner
of Assam.
ISWAS DAS, Advocate., Chief Court, Lahore.
The Hon. M. S. DAS, C.I.E., M.A., M.R.A.S., Cuttack, Member of Bengal Legisla-
lative Council.
The Rt. Rev. C. J. FERGUSON DAVIE, D.D., Bishop of Singapore.
Sir V. C. DESIKA-CHARRY, B.A., B.L., F.M.U., Judge of the Court of Small Causes,
Madras.
The Hon. H. S. DIKSHIT, B.A., LL.B., Solicitor, Bombay.
J. C. DUTT, M.A., B.L., Calcutta.
Prof. S. M. EDWARDES, I.S.S., President Anthropological Society of Bombay.
The Rt. Rev. ROLLESTONE S. FYFFE, D.D., Bishop of Rangoon.
E. A. GAIT, C.I.E., Simla, Census Commissioner for India.
MOHANDAS KARAMCHAND GANDHI, Johannesburg, Barrister-at-Law.
Prof. M. A. GHANI, M.A. (English Literature, Islamic College, Lahore).
Prof. JOGENDRA CHUNDER CHOSE, M.H., B.L., Bhowanipore, Tagore Prof, of Law,
Pleader High Court, late Member Bengal Legislative Council.
The Rt. Rev. CHARLES HOPE GILL, M.A., D.D., Bishop in Travancore and
Cochin.
The Hon. G. K. GOKHALE, C.I.E., Poona, Representative of non-official Members
of Bombay Legislature on Viceroy's Legislative Council, late President of
Indian Congress.
The Hon. KISORI LAL GOSWAMI, Rai Bahadur, M.A., B.L., Serampore, India.
Dr. A. F. R. HOERNLE, M.A., C.I.E., Oxford.
Sir FREDERICK RUSSELL HOGG, K.C.I. E., C.S.I., London, late Director-General
Post Office of India.
Col. Sir THOMAS HOLDICH, K.C.M.G., K.C.I.E., C.B., D.Sc.
Sir THOMAS H. HOLLAND, K.C.I.E., D.Sc., F.R.S., late Director of the Geological
Survey of India and President Asiatic Society of Bengal (Geology and
Mineralogy, U. of Manchester).
T. HUSAIN, M.A., M. R. A. S., Arabic College, Lucknow.
MIRZA HASHEM ISPAHANI, Calcutta.
M. ADINARAYANA I YAH, Rao Bahadur, Retired District Commissioner, Madras.
The Hon. V. KRISHNASWAMY IYER, Judge of the High Court, Madras.
T. SADASIVA IYER, B.A., M.L., F.I.S., Chief Justice, High Court, Travancore.
Sir S. SUBRAMANIA IYER, K.C.I.E., LL.D., Judge of Madras High Court.
Sir H. EVAN M. JAMES, K.C.I. E., C.S.I., late Under-Secretary to Government of
Bombay, late Member of Governor-General's Legislative Council.
Sir JOHN JARDINE, K.C.I.E., LL.D., M.P., Godalming, late Acting Chief Justice,
Bombay, and Vice-Chancellor University of Bombay.
JAMES KENNEDY, I.C.S. (retired), London.
TAW SEIN Ko, M.R.A.S., Office of Superintendent Archaeological Survey, Burma.
MANGBSH BAL KOLASKER, M.R.A.S., Barrister, High Court, Bombay.
The Hon. SHADI LAL, M.A., B.C.L. (Oxon.), Rai Bahadur, Barrister, Lahore.
The Rt. Rev. GEORGE A. LEFROY, D.D., Bishop of Lahore.
Sir FREDERIC S. P. LELY, K.C.I.E., Sevenoaks, late Member of Viceroy's Legis-
lative Council and Chief Commissioner Central Provinces.
FRANKLIN MARSTON LESLIE, B.A., Solicitor, Calcutta.
Sir ROPER LETHBRIDGE, K.C.I.E., M.A., J.P., D.L., Exbourne, late Secretary
Simla Education Commission and Indian Political Agent.
Prof. C. S. MAHALANOBIS, B.Sc, F.R.M.S., F.R.S.E., Calcutta University.
Prof. D. N. MALLIK, B.A., Sc.D., F.R.S.E., Presidency College, Calcutta.
Sir WILLIAM MARKBY, D.C.L., K.C.I. E., Oxford, late Judge of High Court,
Calcutta, late Reader in Indian Law, Oxford.
J. H. MARSHALL, M.A., Director-General of Archaeology for India.
B. C. MAZUMDAR, B.A., B.L., M.R.A.S., Vakil High Court, Sambalpur.
BHASKARRAO V. MEHTA, M.A., LL.B., M.R.A.S., High Court Pleader, Bombay.
R. D. MEHTA, C.I.E., J.P., Calcutta.
S. M. MITRA, M.R.A.S., London, late Editor of The Deccan Post.
Prof. KH. DlL MOHD, M.A. (Mathematics, Islamic College, Lahore).
Sir THEODORE MORISON, K.C.I.E., Weybridge, Vice-President of Council of India.
BRAJA LAL MUKHERJEE, M.A., M.LR.S., Attorney- at- Law, Calcutta.
PHANIBHUSAN MUKERJI, B.Sc. (London), M.R.A.S., F.C.U., Inspector of
Schools, Presidency Division, Bengal.
xxxviii UNIVERSAL RACES CONGRESS
Sir P. N. KRISHNA MURTI, K.C.I.E., Bangalore, late Prime Minister of Mysore
State, late Deputy Commissioner and Judge of High Court.
The Hon. C. SANKARAN NAIR, C.I.E., Judge of the High Court, Madras.
R. NARASIMHACHAR, M.A.,M.R.A.S., Officer in Charge of Archaeological Researches
in Mysore, Bangalore.
Prof. J. W. NEILL (Indian Law, U. of London).
Hon. N. SUBBARAO PANTULU, B.A., B.L., Member Imperial Legislative Council
of India.
T. RAMA KRISHNA PILLAI, B.A., F.M.W., F.R.Hist. Society (London), Madras.
Lieut-Colonel JOHN POLLEN, C.I.E., LL.D., London, Hon. Sec. East India
Association, President British Esperanto Association.
GUYADHUR PRASAD, Patna, late Member Bengal Legislative Council.
SHAIKH ABDUL QADIR, B.A., M.R.A.S., Barrister-at-Law, Lahore.
The Hon. IBRAHIM RAHIMTOOLA, C.I.E., Bombay.
Prof. LALA HANS RAJ, Principal of Dayanand Anglo- Vedic College, Lahore.
R. RAGHUNATH Row, Divvan Bahadur, C.S.I., Madras Presidency.
K. B. RAMAN ATHAN, M.A., B.L., L.T. (English, Pachaiyappa's College, Madras).
C. HAYAVADANA RAO, B.A., B.L., Madras.
Sir J. D. REES, K.C.S.I., C.V.O., C.I.E., J.P., London, late Additional Member of
Governor-General of India's Council.
Colonel H. RiVETT-CARNAC, C.I.E., F.S.A., Chateau de Rougemont, Switzerland,
Corresponding Member of the Royal Academies of Spain, Sweden, Belgium,
etc.
The Hon. DEVA PRASAD SARVADHIKARY, M.A., B.L., Calcutta.
Sir J. GEORGE SCOTT, K.C.I.E., London, late Superintendent and Political Officer
in Southern Shan States.
The Hon. KHAN BAHADUR MIAN MUHAMMAD SHAFI, Barrister-at-Law,
Lahore.
Prof. BOHUVALLABHA SHASTRI, Headmaster, Sanskrit College, Calcutta.
Prof. PRABHU DUTT SHASTRI, M.A., Lahore.
S. N. SINK A, Barrister-at-Law, Lucknow.
R. K. SORABJI, M.A., Barrister-at-law, Officiating Principal, University School of
Law, Allahabad.
His Holiness SRI SUMANGALA, Hon. M.R.A.S., Colombo, Ceylon, Chief High
Priest of Adam's Peak, Principal of Vidyodaya Oriental College.
P. C TARAPORE, F.R.G.S., Barrister-at-Law, London.
RATAN J. TATA, F.R.A.I., Bombay.
Prof. MAUNG TIN TUT, Rangoon College.
Prof. SATIS CHANDRA VIDYABHUSANA, M.A.,Ph.D., M.R.A.S. (Sanscrit, Presidency
College, Calcutta).
J. PH. VOGEL, Ph.D., Archaeological Department, Lahore.
Lt.-Colonel LAURENCE AUSTINE WADDELL, C.B , C.I.E., LL.D., M.B., F.L.S.,
F.R.A.I., Hastings.
Sir DONALD MACKENZIE WALLACE, K.C.I.E., K.C.V.O., London, late Private
Secretary to Marquess of Dufferin and Marquess of Lansdowne as Viceroys
of India, Member of Institut de Droit International.
Sir RAYMOND WEST, K.C.I.E., LL.D., M.A., London, late Member of Bombay
Government, Director of Royal Asiatic Society.
The Rt. Rev. Foss WESTCOTT, D.D., Bishop of Chota Nagpore.
The Rt. Rev. HENRY WHITEHEAD, D.D., Bishop of Madras.
Don M. DE ZILVA WlCKREMASlNGHE (Tamil and Telugu, U. of Oxford).
ABDULLAH Yusur-ALi, I.C.S., M.A., LL.M., M.R.A.S., Sultanpur.
GREECE.
Prof. S. HADJI SoucA, Athens.
Profc Dr. CYPARISSOS STEPHANOS, Rector of the University of Athens, 1908-9.
HUNGARY.
Prof. LADISLAS BUZA (International Law, U. of SaVospatak).
Prof. Dr. JENO" DE CHOLNOKY (Geography, U. of Kolozsva>).
Director F. R. KEM£NY, Budapest,' Member of the International Peace Bureau.
Dr. MIKLOS KRAL, Budapest.
OFFICERS, COUNCIL, AND SUPPORTERS xxxix
Prof. GUILLAUME DE L.ERZ, Ministerial Councillor (International Law, U. of
Budapest).
M. EMILE DE NAGY, Budapest, Deputy, Member of Inter-Parliamentary Council.
Prof. Dr. FELIX SOMLO (International Law, U. of KolozsvaV).
E. TORDAY, F.R.A.I., London.
Prof. Dr. ALEXANDER VUTKOVICH (International Law, U. of Pozsony).
ITALY.
Prof. DIONISIO ANZILOTTI (International Law, U. of Bologna).
Prof. MICHELE BARILLARI (Philosophy of Law, U. of Naples).
Prof. LANFRANCO BELLEGOTTI (International Law, U. of Pisa).
Dr. GINO BERTOLINI, Barrister, Associate International Institute of Sociology.
Prof. Dr. LUIGI BONELLI (Turkish, Persian, Oriental Institute, Naples).
Prof. G. C. BUZZATI, Member of the Institut de Droit International (International
Law, U. of Pavia).
Prof. Dr. LUIGI CAPPELLETTI (Anthropology, U. of Ferrara).
Prof. CARNAZZA-AMARI, Senator (International Law, U. of Catania).
Prof. Dr. ENRICO CATELLANI (International Law, U. of Padua).
Prof. ARRIGO CAVAGLIERI (International Law, Higher Institute, Florence).
Prof. GUIDO CAVAGLIERI, Editor of the Ri-vista Italiana di Sociologia (Law of
Administration, U. of Rome).
Prof. P. CHIMIENTI, Deputy, late Under-Secretary of State (Constitutional Law,
U. of Cagliari).
Prof. EDOARDO CIMBALI (International Law, U. of Sassari).
Prof. Dr. NAPOLEONE COLAJANNI (Statistics, U. of Naples).
Marquis CHARLES COMPANS, deputy, Member of the Inter- Parliamentary Council.
Prof. Dr. FRANCESCO PAOLO CONTUZZI (International Law, U. of Cagliari).
Prof. ALESSANDRO CORSI (International Law, U. of Pisa).
Prof. AMEDEO CRIVELLUCI (Modern History, U. of Pisa).
Prof. NICOL6 D'ALFONSO (Philosophy, U. of Rome).
Prof. RICCARDO DALLA-VOLTA, Director of the Institute of Social Sciences (Poli-
tical Economy, Institute of Social Sciences, Florence).
Prof. IL CONTE ANGELO DEGUBERNATIS, President of the International Union
for Peace, Director of Oriental School, U. of Rome.
Prof. GIORGIO DEL VECCHIO (Philosophy of Law, U. of Sassari).
Prof. GIULIO DIENA, Associate of the Institut de Droit International
national Law, U. of Turin).
Prof. DONATO DON ATI (Constitutional and International Law, U.of Camerino).
Prof. ANTONIO FALCHI (Philosophy of Law, U. of Perugia).
Prof. PROSPERO FEDOZZI (International Law, U. of Genoa).
Prof. GUGLIELMO FERRERO, Turin.
Prof. ENRICO FERRI, Deputy (Criminal Law, U. of Rome).
Prof. PASQUALE FIORE (International Law, U. of Naples).
Prof. C. F. GABBA, Senator, late President of the Institut de Droit International
(Philosophy of Law and Civil Law, U. of Pisa).
Baron RAFFAELE GAROFALO, Senator, Attorney General at the Court of Appeal
in Venice, President of the International Institute of Sociology.
Prof. SCIPIONE GEMMA (International Law, U. of Siena).
Dr. EDOARDO GIRETTI, Bricherasio, Member of the International Peace Bureau.
Prof. Dr. GIACOMO GRP&SO (History of Treaties and Diplomacy, U. of Genoa).
Prof. ALESSANDRO GROPPALI (Philosophy of Law, U. of Modena).
Prof. IGNAZIO GUIDI, Hon. M.R.A.S., Director of Oriental School, Rome (Hebrew
and Semitic Languages, U. of Rome).
Prof. FERDINANDO LAGHI (International Law, U. of Parma).
Prof. Dr. DAVID LEVi-MORENOS, Venice,
Prof. Dr. RIDOLFO LIVI, Hon. F.R.A.I. (Anthropology, U. of Rome).
Prof. NOCENTINI LODOVICO (Literature of Extreme East, U. of Rome).
Prof. ACHILLE LORIA (Political Economy, U. of Turin).
Dr. MARIO MARINONI, Venice.
Prof. MARIO MARTINI (International Law, U.of Rome).
M. G. DEMARTINO, Senator, President of the Colonial Institute in Rome.
Prof. Dr. GIUSEPPE MAZZARELLA (Ethnology, U. of Catania).
Prof. VINCENZO MICELI (Philosophy of Law, U. of Palermo).
xl UNIVERSAL RACES CONGRESS
Prof. GENNARO MONDAINI, Rome, Lecturer in Colonial History in the R. Istituto
Superiore di Studi Commercial!, Coloniali et Attuariali in Rome, and Editor of
the Rivista Colonials.
Prof. Dr. FRANCESCO ORESTANO (Moral Philosophy, U. of Palermo).
Prof. GUISEPPE OTTOLENGHI (International Law, U. of Turin).
Prof. GIUSEPPE VADALA PAPALE (Philosophy of Law, U. of Catania).
Prof. GUIDO PERRI (Japanese, Oriental Institute, Naples).
Prof. Dr. FILIPPO PORENA (Geography, U. of Naples).
Prof. Ill Conte FRANCESCO L. PULL£ (Comparative Philology, U. of Bologna).
Prof. PIETRO RAGNISIO (Ethics, U. of Rome).
Prof. GIUSEPPE RICCHIERI (Geography, Accademia Scientifico-Letteraria, Milan).
Prof. NlCCOLO RODOLICO (History, R. Istituto di Scienze Sociali, Florence).
Prof. Dr. GIACINTO ROMANO (Modern History, U. of Pavia).
Prof. GIUSEPPE SALVIOLI ( Philosophy of Law, U. of Naples).
Prof. MICHELANGELO SCHIPA (Modern History, U. of Naples).
Prof. Dr. ANTONIO SCIALOIA (International Law, U. of Siena).
Prof. GIUSEPPE SERGI, Hon. F.R.A.I. (Anthropology, U. of Rome).
Dr. SCIPIO SIGHELE, Florence.
Dr. F. SQUILLACE, Professor at the Brussels Universite Nouvelle.
Prof. A. TAMBURINI, President of the Society of Anthropology of Rome.
Prof. MICHELANGELO VACCARO, Deputy (Philosophy of Law, U. of Rome).
Prof. G. DALLA VEDOVA (Geography, U. of Rome).
Prof. GIOVANNI VIDARI (Moral Philosophy, U. of Pavia).
Prof. PASQUALE VILLARI, Senator (History, Higher Institute, Florence).
JAPAN.
Prof. M. ANESAKI (Philosophy of Religion, U. of Tokio).
Prof. SIDNEY L. GULICK, American Board Mission, Kyoto, Japan.
J. CAREY HALL, M.A., I.S.O., British Consul General, Yokohama, Japan.
Prof. MASAO KAMBO (International Law, U. of Kyoto). •
Prof. Dr. GENCHI KATO (Science of Religion, U. of Tokio).
Prof. Dr. RIKIZO NAKASHIMA (Ethics, U. of Tokio).
Prof. SHIGEO SUYEHIRO (History of Politics, U. of Kyoto).
Prof. Dr. TONGO TAKEBE (Sociology, U. of Tokio).
Prof. Dr. TOMERI TANIMOTO (Pedagogy, U. of Kyoto).
Prof. SANJCRO TOMONAGA (Philosophy, U. of Kyoto).
MEXICO.
AGUSTIN ARAG6N, Editor of the Revista Positiva, Mexico.
M. Jos6 M.ARAMENDIA, Mexican Consul, Panama.
Dr. GENARO GARCIA, Director of the National Museum of Archaeology, History,
and Ethnology, Mexico.
M. Lucio T. GUTIERREZ, Engineer, Guadalajara.
Dr. PORFIRIO PARRA, Director of Secondary School, Mexico.
NETHERLANDS.
Dr. J. H. ABENDANON, late Director of Public Instruction, Worship and Industry
in the Netherlands East Indies, Associate of Institut Colonial International.
Prof. Dr. F. J. DE BOER (Philosophy, U. of Amsterdam).
Prof. Dr. P. D. CHANTEPIE DE LA£AUSSAYE, President Royal Academy of Sciences
of Amsterdam ( Theology, U. of Leiden).
M. J. T. CREMER, Amsterdam, late Colonial Minister, President of the Nether-
lands Society of Commerce, Member of the Institut Colonial International.
Dr. C. TH. VAN DEVENTER, The Hague, Deputy, Member of Institut Colonial
International.
Prof. Dr. D. VAN EMBDEN (Economics and Statistics, U. of Amsterdam).
Dr. P. H. EYKMAN, The Hague, Director of the Foundation for the Promotion of
Internationalism.
Dr. S. BAART DE LA FAILLE, The Hague, Member International Peace Bureau.
Prof. Dr. M. TH. HOUTSMA, Hon. M.R.A.S. (Semitic, Languages, U. of Utrecht).
Prof. H. KERN, Hon. M.R.A.S., late Professor of Sanskrit in Leiden University.
OFFICERS, COUNCIL, AND SUPPORTERS xli
Prof. J. DE LOUTER, Associate of Institut de Droit International (International
Law, U. of Utrecht).
M. E. MORESCO, The Hague, late Government Secretary of Dutch Indies,
Lecturer at the Dutch Indies Academy of Colonial Administration, Associate
Institut Colonial International.
Prof. A. W. NIEUWENHUIS (Ethnography, U. of Leiden).
Prof. Dr. C. SNOUCK-HURGRONJE, Councillor of the Colonial Office, Member of
the Institut Colonial International (Arabic and Islam, U. of Ley den).
Prof. Dr. A. A. H. STRUYCHEN (International Law, U. of Amsterdam).
NICARAGUA.
M. JULIO ARJONA, Nicaraguan Consul, Panama.
NORWAY.
Prof. Dr. BREDO v. MUNTHE AF MORGENSTIERNE (Law and Economics, U. of
Christiania).
Prof. Dr. CHRISTEN COLLIN (Modern Literature, U. of Christiania).
M. JOHN LUND, late President of the Norwegian Parliament, Vice-President of
the Nobel Committee.
Prof. FRIDTJOF NANSEN (Oceanography, U. of Christiania).
Prof. Dr. YNGVAR NIELSEN (Ethnography, U. of Christiania).
Prof. FREDRIK STANG, Member of the Norwegian Committee of the Inter-
Parliamentary Union (Law, U. of Christiania).
PERSIA.
M. AGHA MOAYED-OL-ESLAM, Calcutta.
M. HADJI MIRZA YAHYA, Teheran.
PERU.
M. EULOGIO DELGADO, President Lima Geographical Society.
PORTUGAL.
Prof. CONDE DE FELGUEIRAS (Economic Legislation, U. of Coimbra).
Dr. JoAO DE PAIVA, President of the Commercial Tribunal in Lisbon, Member of
the Council of the Inter-Parliamentary Union, President of the Parliamentary
Peace Group, President of the Portuguese Peace Association.
Dr. Jos£ DA SlLVA PESSANHA, Lisbon (History of Art, School of Art).
Prof. RUY ENNES ULRICH (Colonial Administration, U. of Coimbra).
ROUMANIA.
M. CHARLES GR. LAHOVARY, Bucharest, late Deputy, Secretary of the Roumanian
Inter-Parliamentary Group.
Prof. S. MEHEDINTI (Geography, U. of Bucharest).
Prof. P. MlSSlR (International Law, U. of Jassy).
Prof. C. THIRON (Medicine, U. of Jassy).
Prof. VALERIAN URSIANU, Senator, Dean of Faculty of Law (International Law,
U. of Bucharest).
Prof. A. D. XENOPOL (History, U. of Jassy).
RUSSIA.
Prof. D. ANOUTCHINE, President of the Soci&e Imperiale des Amis des Sciences
Naturelles, d'Anthropologie et d'Ethnographie (Geography and Ethnography,
U. of Moscow).
M. H. ARAKELIAN, Tiflis, Member of the Russian Geographical Society and of
the Paris Asiatic Society.
+M. G. DEKANOZI, Montpellier, of Georgia, late Editor of Sakhartsvelo.
Prof Dr. O. EICHELMANN, Conseiller d'Etat actuel (International Law, U. of Kieff).
Prof. VLADIMIR E. GRABAR (International Law, U. of Dorpat).
Prof. RAFAEL KARSTEN (Comparative Religion, U. of Helsingfors).
Prof. P. KAZANSKY, Dean of Faculty of Law (International Law, U. of Odessa).
Prof. N. LANGE (Philosophy, U. of Odessa).
xlii UNIVERSAL RACES CONGRESS
Prof. Baron BORIS NOLDE (International Law, U. of St. Petersburg).
M. JACQUES Novicow, Odessa, late Vice-President of the International Institute
of Sociology, Member of the International Peace Bureau.
Prof. MICHEL SOBOLEFF (Political Economy, U. of Tomsk).
M. TSERETHELI, London, of Georgia.
Prof. Dr. RICHARD WEINBERG, St. Petersburg (Anatomy, Imperial Medical
College for Women).
Prof. ALEXANDER YASTCHENKO (International Law, U. of Dorpat).
Dr. Louis L. ZAMENHOF, Warsaw, Author of the international language Esperanto.
SERVIA.
Prof. MILETA NOVAKOVITCH (International Law, U. of Belgrade).
SPAIN.
Prof. Dr. MANUEL TORRES CAMPOS, Member of the Institute of International
Law (International Law, U. of Granada).
Prof. GONZALO FERNANDEZ CORDOVA (International Law, U. of Valladolid).
EDUARDO SANZ Y ESCARTIN, Senator, Secretary Royal Academy of Moral and
Political Sciences, Madrid.
SALVADOR CABEZA LEON (International Law, U. of Santiago).
Josfc GASCON Y MARIN (International Law, U. of Saragossa).
Prof. Dr. MANUEL SALES Y NEVV£ (Sociology, U. of Madrid).
Prof. ANICETO SELA (Vice-Rector and International Law, U. of Oviedo).
SWEDEN.
Dr. ERNST BECKMAN, Deputy, Member of the Inter- Parliamentary Council.
Baron BONDE, Eriesberg, Deputy, President of the Swedish Committee of the
Inter-Parliamentary Union.
J. BROOMEE, Deputy, Member Swedish Committee of Inter-Parliamentary Union.
Prof. Dr. PONTUS ERLAND FAHLBECK, Senator (Economics, U. of Lund).
Baron Louis DE GEER, Kristiansand, Senator, Member of the Swedish Com-
mittee of the Inter- Parliamentary Union.
Prof. Dr. RUDOLF KJELL£N (Staatswissenschaften, U. of Goteborg).
Prof. Dr. PER EFRAIM LILJEQUIST (Practical Philosophy, U. of Lund).
Dr. N. A. NILSSON, Orebro, Member of the International Peace Bureau.
Prof. Dr. OTTO NORDENSKJOLD (Geography, U. of Goteborg).
Prof. Dr. VITALIS NORSTROM (Philosophy, U. of Goteborg).
M. K. H. GEZ. VON SCH£ELE, D.D., Ph.D., LL.D., Deputy, Bishop of Gothland,
Member of the Swedish Committee of the Inter- Parliamentary Union.
Prof. Dr. GUSTAF F. STEFFEN (Sociology, U. of Goteborg).
EDVARD WAVRINSKY, Stockholm, Deputy, Member of Inter-Parliamentary
Council, Chief of International Order of Good Templars.
SWITZERLAND.
Prof. Dr. EDOUARD BEGUELIN (International Law, U. of Neuchatel).
Prof. D. ALFRED BERTHOLET, General Secretary of the International Congresses
of the History of Religions (Theology, U. of Basle).
Prof. Dr. JEAN BRUNHES, Rector Fribourg University (Geography, U. of Fribourg).
Dr. JULES DUCOMMUN, Berne, Treasurer of the International Peace Bureau.
Prof: Dr. Fr. W. FOERSTER (Pedagogy, U. of Zurich).
Prof. Dr. HANS VON FRISCH (International Law, U. of- Basle).
Prof. FERDINAND GENTET (International Law, U. of Geneva).
Dr. ALBERT GOBAT, Member of the National Council, Member of the Inter-
Parliamentary Council, and Director and Member of the International Peace
Bureau, Nobel Prize Laureate.
Prof. Dr. EDUARD MOLLER HESS (Philosophy, U. of Berne).
Prof. Dr. HARRY HOLLATZ (International I^aw, U. of Neuchatel).
Prof. CHARLES KNAPP, Conservator of Ethnographical Museum (Geography, U.
of NeuchAtel).
Prof. Dr. J. KOLLMAN, Hon. F.R.A.I. (Anatomy, U. of Basle).
Prof. Dr. U. LAMPERT (International Law, U. of Fribourg).
Prof. ALBERT LECL&RE (Philosophy, U. of Berne).
GUSTAV MA IKK, Zurich, Author and Traveller.
OFFICERS, COUNCIL, AND SUPPORTERS xliii
Prof. Dr. RUDOLF MARTIN, Hon. F.R.A.I. (Anthropology, U. of Zurich).
Prof. Dr. ANDR£ MERCIER, Associate of the Institut de Droit International
(Criminal and International Law, U. of Lausanne).
Prof. MAURICE MILLIOUD (Philosophy, U. of Lausanne).
Prof. Dr. LUDWIG STEIN (Philosophy, U. of Berne).
Prof. Dr. ALBERT TEICHMANN (International Law, U. of Basle).
Prof. Dr. HANS T. WEHRLI (Geography and Ethnography, U. of Zurich).
TURKEY.
HOWARD T. BLISS, President Syrian Protestant College, Beyrouth.
M. GARABET HAGOPIAN, M.R.A.S., London, Professor of Oriental Languages.
ANTONIUS J. MANASSEH, B.Sc., M.D., Beyrout.
M. R£CHID SAFVET BEY, First Secrretay to the Turkish Embassay at Teheran.
KHALIL SARKIS, Editor " Lissan-Ul-Hal," Beyrout.
UNITED STATES OF AMERICA.
Prof. Dr. EPHRAIM D. ADAMS (History, Stanford U.).
Prof. GEORGE BURTON ADAMS (History, Yale U.).
Miss JANE ADDAMS, Hull House, Chicago.
Prof. FELIX ADLER, Theodore Roosevelt Professor in Berlin, 1908-9 (Political
and Social Ethics, Columbia U.).
Prof. W. H. ALLISON (History, Bryn Mawr College).
Prof. Dr. CLARENCE W. ALVORD (History, U. of Illinois).
Prof. CHARLES M.ANDREWS (American Colonial History, Yale U.).
Prof. CHARLES ARBUTHNOT (Economics, Western Reserve U.).
Prof. CHARLES M. BAKEWELL (Philosophy, Yale U.).
Prof. EMILY GREENE BALCH (Sociology, Wellesley College).
Prof. JAMES MARK BALDWIN, Ph.D., D.Sc., LL.D. (Philosophy, John Hopkins U.).
Governor the Hon. S. E. BALDWIN, LL.D. (International Law, Yale U.).
Prof. EARL BARNES, Philadelphia.
RICHARD BARTHOLDT, Member of the House of Representatives, Washington.
Prof. Dr. JOHN SPENCER BASSETT (History, Smith College, Northampton).
Prof. Rev. HARLAN P. BEACH, M.A., F.R.G.S. (Chinese and Theory and Practice
of Missions, Yale U.).
WILLIAM S. BENNET, Washington, U.S. House of Representatives, Immigration
Commissioner.
Prof. G. H. BLAKESLEE (History, Clark U.).
Prof. MAURICE BLOOMFIELD (Comparative Philology, Johns Hopkins U.).
Prof. FRANZ BOAS (Anthropology, Columbia U.).
Prof. HERBERT E. BOLTON (American History, Stanford U.).
Prof. HENRY E. BOURNE (History, Western Reserve U.).
Prof. JAMES H. BREASTED (Egyptology, U. of Chicago).
Prof. JULIAN P. BRETZ (American History, Cornell U.)
Prof. DAVID J. BREWER, Justice Supreme Court of the United States (International
Law, U. of Washington).
JOHN GRAHAM BROOKS, New York, Author.
Prof. CARL D. BUCK (Sanscrit and Comparative Philology, U. of Chicago).
Prof. HOWARD W. CALDWELL, Ph.B., A.M. (American History, U. of Nebraska).
Prof. MARY W. CALKINS (Philosophy, Wellesley College, Mass.).
Mrs. CARRIE CHAPMAN CATT, New York, President of the International Woman
Suffrage Alliance.
Prof. ALEXANDER F. CHAMBERLAIN (Anthropology, Clark U.).
CHARLES W. CHESNUTT, Cleveland, Ohio.
Prof. JOHN BATES CLARK (Political Economy, Columbia U.).
Prof. GEORGE A. COE, Ph.D., LL.D., President of the Religious Education Asso-
ciation, Union Theological Seminary, N.Y.
Prof. CHARLES H. COOLEY (Sociology, U. of Michigan).
Prof. ARTHUR L. CROSS (History, U. of Michigan).
Prof. JAMES ELBERT CUTLER, Ph.D. (Sociology, Western Reserve U.).
Prof. ARTHUR ERNEST DAVIES, B.D. (Philosophy, Ohio State U.).
Prof. EDWARD H. DAVIS, S.B. (Economics, Purdue U.).
Prof. JAMES QUAYLE DEALEY (Social and Political Science, Brown U.).
Prof. GILBERT W. DENISTON (Political Science, U. of Southern California).
xliv UNIVERSAL RACES CONGRESS
Prof. Dr. ALFRED L. P. DENNIS (History, U. of Wisconsin).
Prof. JOHN DEWEY (Philosophy, Columbia U.).
Prof. WILLIAM E. DODD (American History, U. of Chicago).
Prof. GEORGE A. DORSEY, Ph.D., LL.D. (Anthropology, U. of Chicago).
Prof. EARLE W. Dow (History, U. of Michigan).
Prof. GARRETT DROPPERS (Economics, Williams College).
Prof. W. E. BURGHARDT DuBoiS (Economics and History, Atlanta U.).
Prof. Dr. D. SHAW DUNCAN (History, U. of Denver).
Prof. GEORGE M. DUTCHER, Ph.D. (History, Wesleyan U., Middletown).
Rev. CALEB SAMUEL S. DUTTON, M.A., Brooklyn.
Prof. SAMUEL T. DUTTON, Secretary of New York Peace Society (Columbia U.).
Prof. EDWIN LEE EARP, Ph.D. (Sociology, Drew Theological Seminary, Madison).
Brigadier-General CLARENCE R. EDWARDS, U.S. Army, Chief of the Bureau of
Insular Affairs, War Department, Washington.
Prof. CHARLES A. ELLWOOD (Sociology, U. of Missouri).
Prof. Dr. LAWRENCE B. EVANS (History, Tufts College, Mass.).
Prof. WALTER GOODNOW EVERETT (Philosophy, Brown U.).
Prof. H. P. FAIRCHILD (Economics and Sociology, Bowdoin College, Brunswick).
Prof. W. H. P. FAUNCE, President Brown University.
Prof. FRANK A. FETTER (Economics, Cornell U.).
Prof. J.WALTER FEWKES, Ph.D., President Anthropological Society of Washington.
JOHN H. FINLEY, Ph.D., LL.D., President College of the City of New York.
Prof. CARL RUSSELL FISH (History, U. of Wisconsin).
Prof. IRVING FISHER (Political Economy, Yale U.).
Prof. Dr. ALEXANDER C. FLICK (European History, Syracuse U.).
Prof. GUY S. FORD (Modern European History, U. of Illinois).
Prof. KUNO FRANCKE, LL.D. (History of German Culture, Harvard U.).
Prof. Dr. JOHN FRYER (Oriental Languages and Literature, U. of California).
Prof. HERBERT P. GALLINGER (History, Amherst College).
Prof. GEORGE P. GARRISSON (American History, U. of Texas).
Prof. FRANKLIN H. GIDDINGS, LL.D. (Sociology, Columbia U.).
EDWIN GINN, Boston, Founder of the International School of Peace.
Prof. J. PAUL GOODE (Geography, U. of Chicago).
Major-General AW. GREELY, Washington, Explorer, Member of the International
Colonial Institute.
The Hon. JOHN P. GREEN, ex-Judge, ex-Senator, Barrister, Cleveland.
Prof. CHARLES NOBLE GREGORY, M.A., LL.D., Chairman of Standing Com-
mittee on International Law of American Bar Association (Dean of College of
Law, International Law, U. of Iowa).
ARCHIBALD H. GRIMKE, President of the American Negro Academy.
Dr. Louis GROSSMANN, Rabbi (Ethics, Hebrew Union College).
Prof. Dr. EDWIN A. GROSVENOR (International Law, Amherst College).
Prof. J. E. HAGERTY (Sociology, Ohio State U.)
Prof. THOMAS C. HALL (Christian Ethics, Union Theological Seminary, N.Y.).
CHARLES THOMAS HALLINAN, Chicago.
Prof. LEWIS H. HANEY (Economics, U. of Michigan).
Prof. EDWARD GARY HAYES (Sociology, U. of Illinois).
Prof. AMY HEWES (Sociology, Mount Holyoke College, Mass.).
Prof. HOMER C. HOCKETT (American History, Ohio State U.).
HAMILTON HOLT, Managing-Editor of " The Independent," N.Y.
Prof. HERMAN H. HORNE (Pedagogy, U. of New York).
W. L. HOUSTON, Grand Master of the Grand United Order of Odd-Fellows in
America, Washington.
Prof. GEORGE E. HOWARD (Sociology, U. of Nebraska).
Prof. IRA W. HOWERTH (Sociology, U. of Chicago).
W. W. HUSBAND, Secretary of the Immigration Commission, Washington.
Prof. A. V. WILLIAMS JACKSON (Indo- Iranian Languages, Columbia U.).
Prof. EDMUND J. JAMES, President of the University of Illinois.
Prof. ALBERT ERNST JENKS (Anthropology, U. of Minnesota).
Prof. T. W. JENKS, Immigration Commissioner (Political Economy, Cornell U.).
Prof. Dr. A. JOHNSON (History and Political Science, Bowdoin College, Brunswick).
Prof. HENRY JOHNSON (History, Columbia University).
Prof. Dr. ALBERT G. KELLER (Science of Society, Yale U.).
Prof. CARL KELSEY (Sociology, U. of Pennsylvania).
OFFICERS, COUNCIL, AND SUPPORTERS xlv
Prof. E. W. KEMMERER (Economics, Cornell U.).
Prof. CLYDE L. KING (Economics and Sociology, U. of Colorado).
Prof. Dr. DAVID KINLEY (Economics, U. of Illinois).
Prof. GEORGE WELLS KNIGHT (American History, Ohio State U.).
Prof. A. L. KROEBER (Anthropology, U. of California).
Prof. CHARLES R. LANMAN (Sanscrit, Harvard U.).
Prof. J. LAWRENCE LAUGHLIN (Political Economy, U. of Chicago).
Mr. U. J. LEDOUX, International School of Peace, Boston, Mass.
Prof. ALFRED HENRY LLOYD (Philosophy, U. of Michigan).
Prof. WILLIAM MACDONALD (American History, Brown U.).
ALFRED W. MARTIN, Associate Leader New York Society for Ethical Culture.
EDWIN D. MEAD, Boston, Member of International Peace Bureau.
Prof. GEORGE H. MEAD (Philosophy, U. of Chicago).
Prof. EDMOND S. MEANY, M.S., M.L. (History, U. of Washington).
Prof. SIDNEY E. MEZES (Philosophy, Austin U.).
Prof. ADOLPH CASPAR MILLER (Political Economy, U. of California).
Prof. MERTON LELAND MILLER, Chief of Ethnological Division, Bureau of
Science, Manilla, Philippines.
Prof HENRY RAYMOND MUSSEY (Economics, Columbia U.).
CHARLES P. NEILL, Immigration Commissioner, Washington.
Prof. WILLIAM JESSE NEWLIN, M.A. (Philosophy, Amherst College).
Prof. H. A. OVERSTREET (Philosophy, U. of California).
FRANK C. PARTRIDGE, Law Office, Proctor, Vermont.
CHARLES PEABODY, Ph.D., F.R.A.I., Peabody Museum, Harvard University.
Prof. GEORGE F. PEABODY, New York.
Rev. Prof. ISMAR J. PERITZ, Ph.D. (Semitic Languages, Syracuse U.).
Prof. RALPH B. PERRY (Philosophy, Harvard U.).
Prof. ULRICH B. PHILLIPS (History and Political Science, U. of Louisiana).
Prof. W. B. PILLSBURY (Philosophy, U. of Michigan).
Prof. F. W. PUTNAM, Hon. Curator Peabody Museum of American Archaeology
and Ethnology at Harvard University.
Prof. SAMUEL NICHOLAS REEP, M.A. (Sociology, U. of Minnesota).
Prof. OLIVER HUNTINGTON RICHARDSON, Ph.D. (History, U. of Washington).
Prof. THOMAS J. RILEY (Sociology, U. of St. Louis).
Prof. ALLAN ROBERTS (History and Political Science, Lafayette College).
Prof. E. VAN DYKE ROBINSON (Economics, U. of Minnesota).
Prof. Dr. JAMES H. ROBINSON (History, Columbia U.).
Prof. JAMES E. LE ROSSIGNOL (Economics, U. of Denver).
Prof. Dr. L. S. ROWE (Political Science, U. of Pennsylvania).
WILLIAM M. S ALTER (Philosophy, U. of Chicago).
Prof. WILLIAM A. SCHAPER (Political Science,\J. of Minnesota).
Dr. WILLIAM J. SCHIEFFLIN, New York.
Prof. Louis BERNARD SCHMIDT (History, Iowa State College).
Prof. NATHANIEL SCHMIDT (Semitic Literature, Cornell U.).
Prof. GEORGE W. SCOTT (International Law, Columbia U.).
Prof. W. A. SCOTT (Economics, U. of Wisconsin).
Prof. EDWIN R. SELIGMAN (Economics, Columbia U.).
Prof. WILLIAM R. SHEPHERD (History, Columbia U.).
Prof. ALBION W. SMALL, Editor of the American Journal of Sociology (Dean of
Arts and Literature, Sociology, U. of Chicago).
Prof. Dr. HARRISON S. SMALLEY (Economics, U. of Michigan).
C. SPRAGUE SMITH, Seal Harbor, Managing-Director Ethical and Social League.
Prof. J. RUSSELL SMITH (Geography, U. of Pennsylvania).
Prof. SAMUEL G. SMITH (Sociology and Anthropology, U. of Minnesota).
Prof. EDWIN D. STARBUCK (Philosophy, U. of Iowa).
Prof. E. L. STEVENSON, Ph.D. (History, Rutgers College).
Prof. WILLIAM GRAHAM SUMNER (Sociology, Yale U.).
Prof. ELLEN BLISS TALBOT (Philosophy, Mount Holyoke College, Mass.).
ROBERT H. TERRELL, Judge, Washington.
Prof. FRANK THILLY, LL.D. (Philosophy, Cornell U.).
Prof. W. I. THOMAS (Sociology, U. of Chicago).
Prof. CHARLES F. THWING, President Western Reserve University.
Prof. WALTER S. TOWER (Geography, U. of Pennsylvania).
Prof. NORMAN MACLAREN TRENHOLME, M.A., Ph.D. (History, U. of Missouri).
xlvi UNIVERSAL RACES CONGRESS
BENJAMIN F. TRUEBLOOD, LL.D., Secretary of the American Peace Society,
Member of the International Peace Bureau.
Prof. EDSON V. TUCKEY (Economics and Sociology, Syracuse U.).
Prof. JAMES HAYDEN TUFTS (Philosophy, U. of Chicago).
Prof. JOHN MARTIN VINCENT (European History, Johns Hopkins U.).
CHARLES D. WALCOTT, President of Washington Academy of Sciences, Vice-
Presidentof National Academy of Sciences, Secretary of Smithsonian Institution-
Prof. ULYSSES G. WEATHERLY (Sociology, U. of Indiana).
Prof. HUTTON WEBSTER (Social Anthropology, U. of Nebraska).
Prof. HERBERT WELCH, D.D., LL.D., President Ohio Wesleyan University.
Prof. R. M. WENLEY, Sc.D., Litt.D., LL.D. (Philosophy, U. of Michigan).
Prof. WILLIS MASON WEST, M.A. (History, U of Minnesota).
Prof. NATHAN WESTON (Economics, U. of Illinois).
Prof. GEORGIA L. WHITE (Economics, Smith College, Northampton).
The Hon. JAMES GUSTAVUS WHITELEY, late Consul-General Belgian Congo,
Associate of the Institut de Droit International.
Prof. ALBERT C. WHITTAKER (Economics, Stanford U.).
Prof. BURT G. WILDER, M.D. (Neurology, Cornell U.).
Prof. WALTER F. WiLLCOX (Political Economy and Statistics, Cornell U.).
Prof. FREDERICK WELLS WILLIAMS (Modern Oriental History, Yale U-).
Prof. HENRY HORACE WILLIAMS (Philosophy, U. of Carolina).
Prof. Dr. CH. C. WILLIAMSON (Economics and Politics, Bryn Mawr College).
Prof. W.W. WlLLOUGHBY, Ph.D. (Political Science, Johns Hopkins U.).
Prof. GEORGE GRAFTON WILSON (International Law, Brown U.).
Prof. A. P. WINSTON (Economics, Washington, U.).
Dr. STEPHEN S. WISE, The Free Synagogue, New York.
Prof. JAMES WITHROW (Chemistry, Ohio State, U.).
Prof. THEODORE SALISBURY WOOLSEY, LL.D. (International Law, Yale U.).
Prof. ABBOTT YOUNG (Economics, Stanford U.).
Prof. CHARLES ZUEBLIN, Boston.
OCCIDENT \L^\M, ORIENT
PAPERS
FIRST SESSION
FUNDAMENTAL CONSIDERATIONS
MEANING OF RACE, TRIBE, NATION
By BRAJENDRANATH SEAL, M.A., Ph.D.,
Principal, Maharajah of Cooch Behar's College^ Cooch Behar, India.
IF modern civilisation is distinguished from all other civilisations
by its scientific basis, the problems that this civilisation presents
must be solved by the methods of Science. The evolution of Uni-
versal Humanity through the concourse and conflict of Nationalities
and Empires is too vast and complex for the analytical methods of
Aristotelian or Machiavellian Politics, the so-called Historical Schools
of Montesquieu or Vico, the arbitrary standards of the Law of
Nature, or of Nations, or the learned decisions of international
jurists. Modern Science, first directed to the conquest of Nature,
must now be increasingly applied to the organisation of Society.
But, in this process, Science is no longer in the merely physico-
chemical, or even in the merely biological plane, but is lifted to the
sociological and historical platform. A scientific study of the con-
stituent elements and the composition of races and peoples, of their
origin and development, and of the forces that govern these, will alone
point the way to a settlement of inter-racial claims and conflicts on
a sound progressive basis, the solution of many an administrative
problem in the composite United States and the heterogeneous
British Empire, and even the scope and methods of social legis-
lation in every modern State.
Physical Anthropology with its permanent anatomical types,
cultural Ethnology with its geographical zones of ethnic culture, the
Philosophy of History with its law of three or more stages, have
made notable contributions to this end. But their conflicting
claims must be harmonised. A synthetic view of Race is possible,
I B
2 UNIVERSAL RACES CONGRESS
only; when we consider it not as a statical, but as a dynamical entity,
plastic, fluent, growing, with energies not exhaust, but superimposing
layer upon layer like the earth, its scene, still subject to the primal
forces that have built up the bed-rocks in their order of sequence
and distribution. This is the point of view of genetic Anthropology.
It will study Race and Racial Types as developing entities, tracing
the formation of physical stocks or types as radicles, their growth and
transmutation into ethnic cultural units (clans, tribes, peoples), and
finally, the course of their evolution into historical nationalities. A
study of genetic conditions and causes, of the biological, psychological,
sociological forces at work, which have shaped and governed the rise,
growth, and decadence of Races of Man, can alone enable us to guide
and control the future evolution of Humanity by conscious selection
in intelligent adaptation to the system and procedure of Nature.
Race, Variety, Species. — Physical Anthropology must turn to the
systematists for definitions of these terms. Not that the Systematists
are agreed in theory or in practice. The line between " good " and
"bad" species remains as uncertain as when Kerner discussed the ques-
tion. But by general consensus, such classifications are based on
the following considerations : —
(1) Degree of likeness in characters (morphological and physiological);
(2) Degree of stability or constancy of the like characters ;
(3) Degree of fertility of unions within the group as well as outside, after
groups have been tentatively formed by considerations of likeness and
stability ; and
(4) Degree of community of blood, descent or kinship.
First, we group together individuals resembling one another with
some certain degree of distinctness in one or more characters which are
peculiar, i.e., by which such an assemblage is differentiated from allied
assemblages. If we then find that the distinctive characters are not
stable but more or less readily modifiable, and either (i) that they
are not uniformly transmitted to offspring within certain limits of
allowable variation, or not so transmitted under some certain change
of environment, neither very violent nor very sudden, or (2) that they
are definitely known to have been induced by recent change of
environment, the assemblage is regarded as a variety (climatic or
otherwise). If, again, we find that the peculiar characters, though
stable and uniformly transmissible under the above conditions and
limitations, are not sufficiently distinct, or " present but small degrees
of divergence from those of allied groups," we class the group as a
constant variety. Now, when the common and peculiar characters of
a group are distinct, stable and transmissible (hereditary) within wide
limits of environmental change, it is usually found that the individuals
of such a group breed together in a state of nature, and are more
FIRST SESSION 3
or less exclusively fertile among themselves ; in other words, when
crossed with individuals of even allied groups, they produce off-
spring which are more or less infertile inter se, in the first or the
second generation. Such a group may be provisionally regarded
as a species. But it is also often found that, within the group,
there are certain subordinate aggregates which may be differentiated
from one another by the same kind of tests that were employed
in forming the group itself, though these traits are present in a
markedly inferior degree. In other words, the subordinate aggre-
gates are marked off by peculiar distinct hereditary characters, and
they show greater fertility in the second, third, and succeeding
generations, inter se, than when crossed with other subordinate
groups. Such a subordinate group may be said to form a sub-
species or race.
*****
Application to Man. — I. Like Characters : Formation of Types. —
Essentially unsound are all classifications based on a single character,
whether it is the pigmentation of skin, hair, and iris, the texture of
hair with shape of transverse section, the nasal index, the cephalic
index, or the geometrical varieties of the cranial or the facial form.
Nor does it help to employ single characters successively in con-
tinued sub-division, e.g., first dividing by hair, sub-dividing by pig-
mentation, sub-dividing still by cranial and facial form, or in the
reverse order. This dislocates natural affinities, and frustrates a
sound serial arrangement
It is necessary to adopt biometric methods in studying characters
and variations, and to find the mean or means by co-ordination and
seriation. Averages are apt to be misleading, and conceal the
differences of type that may exist in a group, except where very
extensive observations have been made under a variety of conditions.
The range of variations in a character is as important an index as
the character itself, and the variations should be studied, not merely
among the adults, but with reference to sex and ontogenetic (includ-
ing embryonic) development, as well as to reversion and retrogression.
These are of great value in determining the pure stocks in a hetero-
geneous mixture as well as racial affinities and distinctions.
We may arrange the types of physical race in several ways —
(i) We may classify them as primary, secondary, tertiary, and so on, but
this can not be properly done until the effects of environment and miscegenation
have been studied by the biologist, and not by the statistical empiric, as has often
been the case. When sufficient data are available, we may represent the
formation of the physical types by a modified genealogical tree (with devices
for intercrossing and retrogression), or by symbols and formulas analogous to
those of organic chemistry (as in arranging isomers, polymers, &c.). But even
chemistry is becoming increasingly evolutionary, and the descent of the elements
4 UNIVERSAL RACES CONGRESS
(and their seven or sixteen races), with the position, say, of the helium-argon
group, will shortly be discussed as hotly as the affinities of the Mediterranean
race.
(2) A second way would be to arrange the types in space (or, more simply,
on a plane surface), the distances along different directions marking the degree
of affinity as estimated by three (or two) groups of correlated characters (cf. the
horizontal and vertical rows of the periodic classification in chemistry).
(3) A third way would be to conceive an ideal type as the goal towards
which the normal development of the organism is tending, and to place the
actual types round this as a centre, at distances corresponding, more or less, to
their approximation to the ideal. The difference between the second and the
third method is that while the former is statical, the latter is dynamical.
Though the third method is not quite feasible, an occasional application of this
test of normal or standard development is a useful corrective.
-tii General Remarks on Morphological Characters. — The morphological
characters most useful in distinguishing types of physical race are not
necessarily of zoonomic interest. Many of the marks are non-
adaptive and useless. As Topiriard notes, the facial angle is a
rational character in craniometry, but the nasal index of which no
rational (or zoonomic) explanation is available, is far more valuable
as a racial mark. Secondary parts best furnish such distinctive traits.
Again, most of the morphological distinctions do not connote vitality,
or a high or low place in the normal scale of development. The
head and the foot do not vary among races according to their order
of superiority. A long head (a so-called simian character), or a long
foot, is not a characteristic of inferiority. Taking prognathism (the
true or sub-nasal prognathism), while all races are prognathous, some
of the neolithic European races were less prognathous than modern
Europeans (e.g., Parisians); and the Polynesians of the purest blood,
and (probably) the Tasmanians come nearer to the white races than
the yellow races or the African Negroes (Topinard). As Weisbach
remarks, each race has its share of the characteristics of inferiority.
As regards the ideal of normal development for the human body, it
is disputed whether the infantile or the adult condition of man makes
the nearest approach to it. The young of the anthropoid apes and
of man are somewhat alike, but the adult in both cases falls away
from this, not in the same direction but along collateral lines, the
deviation being much greater in the adult ape than in the adult man.
On the whole, as Havelock Ellis notes, " the yellow races are nearest
to the infantile condition " (in brachycephaly, scanty hair, proportion
of trunk and limbs) ; " Negroes and Australians are farthest removed
from it (though not always in the direction of the ape); the Caucasian
races occupy an intermediate position. In the nose "(and also in the
well-developed calves as contrasted with the Negro's spindle-legs)
" they are at the farthest remove from the ape ; in the hairy covering
they recede from the human and approach the ape. The lowest races
FIRST SESSION 5
are in some respects more highly evolved than the white Caucasian
races." From the ensemble of osteological characters, it appears that
the Australians, the South Sea Islanders, and the Negritos have
affinities to the Pithecanthropus erectus, the Polynesians to the Orang,
the Negroes to the Gorilla, the Mongols to the Chimpanzee, and two
of the original European types, the Neanderthal man and the
Aurignac man, to the Gorilla and the Orang respectively (Klaatsch).
Physiological and Pathological Characters : General Remarks. —
The characters relating to metabolism and reproduction are of greater
bionomic value than any of the morphological ones. The number of
red corpuscles and the amount of haemoglobin in the blood, the pulse-
rate, the vital capacity, the muscular strength, the amount of urea in
the urine, are different in different races. But they depend in part
on the quantity of proteid consumption. This has been conclusively
established by clinical researches in India into the metabolism of
peoples with a vegetarian diet. Indeed, some of the morphological
characters (e.g., pigmentation of skin, hair, and eye, amount and
distribution of hairy covering, &c.), are themselves due to physico-
chemical processes connected with the metabolism (as well as the
secretions) of the organism. The racial differences in muscular force
and in vital capacity (as measured by the dynamometer and the
spirometer), like those in stature and weight, depend on conditions
of nutrition and habitat (including climate), though the costal
breathing of civilised as contrasted with the abdominal breathing of
uncivilised women has arisen from conventions of dress. The depth
and range of the voice also furnish racial characters. In the lower
races (as in women), the larynx is less developed than in the higher,
and the voice is shriller. Still the Germans are not at the top ; the
Tartars appear to have even louder and more powerful voices.
Thus sexual selection (if this is the origin), like natural selection,
does not always work advantageously for the so-called higher
races, nor in all directions.
The resistance to particular local diseases that marks particular
races may have been due to the elimination of the more susceptible
through that selective mortality, which, in the view of Karl Pearson
and Archdall Reid, is the most effective instrument of natural
selection among the races of men.
Acclimation appears to depend in part on the quantity of water
in the organism, the tropics requiring more water than temperate
countries (Kochs). On the other hand, cold climates require more
proteid than hot. Pure or primitive stocks are less easily acclimated
than civilised (or mixed) stocks ; the latter are more cosmopolitan.
Loss of vital energy owing to chemical changes in metabolism,
incapacity to resist diseases of bacterial origin (the phagocytes in the
6 UNIVERSAL RACES CONGRESS
blood being without the supply of the requisite opsons), and, finally,
sterility or diminishing fertility of the germ-plasm due to changes in
the environment, food, and habits of life — these are the circumstances
that set a limit to the cosmopolitanism of a race, and baffle successful
acclimation and colonisation.
II. Stability of Characters and Type. — Both morphological and
physiological characters change with change of environment. The
chemical changes due to the new conditions of climate or nutrition
act upon the " hormones " and enzymes, stimulate cell-growth, induce
changes of form in the somatic tissues, and, sometimes, affecting the
germ-plasm, become hereditary. This is not merely in the fungi,
algae, flowering plants (Klebs), or in protozoa, sponges, sea-urchins
(Roux, Herbst), or in insects (Weismann, Tower, &c.), but also in
domesticated animals and in man. The rate of change and the
amount vary, being less in pure stocks of long standing and more in
mixed or recent stocks.
Evidence is gradually accumulating to show that other morpho-
logical characters, e.g.t the changes rung on a few simple varieties
of geometrical form, in the structure of the hair, the face, the
orbits, the nose, the cranium and the pelvis, are not so stable as
some physical anthropologists would fain believe. That remarkable
osteological changes of this description may be induced in mammals
&c., by the action of environment, has indeed been long known
(e.g., in the niata cattle, the Java ponies, the Gangetic crocodiles,
not to mention oysters and crabs). And the recent careful inquiry
of Professor Boas into the anatomical characters of United States
immigrants, under the direction of the Immigration Committee of
Congress, shows that profound changes of head-form (cephalic
index) occur under the influence of American environment, in the
American-born descendants of immigrants as compared with the
foreign-born immigrants of the same races ; that the amount of
change in the American-born depends in part on the period of
their immigrant mothers' stay in America before their birth ; that
the rate of change decreases as this period increases, and finally
that the changes make the most divergent types (e.g.t East European
Hebrews and Sicilians) converge and approach to a uniform type
in this respect. The cephalic index in man, even if it were not
otherwise open to dispute as confounding real distinctions of
shape, seems to be-, unstable under special conditions. That the
changes of head-form in American-born children are persistent
and hereditary under American conditions may be presumed from
the fact that they are in the direction of the normal American
type. That there may be a reversion with a return to European
conditions cannot be urged as an objection against one who denies
FIRST SESSION 7
the racial significance of this cephalic character. The persistence
of the Neanderthal type or the Aurignac type, so far as this is a
fact, may be due to the operation of similar conditions, or the
absence of special modifying agencies, or, in some instances, to
atavism, reversion or freaks.
* * * * *
Proto-man. — A proto-human type with primitive characters
must be assumed as the starting-point, a generalised type from
which all the pure primary stocks of Man may be derived by
further differentiation and specialisation along different collateral
lines in special environments.
The Proto-man as a more generalised form possessed this
(phylogenetic) variability in a greater measure, and his skull,
cerebral mass and cerebral convolutions have shown striking
changes ; in other words, the evolution of man has been rapid
and continuous in the direction in which he differentiated from
the anthropoids. For example, the cranial capacity of the gorilla
is about 450 c.c. ; of the Pithecanthropus erectus, in Upper
Pliocene, about 900 c.c. ; of the Neanderthal man, in middle
Pleistocene, about 1,250 c.c. ; and of the Cro-Magnon man of the
lower alluvium about 1,500 c.c. The progress was most marked in
the earlier stages, and gradually slowed down.
All this cerebral change is the index of a rapid psychic variation-
Even in the case of the higher animals, the psychic (and social)
characters are of " zoogenic " value, influencing the course of
animal evolution and the origin of species among the higher
vertebrates (birds and mammals), e.g., through sexual selection,
gregarious impulses, instincts of species-preservation, mutual aid
and sympathy. It is these psycho-social characters of the organism
that chiefly differentiate Man from the animals. They ensure the
exercise of that foresight, control, and co-ordination which are
the chief marks of bionomic progress. Besides, what is of vital
importance, these psycho-social characters (and therefore the
Racial types of Man whereof they are constituent elements) are
marked by that greater range, variability and plasticity of response
(z.e., of the internal factor in organic evolution), which is the con-
comitant of all higher and more complex organisation. As such,
they furnish some new developments, especially an extending
range of wants, and the phenomena of choice and conscious
control which condition the operation of natural selection, and
determine its direction, though they do not by any means suspend
it. Hence it is that no view of civilisation is sound or adequate
which considers Race and Racial types statically, and not
dynamically as growing, developing, progressive entities.
8 UNIVERSAL RACES CONGRESS
The Social Instinct. — The same struggle for existence which
develops the egoistic impulses also develops the ego-altruistic and
the altruistic. Social life survives as the best aid to the main-
tenance of the individual as well as the species. And the social
instincts thus evolved have left their impress on the physical type.
It has been held with some plausibility that a developed sociality
gave a longer pairing arrangement in the primitive human family,
with prolonged human infancy, and that this brought on the more
developed brain with the erect position. This sociality manifests
itself in sympathy, imitation, play, communicativeness, association,
which all spread by the law of surface expansion, z>., in geometrical
progression, by creating new centres of diffusion. All this pre-
pared the way for the origin of language.
Psychology of Primitive Peoples. — The scientific anthropologist
must beware of one vulgar error on pain of being taken for a
caricaturist The primitive psychical type like the physical differs
from ours not by being abnormal or pathological, but only by
being undeveloped and rudimentary. The normal movement is
from the mind of the ape to that of the civilised man ; and the
appearance of any new factor in proto-man or prehistoric man, be
it conceptual language or reasoning, religion or art, magic or
myth, marriage or property, must be sought, in its origin, along
this line of advance, and in the normal experience of the race.
Sometimes we have to deal with abnormal or pathological
phenomena among primitive or " natural " races, e.g., trance phe-
nomena, black magic, cannibalism, revolting puberty rites, orgies,
sexual perversions and inversions, &c., just as we find the same in
the civilised peoples of to-day ; but then we must analyse them as
such. Some of these arise by temporary excess or defect of
normal impulses ; and when they survive in the present day, they
are not survivals in the true sense, but arise from similar excesses
or defects of the same normal impulses in civilised man. Excesses
of sensuality, and many superstitions, are of this class. As to
the anti-social impulses, it must be remembered that some of
them arise in the struggle for existence, and are to that extent
normal. Sociality went part passu with egoism. Sympathy
within the horde was no doubt of adaptive value, but it was the
correlative of antipathy outside the horde, which was equally
adaptive at the origin.
But as sociality is ultimately more adaptive or life-maintaining,
it has gone on, expanding its circle, and the anti-social impulses
have contracted theirs ; the evolution of Man has been, and will
be, the evolution of Sociality, within the limits of the complete
and free personal life. If, therefore, we find anti-social excesses
FIRST SESSION 9
among savages, they are also in many cases not abnormal but
only rudimentary. But there are other phenomena which are
abnormal, pathological, implying degenerative transformation of
structure or function. Cannibalism, promiscuity, Morgan's con-
sanguineous marriage, group-marriage, infanticide, black magic,
&c., are of this class. In the first place, they are far outside
the line from the ape to the civilised man. The higher apes had
already begun to avoid too close in-breeding, and to live in
jealously guarded polygynous-family hordes, or pairing families,
more or less enduring. And secondly, natural selection would
ruthlessly weed out stocks in which such impulses would be
normal. It follows, therefore, that, when such phenomena appear,
as they undoubtedly do, among savages or primitive folk, they
are not part and parcel of their normal physio-psycho-social type,
but are phenomena of degeneration or retrogression in those
peoples. They are not samples of the normal savage mind, much
less of the mind of Proto-man, who was a plastic and progressive
being, not arrested, and not decadent, as savages in many cases
have come to be in their isolated and inhospitable habitats.
Cultural Race. — This comprehends in intimate inter-dependence :
(1) Grades of material culture with elaboration of useful Arts, and traditions
(e.g., those connected with food, fire, shelter, disposal of the dead, fishing,
hunting, war, medicinal and other healing, basket and textile weaving, pottery,
decoration, mechanical inventions, domestication of animals, pasture, agricul-
ture, writing, weights and measures, coins ; — in more or less successive epochs,
e.g., the stick-using, eolithic, palaeolithic, mesolithic, neolithic, eneolithic, bronze,
and iron ages — with several layers in each age, e.g., the Chellean, Mousterian,
Solutrian, Lower and Upper Aurignacian, and Magdalenian epochs of
palaeolithic Europe, &c.).
(2) Grades of ethnic culture, with elaboration of social structures, and of customs
(the economic, juristic, socio-ceremonial, religious, and political traditions).
The unit of the social structure was the horde, a small
polygynous family-horde, rather than a pairing family. Composite
structures were produced by genetic multiplication, fission, aggre-
gation, coalescence, absorption, assimilation, adoption, initiation,
conquest and capture.
The composite social structures that were thus evolved ap-
peared in the following order : —
(i) Family groups and possibly local exogamous groups by fission and
aggregation; (2) clans, metronymic or patronymic, totemistic or eponymous,
exogamous or endogamous, or both, with " beena," or with wife capture,
purchase or expropriation ; (3) sometimes, phratries, classes, &c. ; (4) tribes,
based on agnatic or female kinship, or cemented by common good and ill,
or common vendetta, or common land and water, or participation in the
communal land, or adoption into the village community or township as
strangers or as servi ; (5) confederacies of tribes, or peoples.
io UNIVERSAL RACES CONGRESS
But all this is composite aggregation of like units by duplication
or repetition of parts. In structure as in function a people is a
big tribe, a tribe is a big phratry or clan, a clan is a big family-
group, a family-group is a big family.
Every one of these groups performed four functions, though
not indifferently, or in the same degree.
(1) Economic, by provision of communal food, and communal shelter;
(2) Socio-ceremonial, at feasts, games, choral dances ;
(3) Juristic, by the inviolable custom of blood-feuds, &c. ; and
(4) Religious in communal worship and propitiation of the common an-
cestors, tribal deities, and jungle or other spirits.
This compound structure is characteristic of low organisms,
(e.g., the colonies of the Hydroidea the compound eye, &c.). The
units are not sufficiently differentiated, the whole is not sufficiently
coherent. The superior aggregate cannot control the ultimate units
except through semi-independent intervening media. The jurisdic-
tion is particulate. As Morgan observes, the plan of government
in the tribal stage deals with individuals through their relations
to the gens or clan. Status is all in all, and individuation is only
rudimentary. The social acts of the individual, as Hermann Post
remarks, are all determined by the assumptions on which his society
is based — postulates, social categories, embodied in custom or law.
These traditions are quasi-instinctive, and constitute the essential
moments of ethnic entity or cultural Race.1
National Race. — The third stage evolves a complex and coherent
structure, by redistributing the elements of the previous composite
formations. Differentiation of the individual and central coherence
go together. In other words, while the individual begins to be
differentiated from the family and the clan, the Nation by its
central organ, the State, deals with the individual directly, by
gradually usurping and annulling all intermediary jurisdictions.
Family-groups within clans, and clans within tribes, duplicating
structure and function, cannot constitute a nation. The uniformity
of the family-clan-tribe-people stage must be broken up.2 The
individual units and lower aggregates are more and more differen-
1 If the individual organism is maintained by the balance of hereditary
conservation and progressive variation, cultural Race is maintained by the
balance of two corresponding capacities, viz., the cumulation of experience in
the form of tradition, and modification by new experience and growing wants.
As Ratzel points out, the most profound differences among ethnic civilisations
arise out of the varying degrees of these two fundamental capacities. But
the capacities themselves, like all other bio-sociological characters, are plastic,
fluent, developable under suitable conditions and stimuli.
' Even in this stage there had been a progressive specialisation of functions,
more especially in the tribe and the confederacy.
FIRST SESSION 11
tiated by division of labour and specialisation of interests.
Occupational castes, guilds, classes, corporations, gradually take
the place of the older ethnic groups. Personal law based on
kinship gives place more and more to territorial law based on
allegiance. The coherence thus becomes more effective, more
direct Whether the government is vested in one or many, a
nation always begins by creating an absolute central authority.
In the intermediate feudal stage, the State deals with the individual
through his overlord or corporation, but a true national government
can only rise on the ruins of the feudal system, by creating an
absolute central power.1 Constitutions and constitutionalism are a
later growth, effected through the differentiation and separation of the
legislative, executive, and judicial functions of this sovereign authority.
Part passu with the increasing variability of response in the
individual, which is itself the cause and concomitant of individual
emancipation from the family and clan, is developed the increasing
variability of the social mind, and the phenomenon of social choice.
The customs, traditions, postulates of social .life so long rigidly
determined the responses of the social organism, but now these
responses show the characteristics of all complex evolution, viz.,
indefinite variability, deliberative veto, purposive control, rational
choice of alternative. These choices, of course, obey the biological
law of adaptation and survival of the fittest, but the spontaneous
process of natural selection becomes a conscious organised rational
selection determined by ideal satisfactions or ends. A nation,
then, is a conscious social personality, exercising rational choice
as determined by a scheme of ideal ends or values, and having
an organ, the State, for announcing and executing its will. Law
is nothing but the standing Will of the national Personality, and
the old customary now receives its sanction explicitly or implicitly
from this Will. All members of a truly National State are integral
members of this Composite Personality, but the individual units
are themselves Persons, and, therefore, self-determining Wills.
The common membership of the State gradually replaces all
the old bonds of common descent or kinship, common religion,
common social customs, common personal law, common cultural
stock, even a common language. The existence of theocratic codes,
servile classes, ethnic disabilities, privileged classes, co-ordinate
jurisdictions (ecclesiastical, feudal, municipal), retards the free and
normal development of a National Race, and these ethnic survivals
disappear in adult nationality.
This centralisation itself makes for decentralisation within the
limits of the State paramountcy.
1 E.g., the recent case of Japan.
12 UNIVERSAL RACES CONGRESS
Voluntary associations, companies, corporations (Universities,
Inns of Court, Social Reform-Associations, political parties,
commercial firms, banks and services unions, trusts, co-operative
agencies, &c.) extend this decentralisation within limits of
State supervision secured by charters, registrations, and licences.
Local self-governments carry the decentralisation still further by
delegation of State functions to local bodies. But the sphere and
scope of State legislation, in other words, the limits (other than
those of Justice) within which the social personality is bound to
tolerate and respect the personality of its members in their activities
to realise their own schemes of values and ends, is a hyper-
constitutional question, and must depend on the free consensus of
the members themselves, whether in an explicit form or as implied
by continued membership of the State.
With increasing decentralisation, the State with its ally, the
Church, ceases to formulate economic, social or domestic standards
or values. The individual members, as self-determining Personalities,
exercise rational choice, and are determined by ideal ends and
values. The National Ideal is now lifted to a higher platform. It
no longer competes with the ideals of individuals. It becomes truly
a regulative Ideal — the Ideal of harmonising, fulfilling, realising, in
each and all of the members, their personal, social, national and
cosmic ideals and values.
Political Art, then, consists in the national adaptation of the
Environment, both Natural and Social, to the realisation, by the
national Personality (which is a regulative moment of every indivi-
dual Personality) and in the persons of the individual members
themselves, of the highest ideal values, which they choose and pro-
pose to themselves as free self-determining agents.
But Nationalism is only a halting stage in the onward march of
Humanity. Nationalism, Imperialism, Federationism are world-
building forces, working often unconsciously, and in apparent strife,
towards the one far-off divine event, a realised Universal Humanity
with an organic and organised constitution, superintending as a
primum mobile the movements of subordinate members of the World-
system, each within its own sphere and orbit. Respecting each
National Personality, and each scheme of National values and ideals,
Universal Humanity will regulate the conflict of Nations and
National Ideals and Values on the immutable foundation of Justice,
which is but the conscious formulation of the fundamental bio-
sociological law : that, every National Personality (like every indivi-
dual personality in the Nation) has a right to the realisation of its
own ideal ends, satisfactions and values within the limits imposed by
the similar rights of others (individualistic Justice), and also a right
FIRST SESSION 13
to co-partnership and co-operation for the common good and common
advantage (socialistic Justice), within the limits imposed by the
preceding clause.
Such is the fundamental principle of International Jurisprudence.
A realised Universal Humanity on this immutable basis is the goal
of a Universal Races Congress like this.
Of the various non-political agencies which may be useful in
promoting the objects of such a Congress, one or two are noted
below : —
(1) The organisation of a World's Humanity League (not an Aborigines
Protection Society), with branches, committees, and bureaus in different
countries. The chief object should be to promote mutual understanding, among
members of different races, peoples, nationalities, of one another's national
ideals, social schemes, and regulative world-ideas. Congresses may be held
under the auspices of the League in different centres. Thinkers from the
East should be regularly invited to explain their own national or racial cultures
and standpoints at meetings organised by the different branches in the West ;
and vice versa.
(2) The endowment of Professorships of Oriental Civilisation and Culture in
Western Universities and Academies, to be held by Orientals from the countries
concerned ; and mutatis mutandis in the East (in countries in which European
civilisation does not already hold a dominant position). No scheme of national
values, ideals, cultures, in one word, world-ideas, will in the present day be
dealt with by foreigners, as other than curiosities of an Archaeological Museum
(or an Entomological Laboratory).
(3) The publication of an International Journal of Comparative Civilisation,
which would serve as a medium for the exchange of international views on
economic, domestic, social, religious and political problems of the day from the
different national standpoints ; and would also expound the origin and develop-
ments of social institutions in the different national histories. The Journal
would have for its chief object the application of the biological, sociological, and
historical Sciences to the problems of present-day legislation and administration.
(4) Some organised effort, if possible, against the anti-social and anti-
humanitarian tendencies of the modern political situation ; such as the colour
prejudice, the forcible shutting of the door in the West against the East, with
the forcible breaking it open in the East in favour of the West ; national
chauvinism ; national aggressiveness, and war.
Our motto is Harmony.
[Paper submitted in English.]
ANTHROPOLOGICAL VIEW OF RACE
By Dr. FELIX VON LUSCHAN,
Professor of Anthropology in the University of Berlin.
COLOURED people are often described as savage races, but it is com-
paratively rare to find any attempt to give a proper definition of
" coloured " and " savage."
14 UNIVERSAL RACES CONGRESS
A certain order issued by a European Governor in Africa once
stated what Negroes, Arabs, Hindus, Portuguese, Greeks, and other
coloured people, had to do on meeting a white man, and in the
German Reichstag one of the successors of Bismarck once spoke of
the Samoans as a " handful of savages." Again, many books have
been written on the differences between races of men, and serious
scientists have tried in vain to draw up an exact definition of
what really constitutes the difference between savage and civilised
races. It is very easy to speak of "Greeks and other coloured
people" ; but some assign the ancient Greeks to the group of
civilised races, and are so severe in their division as to exclude from
that group the ancient Romans as half-barbarians.
The division of mankind into active and passive races is an old
one. Since then an attempt was made to put "twilight" races
between the " day " races and the " night " races, and the Japanese
were included in this group of " Dammerungs-Menschen " — the
Japanese, who are now in the van of human civilisation in Asia, and
who have, perhaps, saved the mental freedom of Europe at Tshushima
and on the battle-fields of Manchuria.
Still weaker and more objectionable is the division as to colour.
We now know that colour of skin and hair is only the effect of
environment, and that we are fair only because our ancestors lived
for thousands, or probably tens of thousands, of years in sunless and
foggy countries. Fairness is nothing else but lack of pigment, and
our ancestors lost part of their pigment because they did not need it.
Just as the Proteus sanguineus and certain beetles became blind in
caves, where their eyes were useless, so we poor fair people have to
wear dark glasses and gloves when walking on a glacier, and get our
skin burned when we expose it unduly to the light of the sun.
It is therefore only natural that certain Indian races and the
Singhalese are dark ; but it would be absurd to call them " savage "
on that account, as they have an ancient civilisation, and had a noble
and refined religion at a time when our own ancestors had a very
low standard of life.
Some men say that coloured people are " ugly." They should
be reminded that beauty is very relative, and that our own idea of
beauty is subject to changes of fashion. We know, too, that artists so
refined as the Japanese find our large eyes and our high noses horrid.
It is also said of the primitive races that they are not as cleanly
as we are. Those who say this, however, forget the dirt of Eastern
Europe, and are ignorant that most primitive men bathe every dayt
and that the Bantu and many other Africans clean their teeth after
every meal for more than half an hour with their msuaki> while, on
the contrary, millions of Europeans never use a tooth-brush.
FIRST SESSION 15
.lr,iSo it is with dress. Ethnography teaches us that primitive man
can have a highly developed sense of modesty, though naked, and
we all know how immodest one can be in silk and velvet.
The same can be said of the lack of written language. It is true
that most primitive men are Analphabets, but so are 90 per cent, of
the Russians ; and we know that memory is generally much stronger
with the illiterates than with us. It may very well be that the very
invention of writing led to a deterioration of our memory.
Most frequently " savages " are accused of being weak in abstract
thinking, like children. To show how such opinions originate, I beg
to relate a single case lately reported to me by one of my friends.
A young colonial officer buys a basket and asks the name of it in the
native language. The first native says, " That is of straw " ; another
native says that they also make them of rushes. One of the two
seemed to have lied, so each of them received twenty-five lashes. A
third native is called. He says, " This basket is plaited," and gets
twenty-five also. The next native affirms that the basket is nearly
new, and gets twenty-five. The next, that he does not know whose
basket it is, &c. The final result of this scientific investigation is
two hundred lashes ; and the white man writes in his notebook :
" These natives here are brutes, not men." The black man says to
his friends, " This fellow belong white is not proper in his save box,"
and thinks it safer to keep at a good distance from him ; and a
certain scientist at home gets a splendid illustration of his theory
of the poor intellect of savage man and of his weakness in abstract
thinking.
I once personally witnessed how a would-be linguist tried to
learn Kurdish from a Kurd, with whom he could only just speak
by means of a Turkish and French interpreter. He began with
one of the famous phrases in Ahn's Grammar, in the style of " my
brother's pocketknife is prettier than your mother's prayerbook,"
and wanted to have it translated into Kurdish. The result was
rather poor, and my pseudo-linguist soon gave it up, saying that
the Kurds were so stupid that they did not know even their own
language. My own private impression was somewhat different,
and I took great care afterwards to convince my Kurdish friend
that not all Europeans were so silly and impatient as his first
interviewer.
In former times it was not so much the mental and material
culture of foreign races, as their anatomical qualities, which were
taken as the starting-point, in showing their inferiority. Especially
in America, before the war, Anthropology (or what they called by
that name) was engaged in showing that the Negro, with his
black skin, his prognathism, his blubber-lips and his short and
16 UNIVERSAL RACES CONGRESS
broad nose, was no real human being but a domestic animal.
How to treat him was the owner's private affair ; it was nobody
else's business, any more than the treatment of his cattle or
horses.
Even to-day there are scientists who claim a separate origin for
the various human types, and who link one palaeolithic race to the
Gorilla and another (or perhaps the same) to the Orang. The author
of Anthropozoon biblicum goes still further and wants us to believe
that the dark races are the descendants of incestuous intercourse
between " Aryans " and monkeys. But the great majority of our
modern authorities now claim a monogenetic origin for mankind.
So the question of the number of human races has quite lost its
raison d'etre, and has become a subject rather of philosophical specu-
lation than of scientific research. It is of no more importance now
to know how many human races there are than to know how many
angels can dance on the point of a needle. Our aim now is to
find out how ancient and primitive races developed from others,
and how races have changed or evolved through migration and
interbreeding.
We do not yet know where the first man began to develop from
earlier stages of zoological existence, and we know nothing of his
anatomical qualities. The Pithecanthropus erectus from Java was
for some time considered to be such a first man or " missing link" ;
but he proved to be only an enormous Gibbon. The oldest known
remains of real man have been found in Western Europe. They do
not show one single trait that is not found in one or other modern
skull or skeleton of aboriginal Australians ; even the mandible of
Mauer-Heidelberg, primitive as it is, has a typical human dentition.
So we shall probably not be far from the truth if we state that the
palaeolithic man of Europe was not essentially different from the
modern Australian. If we are allowed to draw conclusions as to
the soft parts from the qualities of the skeleton, our palaeolithic
ancestor had dark skin, dark eyes, and dark, more or less, straight
hair. His home was probably in some part of Southern Asia ; but
we find similar types even now among the Toala of Celebes and the
Veddas of Ceylon. In fact, millions of dark men in India belong
to the same stock, and so do all the dark tribes of Afghanistan and
Beluchistan.
So we can trace an early and primitive type of mankind from
Gibraltar, Moustier, Spy, Neanderthal, Krapina, &c., to Ceylon,
Celebes, and Australia. This certainly is a wide area, but every
year is now bringing fresh proofs of this direct continuity of a
distinct human type from the earliest palaeolithic ages to modern
times.
FIRST SESSION 17
The question naturally arises how it is that our Australian
brothers have remained for fifty or a hundred thousand years, or
longer, in such a primitive state of mental and material culture, while
we Europeans have reached the height- of modern civilisation. The
answer is not difficult. Australia was isolated from the rest of the
world through an early geological catastrophe soon after the immi-
gration of palaeolithic man. Every impulse and incentive from
without ceased, and human life began to petrify.
It was quite otherwise in Europe and in Western Asia. The
thousand advantages of the environment, the broken coastlines, the
many islands, the navigable rivers, and especially the constant pass-
ing from Asia to Europe and from Europe to Asia and Africa, the
ready exchange of inventions and discoveries and acquisitions, the
incessant trade and traffic, have made us what we are.
This primitive but uniform human type began to change chiefly
in two directions. To the south-west of the line connecting Gibraltar
with Australia, man, in some way or other, developed curly and
woolly hair, and so became what we now call Protonigritian. We
find his descendants in Melanesia and in Africa. The Pygmies
form a very old branch of this protonigritic group ; and we find
them in South Africa (Bushmen), in many parts of Tropical Africa
and of South-Eastern Asia, and even in some islands of the Pacific.
We do not know where they became small, whether in their original
home or later on, after their dispersion. The first theory is certainly
the simpler ; but the second is not without analogy. We know that the
Ammonites began to unroll themselves quite independently of each
other in distant oceans, but more or less in the same geological period.
On the other side of this line, in Northern Asia, primitive man
acquired, during many thousands of years, straight hair and a shorter
or broader skull. The modern Chinese and the typical, now nearly
extinct, American Indian are at the end of this north-eastern line
of development, while the typical Negro represents the south-western
end.
We have thus three chief varieties of mankind — the old Indo-
European, the African, and the East-Asiatic, all branching off from
the same primitive stock, diverging from each other for thousands,
perhaps hundreds of thousands, of years, but all three forming a com-
plete unity, intermarrying in all directions without the slightest
decrease of fertility.
From these three varieties came all the different types of modern
mankind, generally by local isolation. A very interesting example
of such mutation is found in the earliest known inhabitants of
Western Asia. This is the land of those extremely narrow and high-
arched noses, we generally call Jewish or even Semitic. These
c
i8 UNIVERSAL RACES CONGRESS
remarkable noses, however, do not belong to the Semitic invaders, of
whom Abraham is the eponymic hero, but to the pre-Semitic popula-
tion which might be called Hittite or Armenoid, as the modern
Armenians are their direct descendants.
These old Hittites or Armenoids emigrated in very early times
to Europe, where the " Alpine Race" descended from them. In the
most out-of-the-way valleys of Savoy, Graubiinden, Tyrol, and
Carinthia more than half of the modern population has the head-
form and the nose of this second immigration from Asia to Europe,
and from the mingling of this short-headed " Alpine Race" with the
descendants of the long-headed Palaeolithic or Neanderthal or proto-
Australian Race, all the great modern European races have sprung.
Only the Turks and the Magyars represent a later immigration from
Northern Asia, and of the Magyars in particular we know that they
settled in their present home in Hungary only a thousand years ago,
and that their grammar is most intimately related to the grammar of
the real Turkish languages. Perhaps the Slavonic races also were
more or less influenced by later immigrations from Northern Asia.
Thus the European races can only be understood by considering
Europe as a small peninsular annexe to ancient Asia, and for the
understanding of the non-European races it is necessary to remember
that the boundaries of water and land and glaciers have altered
immensely in the course of the many hundreds of thousands of
years of human existence.
While the first varieties of primitive man were certainly formed
and fixed by long isolation, later variations and races were caused
by migration and colonisation, as might perhaps best be shown by
sketching the anthropology of Africa and of the Pacific Islands.
Just as Madagascar was peopled about 900 or 1000 A.D. by
Indonesian colonists, coming from Sumatra, so untold ages ago
the first inhabitants of Africa came from a place somewhere in
Southern Asia on the great line from Gibraltar to Australia. No
skulls or skeletons of these earliest Africans are as yet known, but
we may hope to find them sooner or later, as we already now
know a good many sites of palaeolithic implements in various parts
of Tropical and Southern Africa.
The anatomical qualities of these first Africans will certainly
be found to differ little from those of aboriginal Australians ; but
in tens or hundreds of thousands of years the palaeolithic African
evolved into a real Negro. He exists in two varieties : a tall
variety, like the modern Nigritian from the coast of Upper Guinea,
and a small one, like the Bushmen and the Pygmies, now known
in so many places in Central Africa. But I have already stated that
we are as yet quite ignorant of the real home of these small races.
FIRST SESSION 19
To these two oldest elements in Africa was added, ages after-
wards, but still in prehistoric times, a third one, the Hamitic. It is
descended from the same ancient " Gibraltar- Australia-line," but
was in a higher stage of civilisation. These Hamites had already a
greatly refined language, with an admirable grammar, closely
related to that of the Semitic and Indo-germanic languages. In
Egypt they created, more than six thousand years ago, the marvel-
lous civilisation which we now admire as the mother of our own.
Ancient Hamitic influences can be traced all through Africa ; in
Abyssinia, in Galla-, Somal-, and in Masailand, we find even now
Hamitic languages, or at least Hamitic grammar and Hamitic
types.
In Central Africa, in the region of the great lakes, we have the
Hima and Tusi, generally as chiefs, reigning over Bantu tribes, often
with face and figure like those of the old Pharaohs of Egypt. Even
in South Africa nearly i per cent, of the actual Bantu population
have high and narrow noses, thin lips, and fine, large, and orthog-
nathous skulls of the Hamitic type, and all the Hottentot languages
and dialects have a pure Hamitic grammar. Also the pastoral
habits of many African tribes, their long-horned cattle, their spiral
basket-work, &c., are Hamitic, and we can thus trace Hamitic
influence from the Nile to the Cape of Good Hope.
In the West of Africa, also, the Hausa and many other Hamitic
tribes have been of the greatest importance in the progress of
African civilisation and the formation of new tribes.
In later historic times Arabic, Persian, and Indian influences were
at work in Eastern Africa. The periodic occurrence of Passat and
Monsoon had already led to occasional visits and perhaps even to
some colonisation at a very early stage of human history ; the
zebu, the goat, and a great many domestic plants, were brought
from India to the Swahili coast, and from there to the interior of
Africa ; but we do not know when. We know only that Islam
came from Arabia comparatively late — Islam that is now the
prominent religion throughout vast regions of Africa, and will
probably remain so for many centuries to come.
The Mediterranean coast of Africa also has always been open
to foreign influences. The Vandals who came to Africa in 429 A.D.
certainly had forerunners even in prehistoric times. The trepanning
of skulls which was known in the late palaeolithic cave dwellings in
France, was performed on the Canary Islands, and is even now found
among some tribes in Southern Algeria. The modern pottery of
Adamaua shows a close relation to the pottery of the Hallstatt
period and of ancient Sardinia, and some modern armlets and
bronze daggers in the Western Sudan look as if they might belong
20 UNIVERSAL RACES CONGRESS
to the European Bronze Age. We do not know where the art of
casting in bronze (the cire perdue process of the French, the
casting with cera perduta of the Italians) had its real origin ;
probably it came from Egypt or from Babylonia. We are also
ignorant of the way it took in coming from there to Europe and
to the Western Sudan, but we see from the prehistoric character of
many African bronze daggers, armlets, &c., that the art of casting
must have come to Adamaua not later than the sixth century B.C.
Six centuries before the historic invasion of the Vandals,
Hannibal sent his soldiers from Africa to Europe and from Europe
to Africa, and we know that in the early Middle Ages African
Mohammedans reigned in Spain for more than five hundred years.
Thus there was a constant coming and going between North
Africa and Western Europe, and we cannot be astonished to find so
many blue eyes among the Berbers of Morocco, and even among the
Ful and other tribes in the Sudan.
In fact, the natives of Africa, who were considered not long ago
to be a homogeneous mass, now turn out to be in reality a most
complicated mixture of quite different elements, the outcome of
immigration at different periods and from different parts of the
globe.
Not much less complicated is the anthropological structure of
Oceania. Here we have real pygmies, and the Melanesians, who are
very similar to the African negroes with dark curly and often spiral
hair, dark skin, long skull, prognathous face, broad nose, and thick
lips. They are found nearly pure on the Fiji Islands and in some
parts of New Caledonia and in the Solomon Islands and the New
Hebrides. In other parts of the Western Pacific they are more or
less mixed with the old pygmy races and form what are now
generally called the Papuan elements of Oceania. The greatest
possible contrast to these Melanesians and Papuans is found in the
Polynesian type, which is found in its purest form in Tonga and
Samoa, but partly also in the Eastern Group of Polynesia. The real
and pure typical Polynesian has a skin not much darker than that of
many Sicilians or Spaniards ; his hair is dark and straight, the skull
is extremely short, but very broad and high ; the face is orthogna-
thous, the nose narrow, the lips sometimes very thin, never as thick
as those of the Melanesians. Many Polynesians might easily be
taken for full-blooded Europeans ; others, especially some of the
females, resemble types from Indonesia or from Siam and Cambodja,
except that they are, as a rule, much taller than any tribes of South-
Eastern Asia. On the whole it is evident, without any recourse to
linguistics and ethnography, merely by studying their physique that
the Polynesians came from Asia and that they came by way of
FIRST SESSION 21
Indonesia. This is also shown by their cosmogonical system and their
eschatology.
These two races, the Melanesians and Polynesians, different
from each other as they are, have intermarried on many groups
of the Pacific Islands for at least many centuries. On some islands,
e.g., in New Zealand, a sort of real mixture of types has taken place,
on others the two types have remained quite distinct, so that, in
accordance with Mendel's law, always a certain proportion of the
people belong to the one, and another proportion to the other type,
and only one-half (or less) of the inhabitants have the qualities
of both types mixed.
Wherever we try to investigate in this way the natural history
of man, we always find inter-connection and migration, often
over more than half the circumference of our globe. We can
trace Turk languages from the Mediterranean all through Asia
to the vicinity of Kamtschatka, and Malayan languages are spoken
eastwards as far as Rapanui or Easter Island, ^the ultima Thule
of the Pacific ; westward we find the Hova of Madagascar,
descendants of old Indonesian colonists who probably came from
Sumatra about a thousand years ago, still preserving their type,
their Indonesian language, and their old material culture. Hamitic
grammar and Hamitic type can be traced right through Africa.
The religions of Buddha and of Christ have each conquered more
than 500 millions of men, and Islam spreads from Arabia as far as the
West Coast of Africa, and eastward all through Asia, as far as the
Indonesian Archipelago. We find carvings in New Ireland that can
be traced back to the famous Greek marble representing the rape of
Ganymede, and we know that the religious style of Buddhist art goes
back to ancient Greece, just as the Japanese No-masks are the direct
descendants of the masks in ancient Greek and Roman plays.
In the same way our own domestic animals and plants, our corn
and grains, can be traced round the globe, and in a few centuries
American plants have spread so universally in Africa, that to the non-
botanist they seem to be indigenous in the Dark Continent.
In former times ethnologists used to admire the apparent unity in
the direction of the human mind, and to wonder how it was that in
all parts of the earth men had similar ideas and ways. Now this
" Volkergedanken " theory is nearly abandoned, and we are forced to
admit the real unity of mankind. Fair and dark races, long and
short-headed, intelligent and primitive, all come from one stock.
Favourable circumstances and surroundings, especially a good environ-
ment, a favourable geographical position, trade and traffic, caused one
group to advance more quickly than another, while some groups have
remained in a very primitive state of development ; but all are adapted
22 UNIVERSAL RACES CONGRESS
to their surroundings, according to the law of the survival of the
fittest.
One type may be more refined, another type may be coarser; but
if both are thoroughbred, or what we call " good types," however
they may differ, one is not necessarily inferior to the other. In this
sense I could once say in one of my University lectures that the
only " savages " in Africa are certain white men with " Tropenkoller."
I am afraid I owe perhaps to this paradox the honour of being
invited to take part in this Congress, and I feel it therefore my duty
to declare most formally that I still adhere to my word, and that I am
still seriously convinced that certain white men may be on a lower
intellectual and moral level than certain coloured Africans. But this is
a mere theoretical statement and of little practical value, except for the
Colonial Service. In the Colonies, naturally, a white man with a low
moral standard will always be a serious danger, not only for the
natives, but also for his own nation.
But much greater is the danger to civilised nations by the
immigration of coarser or less refined elements. The United States
provide a most instructive example of such a danger on account of
their twelve millions of coloured people, and we can understand the
feeling of racial antagonism that is now directed against immigration
from Asia and the immigration of less desirable elements from
Eastern Europe. Even in Germany the constant migration of
Eastern Slavs into the Western Provinces is regarded as regrettable
by people who are not suspected of narrow-mindedness.
It certainly cannot be a matter of indifference to a nation, if
great numbers of strangers come into their towns, take lower wages,
live on a very low standard of life, and send home the greater part
of their income. But far more serious is the question of racial
mixture, and I feel sure that this First Universal Races Congress
will do a good work, and one that will not be forgotten for centuries
to come, if it insists on the necessity of studying this problem on
a broad basis.
We all know that a certain admixture of blood has always been
of great advantage to a nation. England, France, and Germany are
equally distinguished for the great variety of their racial elements. In
the case of Italy we know that in ancient times and at the Renaissance
Northern M Barbarians " were the leaven in the great advance of art
and civilisation ; and even Slavonic immigration has certainly not been
without effect on this movement. The marvellous ancient civilisation
of Crete, again, seems to have been not quite autochthonous. We know
also that the ancient Babylonian civilisation sprang from a mixture
of two quite different national and racial elements, and we find a
nearly homogeneous population in most parts of Russia, and in
FIRST SESSION 23
the interior of China associated with a somewhat low stage of
evolution.
On the other hand, we are all more or less disposed to dislike
and despise a mixture of Europeans with the greater part of foreign
races. "God created the white man and God created the black
man, but the created the mulatto," is a very well-known
proverb. As a matter of fact, we are absolutely ignorant as to the
moral and intellectual qualities of half-castes. It would be absurd
to expect from the union of a good-for-nothing European with an
equally good-for-nothing black woman, children that march on the
heights of humanity, and we know of many half-castes that are
absolutely sans reproche ; but we have no good statistics of the
qualities of half-castes in comparison with those of their parents.
Meanwhile it may be permitted to anthropology to wish a
separate evolution of the " so-called white and the so-called coloured
peoples." As yet we know very little about the interesting and
complicated psychology of most of the coloured races, and I am
seriously convinced that better knowledge will be followed by more
and more mutual sympathy ; but racial barriers will never cease to
exist, and if ever they should show a tendency to disappear, it will
certainly be better to preserve than to obliterate them.
The brotherhood of man is a good thing, but the struggle for life is.
a far better one. Athens would never have become what it was, without
Sparta, and national jealousies and differences, and even the most cruel
wars, have ever been the real causes of progress and mental freedom..
As long as man is not born with wings, like the angels, he will
remain subject to the eternal laws of Nature, and therefore he will
always have to struggle for life and existence. No Hague Con-
ferences, no International Tribunals, no international papers and
peace societies, and no Esperanto or other international language,
will ever be able to abolish war.
The respect due by the white races to other races and by the
white races to each other can never be too great, but natural law will
never allow racial barriers to fall, and even national boundaries will
never cease to exist.
Nations will come and go, but racial and national antagonism will
remain ; and this is well, for mankind would become like a herd of
sheep, if we were to lose our national ambition and cease to look with
pride and delight, not only on our industries and science, but also on
our splendid soldiers and our glorious ironclads. Let small-minded
people whine about the horrid cost of Dreadnoughts ; as long as
every nation in Europe spends, year after year, much more money
on wine, beer, and brandy than on her army and navy, there is no
reason to dread our impoverishment by militarism.
24 UNIVERSAL RACES CONGRESS
Si vis pacem, para bellum ; and in reality there is no doubt that
we shall be the better able to avoid war, the better we care for our
armour. A nation is free only in so far as her own internal affairs
are concerned. She has to respect the right of other nations as well
as to defend her own, and her vital interests she will, if necessary,
defend with blood and iron.1
{Paper submitted in English.]
RACE FROM THE SOCIOLOGICAL
STANDPOINT
By ALFRED FOUILLEE, Paris,
Member of the Institut de France.
I. IN discussions of the race problem there is one factor of supreme
importance which has been so far disregarded — to wit, the opinion or
idea which a race has of itself and the influence exerted by this
idea. It is a view I have long been contending for, namely, that
every idea is the conscious form in which feelings and impulses are
cast. Thus every idea contains within it not merely an intellectual
act, but also a certain orientation of sensibility and of will. Conse-
quently every idea is a force which tends to realise its own object
more and more fully. This is true of the idea of race, just as it is
true of the idea of nation. Hence we have (i) a certain self-con-
sciousness in a race, imparting to each of its members a kind of
racial personality ; (2) a tendency to affirm this personality more
and more strongly, to oppose it to other racial types and secure its
predominance. In other words, the race-idea includes within it a
race-consciousness. It is certain, for instance, that a white man
shares the idea and the will of his race — a result the more inevitable
inasmuch as he has but to open his eyes in order to distinguish white
from yellow or black. Frenchmen or Russians may not be able to
recognise one another at sight, but there can be no confusing blacks
and whites. Colour is a visible and immediate bond between men
of white, black, or yellow race. Even among white men certain
types lend themselves to easy recognition and the setting up of a
tie between men who share certain typical features. Take, for
instance, the dark dolichocephalic Arab type, or the dark brachy-
cephalic Turkish, and compare either with the fair dolichocephalic
English type.
If an ethnic consciousness gives a race greater solidarity and
1 To prevent the last few paragraphs from being misinterpreted, Professor v. Luschan
authorises us to state that he regards the desire for a war between Germany and England
as " insane or dastardly." — EDITOR.
FIRST SESSION 25
inward unity, it has, on the other hand, the disadvantage of culmi-
nating nearly always in an assumption of superiority and, for that
very reason, in a feeling of natural hostility. The yellow man
thinks himself no less superior to the white than the white man
believes himself superior to the yellow. At all events, he believes
himself to be very different, and from the conviction of difference
to that of enmity there is only a step.
Differences of language and custom — and, above all, of religion —
serve to intensify the hostility. All religion is sociological in char-
acter, and expresses symbolically the conditions native to the life or
progress of a given society. The religion of a race converts it into
a huge society animated by the same beliefs and the same aspira-
tions. Moreover, all religion is intolerant, and hostile to other reli-
gions. It believes itself to be the truth, and thus seeks to universalise
that which is only the particular spirit of one race or one nation —
eg., the Jewish spirit, the Christian spirit, the Mahommedan spirit.
When, then, the ethnic consciousness becomes at the same time a
religious consciousness, the assertion of the individuality of a race
implies a counter-assertion to the individuality of other races. It is
hidden warfare, passing over at the very first opportunity into open
warfare.
II. How, then, are we to war against the force of hatred and
division which is inherent in the idea of race when wedded to the
idea of religion ? We must fight it by the force of other ideas which
contain a different set of feelings and tendencies. These " id6es-
forces," or motor ideas, are of two kinds : scientific ideas and moral
ideas. Just as ethnic and religious ideas are dividing factors, so
scientific ideas are conciliatory in tendency. Science recognises no
colour line : it is neither white, yellow, nor black, neither Christian
nor Mahommedan. When a man of science demonstrates the
equality of two triangles, he makes the sides of these triangles
coincide ; and no less surely do his geometrical conclusions coincide
with that of all other geometricians, be they white, yellow, or black.
Over and above the consciousness of race, nationality, or religion,
scientific ideas develop a human and social, not to say human and
cosmic consciousness. Science, then, is the great reconciler, the
fruitful germ of universal peace, realising in the world of intelligence
the maxim " All in one." By the force that belongs to ideas union
tends to pass from the intellect into the heart. Men of science, be
their colour white or yellow, hail one another as brothers.
Industrial technique, being the application of science, shares the
universal character of science. A railroad, whether Chinese or
English, is always a railroad. A telegraph line, Russian or Japanese,
is always a telegraph-line. A telephone, whether Turkish or Aus-
26 UNIVERSAL RACES CONGRESS
trian, is always a telephone. Every industrial invention is a manifes-
tation of science, truth leaping into obviousness in all its luminous
impersonality, and, like the sun, shining equally upon black and
white.
Hand in hand with science and industry goes commerce, another
bond between races. Commerce requires a constant increase in the
number and speed of the methods of communication, and these bring
nations together; and commerce requires, moreover, codes of morality
and law which tend to the establishment of moral and legal simi-
larities between one race and another — similarities the importance
of which is becoming daily more manifest.
Another great link between races and nations, and one which is
destined in the future to play a still more important part, is to be
found in philosophical ideas. Even in the Middle Ages such ideas
were the bond that united Christians, Jews, and Mussulmen. St
Thomas, Averroes, Avicenna, Maimonides paid common homage to
Plato and Aristotle. To-day there are many points on which a
disciple of Confucius or of Mencius will have small difficulty in
coming to an understanding with a disciple of Kant or of Schopen-
hauer. Philosophical ideas, even when they seem to divide men by
the apparent multiplicity of their systems, yet really unite them in
one and the same love of truth, one and the same disinterested
inquiry into the heart of things, into the meaning of the ultimate
laws of nature and of life. Among all true philosophers the critical
spirit and the speculative interest are the same. While all religions
are guilty of the two great capital crimes — pride and hatred — the
philosopher knows that he knows little or nothing. He delights in
contradiction, inasmuch as it reveals to him another aspect of truth
which differs from his own. His opponents seem to him at bottom
his best friends. He has no inclination whatsoever to kill or burn
them. His universal tolerance is not born of a condescending indul-
gence for those who differ from him, but of respect for freedom of
conscience and of gratitude for efforts which are complementary to
his own and for the fresh light which comes to the aid of his own
imperfect vision. Nor must it be thought that philosophical ideas,
with the new perspective which they open out upon life and the
world, are doomed to remain the exclusive possession of a small and
select company. Little by little they mingle with the intellectual
atmosphere which is the property of us all. The thoughts of men
such as Descartes, Voltaire, Rousseau, or Kant float, so to speak, in
the very air we breathe. Many humble people who have never even
heard these names are unconsciously affected by those philosophical
influences which have helped to mould our modern civilisation.
Thanks to the world's thinkers, there is something new under the
FIRST SESSION 27
sun ; something new, too, in our human consciousness. Nothing is
lost ; all is fruitful and multiplies ; ideas which to all appearance are
most abstract end by taking form and dwelling among men. Here
we have the true mystery of incarnation.
III. Are we, then, to trust solely to the spontaneous propagation
of science, industry, and commerce, and even of art, which is becom-
ing more and more cosmopolitan, and of social morality and law,
which are constantly bringing greater uniformity into systems of
contract and exchange and international relations generally ? Or
are we to add unto these things religious propaganda? I think not.
The question is so important for ethnic sociology that it deserves
closer attention. I have already said, and it cannot be repeated too
often, that nothing divides men more than religious dogmas, each of
which excludes absolutely the contrary dogma : sint ut sunt, aut non
sint. Our missionaries are psychologists and sociologists who feed
themselves on generous illusions. They think that they are going to
convert Mahommedans or Buddhists to the beauties of Christianity.
They only succeed in making a few isolated converts who are
ashamed of their former co-religionists. Too often the missionaries
make Christianity hated rather than loved. Moreover, what message
have they for those whom they wish to enlighten ? Will not Jehovah
seem to a disciple of Confucius just as vindictive as Baal or Moloch ?
Will even Jesus Himself seem to a Buddhist altogether an embodi-
ment of gentleness when He threatens those who do not share His
beliefs with being conserved in fire to all eternity ? Take the story
of Adam eating the apple, and thus compelling God to make His Son
perish on the cross in order to appease His own wrath. Is it likely
that this, from a moral and social point of view, will seem superior to
the story of Buddha offering himself to be torn by lions and tigers ?
How should the sacrament of the eucharist, which culminates in
representing God as consumed in flesh and blood, convert a poor
savage for whom a god who allows himself to be eaten will never
be a god ? The symbolic and philosophic meaning that may be given
to such dogmas (though, for the matter of that, most believers take
them literally) escapes and will always continue to escape those whom
it is desired to convert. They take hold of the dogma only by its
absurd, inhuman, anti-social side, and they do not see why they
should betray their race by renouncing its gods for those of a race
that is foreign and often hostile.
It is idle, then, to count on religion for bridging over the gulf of
race. On the contrary, the different religious beliefs of each race
must be respected. If a race wishes to believe in Brahma, Vishnu,
and £iva instead of the Father, Son, and Holy Ghost, it must be
allowed to believe in Brahrna, Vishnu, and Qiva. Religions, through
28 UNIVERSAL RACES CONGRESS
the whole course of history, have too often set nations at variance.
If they have produced friendship and union, they have likewise pro-
duced discord, hate, and war. There is not a religion which has not,
like Lady Macbeth, stains on the hand that all the vast oceans could
never wash away.
Moreover, for the sociologist as for the philosopher, there is a
violation of right and of the freedom of conscience — there is an actual
injustice — in the indiscreet intrusions of preaching missionaries who
seek to substitute a foreign for a national fanaticism.
It is an established conclusion of sociology that every religion,
however universal it claims to be, has always an ethnic and national
basis corresponding to the needs and traditions of a race or nation.
It is thus illogical to try and transplant it, either forcibly or through
appeal to the imagination, and set it up among nations who already
have a religion adapted to their race and nationality. Religion is
not an " article of export." Once again, the only universal, the only
really " catholic " things, in the Greek sense of the word, are science,
philosophy, and morals. It is these things which we must peaceably
introduce among races the most distant from our own. It is not the
Christian religion which has transformed and will continue to trans-
form Japan. It is science and industry. Men of science are to-day
the true and only missionaries. The inventors of railroads and tele-
graphs have done more to link different races together than all the
Francis Xaviers and Ignatius Loyolas. Each new truth discovered
is one light more in the firmament that all men gaze at — a light, too,
which all, save the blind, can see. It becomes the common heritage
of all the races. It fosters in mankind, as we have seen, a common
consciousness, a consciousness of man as man.
It is just the same in the realm of pure moral ideas, which are
based on the nature of men and things and give expression to the
universal conditions of life and progress in society — in other words,
of social statics and social dynamics. Try to draw from every religion
and every race its whole moral and really social content, and then
accept this without troubling about dogmas and particular symbols.
In universal religious tolerance, combined with universal morality
and science, we have the one great means of establishing mutual
racial sympathy. If, notwithstanding, morality itself should vary
from one race to another, let us be tolerant of such variations. They
will gradually wear away under the influence of mutual friction and
of a progressing civilisation which is becoming daily more uniform.
Allow the Mahommedans to wed several wives openly and do not
yourself wed several secretly. There must be a tolerance in morality
no less than in religion and philosophy. Provided that there is no
actual attack on other peoples' rights, you should shut your eyes to
FIRST SESSION 29
customs which are not those of your race or country. Wait till
science and civilisation have gradually reformed them.
In short, new forces are gaining ground, forces that are working
in favour of peace. International life — a product of science, industry,
and economic relations — is hardly yet born ; yet it is daily becoming
a more and more comprehensive reality, including within its sphere
items whose number and importance are steadily increasing. Nor
is this common life merely international. Might one not say that
it is also inter-ethnic, in the sense of embracing the most diverse
races, not only in Europe, but also in America, Asia, and Africa ?
Over the whole globe we are witnessing the spread and propagation
of ideas that are also forces — motor ideas which are everywhere
identical and are drawing very different minds in the same directions.
For the sociologist, there is but one practical means of bringing
races together, and that is to diffuse scientific, moral, and social instruc-
tion as widely as possible. Instruction of this kind, spread gradually
among the different nations, is the one great means of ensuring peace.
As we have shown in our Psychological Sketch of European
Nations, it is a historical law that the progress of modern civilisation
is marked by a continually growing ascendancy of scientific, social,
and therefore intellectual or moral factors, over such as are racial,
geographical, and climatic. The advance of science and of industrial
invention is transforming, with ever-growing swiftness, the conditions
of social life and labour and also the mutual relations of the various
classes. No nation can flatter itself with the belief that its pre-eminence
will last for ever. None, on the other hand, can be condemned to an
incurable decline. Thanks to a universal solidarity, each race profits
by the discoveries and experiences of the others. This law of solidarity
in social environment is daily asserting itself more strongly against the
conditions which favour a native originality due to racial temperament
and physical environment.1 As I have already stated elsewhere, it is
neither to Anglo-Saxons nor Germans that the future belongs, neither
to Greeks nor Latins, neither to Christians nor Buddhists ; but rather
to those most qualified by their knowledge, industry, and morality.
[Paper submitted in French.^
THE PROBLEM OF RACE EQUALITY
By G. S FILLER, Hon. Organiser of the Congress.
" Backward" does not necessarily mean "inferior." — RATZEL.
IT is generally conceded that we should be considerate to all races of
men regardless of their capacities ; but there is equal agreement, and
1 Esquisse psychologique des peuples europeens. — Conclusions.
30 UNIVERSAL RACES CONGRESS
rightly so, that we should be considerate to domesticated animals, for
instance. Here, then, is our dilemma, for the most considerate of
men, if he is sane, will not treat his horse exactly as he treats his
compatriot, e.g., he will not expect both of them to converse, to
reflect, to fashion and obey the laws. Accordingly, considerate
actions have to be adapted to the nature of the being we have
dealings with, and if some races of men should prove to be very
decidedly inferior to other races in inherited capacity, it is evident that
they would have to be treated apart to a very considerable degree,
being excluded, perhaps, from all important functions in the com-
munity. This, of course, would not preclude our loving them
tenderly and doing everything which conduced to their welfare.
Now, since it is hotly contended that " the Negro is not a human
being at all, but merely a different form of ox or ass, and is, therefore,
only entitled to such kindness as a merciful man shows to all his
cattle," and since this is as warmly contested by the Negroes and
other races concerned, it becomes a vital matter to grapple with the
problem of race equality. Especially is this important because
many races are actually being treated, or even mal-treated, as
inferiors, without any strong presumption in favour of the alleged
race-inferiority. If to this be added the all-too-ready tendency to
regard other races than our own as- " inferior races," and to force these
into becoming our hewers of wood and drawers of water, it is manifest
that there is urgent need for some light to be thrown on the subject.
Moreover, if the brotherhood of man is to become a reality, as
poets and prophets have fondly dreamed, and if the great nations of
the world, irrespective of race, are to create a World Tribunal and a
World Parliament, it is indispensable that the leading varieties of
mankind shall be proved substantially equals. A parliament com-
posed of human beings very widely differing in capacity is a
palpable absurdity, only realisable in Alice in Wonderland. Firmin,
seeing the bearing of this, wisely remarks, " Les races, se recon-
naissant £gales, pourront se respecter et s'aimer " (De FEgaliti des
Races Humaines, 1885, p. 659).
However, we need not include in our problem every tribe and
race whatsoever, but only the vast aggregate of mankind, say, China,
Japan, Turkey, Persia, India, Egypt, Siam, the Negro, the American
Indian, the Philippino, the Malay, the Maori, and the fair-white and
dark-white races. These constitute, perhaps, nine-tenths of the human
race. If an insignificant people here and there, say the Veddahs or
the Andamanese, the Hottentots or the Dyaks, should be shown to
be unquestionably inferior, this would constitute no grave inter-racial
problem. The rare exception would prove the rule, and the broad
rule would make the reality of the rare exception doubtful.
FIRST SESSION 31
A century ago the issue we are discussing might have been very
difficult of approach. Our knowledge of other races was then a
negligible quantity, and of most of the important races we had no
compelling evidence of higher aptitudes. This is altered now. We
know almost intimately the various great peoples, and fortunately
there exists to-day a common standard by which we can measure
them at least in one respect. This standard is supplied by the
University. As a mere matter of theory it is conceivable that not one
non-Caucasian should be capable of graduating at a University, and
it is even possible to conceive that a number of peoples should not
be able to force their way through the elementary school. The data,
however, favour no such conclusion, for individuals of all the select
races which we have mentioned above have graduated in modern
universities and in diverse subjects.1 To appreciate this statement,
especially in the light of disparaging remarks to the effect that the
facial angle of certain races more nearly approaches that of apes than
that of Caucasians, we must remember that not a solitary ape has yet
been known to have reached the stage of being able to pass the
entrance examination to an infant school or kindergarten. We must
agree with Ratzel, who says, " There is only one species of man ; the
variations are numerous, but do not go deep."
An objector might argue that the academic member of an
inferior race is a shining exception, a freak of nature, and that from
his feat nothing can be deduced regarding the average capacity of
his race. This theoretical objection can be disposed of in various
ways. We might meet it with the irresistible contention that no
member of any species departs far from the average, for else a lioness
could give birth to a tiger. Or we might, what is more satisfactory,
test the objection by the data to hand. For example, of the ten
million Negroes in the United States, many are said to be lawyers as
well as surgeons and physicians, several thousand have graduated in
Universities,2 hundreds of thousands ply trades or have acquired
property, and a few, such as Dr. Booker Washington and Professor
DuBois, are recognised as men of distinction.3 Nor is even this a
1 Certain inquiries at European universities where Asiatic and African students are
to be found, tend to show that there is no good reason for thinking that they possess
less ability than European students.
3 See Prof. W. G. B. DuBois's searching volume, The College-bred Negro.
3 M. Firmin, a Haitian, a full-blooded Negro, I am informed, has written a highly
learned and remarkably judicious and elegant work on the Equality of the Human
Races. Another Haitian, of humble and pure descent, but who later became Presi-
dent of the Republic of Haiti, General Legitime, has composed a luminous and
comprehensive introduction to philosophy. A West Indian of immaculate Negro
descent, Dr. Th. Scholes, has issued two excellent treatises on the races question.
The Hon. John Mensa Sarbah, a West African, has written with conspicuous ability
on the Fanti National Constitution. Many other works of equal worth, composed by
Negroes, exist.
32 UNIVERSAL RACES CONGRESS
fair statement of the case. The Negro population of the United
States is despised if not downtrodden, largely deprived of elementary
education, and lacking, therefore, generally wealth and the corre-
sponding opportunities for culture. Manifestly, if we assumed that
the Negro race ceased to be thus severely handicapped, the possible
number of university graduates among them would materially
increase.1 There remains alone the academic argument that under
equal conditions the white race might show a greater proportion of
professors or graduates, but the figures are wanting to decide this.
Suffice it that we cannot speak of exceptions where thousands of
graduates are involved.
A final objection might be raised relating to the absence of great
men among the Negroes of the United States. They have produced
no Shakespeare, no Beethoven, no Plato. Which is perfectly true ;
but neither have the teeming millions of the white race of America
produced one such towering giant through the centuries. Moreover,
the time of the recognition of great men appears to be from about
the age of fifty onwards, and altogether only a little over forty years
have passed since slavery was abolished in the United States.
Needless to say, what is stated in the preceding paragraphs
regarding the capacities of the Negro race — which, according to Sir
Harry Johnston, embraces some 150,000,000 souls — holds with
increased force of the great Oriental peoples, who can point to
complex civilisations and to illustrious sons and daughters.2
We must now examine the contention that man is more than
intellect, and that while the various races may be possibly equal on
the whole as regards intelligence^ they differ much in enterprise^ morals,
and beauty.
Enterprise is a vague term to define. So far as the qualities of
the warrior are in question, these appear to be universal. The
Greeks, the Romans, and the Carthaginians were certainly bold and
daring. The Egyptians, the Persians, and the Hebrews fought
intrepidly. The Middle Ages found Christians, Turks, and Huns,
accomplished in the fine art of massacre. Gustav Adolf of Sweden,
Frederick the Great, Napoleon, Wellington, splendidly led superb
armies. Japan recently showed the world what matchless fighting
stuff is to be found in the Far East And so-called savage tribes —
north, south, east, and west — appear to be no whit behind in the
matter of dauntless bravery.
1 It might be said that many of the so-called Negro graduates are not full blacks.
Since, however, very many of them are, the argument remains unaffected. It should
also be noted that "coloured" people are treated precisely as if they were full-blooded.
• " I consider that your propositions could be abundantly supported by instances
taken from India," writes a Civil Servant who occupied for many years a responsible
post in India.
FIRST SESSION 33
War, however, is supposed to offer a powerful stimulus, and it is
argued that where the stimulus is gentle, it finds some races
responding and not others. Inveterate idleness is thus stated to
distinguish most non-European races. The Hon. James S. Sherman,
Vice-President of the United States, well grasps this nettle. " The
Indian," he says, " is naturally indolent, naturally slothful, naturally
untidy; he works because he has to work, and primarily he does not
differ altogether from the white man in that respect. Mr. Valentin,
this morning, very vividly pictured what the Indians were. He said,
as you remember, that some drink, some work, and some did not,
some saved their money, some provided for their families, and some
went to jail. Still / would like to know what single white community
in this whole land of ours that description does not cover ? " (Report
of the Twenty-Seventh Annual Meeting of the Lake Mohonk
Conference of Friends of the Indian and other Dependent Peoples,
October 20-22, 1909, pp. 80-8 1. Italics are ours.) Vice-President
Sherman gives here the happy despatch to a very common fallacy.
Man requires an appropriate stimulus to spur him to action — whether
it be that of the warrior, the hunter, the shepherd, the peasant, the
tradesman, or the scholar, and West and East are at one in this
respect. The inhabitants of China and Japan are world-famed for
their industriousness, and the populations of Turkey, Persia, and
India are also busy bees in the mass. Similarly the Negro and
the American Indian in the United States are falling into the habit
of what is called work in the West, and primitive peoples generally
are as active as the circumstances demand.
Fearlessness and industry may not form dividing lines between
the races ; but what of such attributes as initiative, inventiveness,
progress ? Historians inform us that in Dante's time the Western
methods of agriculture were still those of the ancient Romans, and
they further show us that the red-haired Teutons about the beginning
of our era, while possessing themselves a civilisation of a most rudi-
mentary character, exhibited no desire to emulate the dark-white
civilised Romans with whom they came into contact. Should we,
then, be justified in concluding from such facts that the European
races in general and the Teutonic race in particular are unprogressive
races ? Or does this not suggest that complex social conditions
determine whether a race shall be pushful, empire-building, inventive,
progressive? So far as modern warfare is concerned, Japan ranges
now admittedly with the great Western Powers, and in industry and
in science this Eastern nation is also taking its place in the front
rank. Yesterday, as it were, despotic rule was supposed to hall-mark
the East, to-day representative government is clamoured for in the
few Oriental countries where it does not exist already. This, too,
D
-34 UNIVERSAL RACES CONGRESS
merely repeats the story of Europe's recent emergence from an auto-
cratic regime. Taking further into consideration the imposing ancient
civilisations of Egypt and Babylon, Persia and Phoenicia, and more
especially the magnificent civilisation of China which is responsible
for innumerable inventions and discoveries of the highest order, and
bearing in mind that every country in the East is at present
remodelling its civilisation on Western lines, it is reasonable to
suggest that, so far as the spirit of enterprise is concerned, the
various races of mankind may be said to be, broadly speaking,
on an equality.
We must now examine another momentous factor,/^ moral factor,
A few decades ago, due partly to unavoidable ignorance and partly
to racial and religious prejudice, it was thought that morality was a
monopoly of the West. Bret Harte's Ah-Sin was the typical
Chinese ; cruelty and prevarication were alleged to be the special
prerogative of the Mohammedan ; the less developed types of men
were head-hunters, cannibals and shameless ; and self-respect and
respect for others were iridescent virtues only to be encountered in
Central Europe and the United States. Now, however, that we
possess the beautiful Sacred Books of the East in translation, this
view has lost almost every vestige of justification, for much in the
Chinese, Hindu, Persian, Hebrew, and even Egyptian and Baby-
lonian classics is of the profoundest ethical significance.
Coming to moral practice, travellers of unimpeachable repute have
taught us that love of family and country, devotion to friends,
succour of those in distress, are not virtues characteristic of any
one particular race. Concerning the Chinese the distinguished
English missionary and scholar, Dr. Legge, says in a Present-Day
Tract, " Take the Chinese people as a whole . . . and there is much
about them to like and even to admire. They are cheerful, temperate,
industrious, and kindly, and in these respects they will bear a com-
parison, perhaps a favourable comparison, with the masses of our
own population. ... I found those of them who had any position
in society for the most part faithful to their engagements and true to
their word. I thought of them better, both morally and socially,
when I left them, than when I first went among them, more than
thirty years before." And such passages abound in modern works,
not only in regard to the doyenne of the nations, but in regard to
most non-European peoples.1
Lastly, that there is little to choose in regard to physique, a glance
'."Among the cleanest — physically and morally — men that I have known have
been some of African descent " (Prof. B. G. Wilder, The Brain of the American Negro,
1909). See also the chapter on the truthfulness of the Hindus in M,ix Mtiller's What
Can India Teach Usf
FIRST SESSION 35
at any good modern collection of fair-sized ethnographical photo-
graphs will show. It was the old drawings, little more than na'fve
caricatures, and later the photographs of hideous exceptions, which
supplied us with those types of other races that suggest startling race
distinctions. Michelet and others have dwelt on the beauty of
Haitians, and Firmin, with apparent good reason, thinks that the
classic type of beauty is closely bound up with a high state of
civilisation, a remark which Schneider {Die Naturvb'lker, 1885)
endorses. Privation and affluence, refinement and degradation,
leave their traces on uncivilised and civilised alike.
We are, then, under the necessity of concluding that an impartial
investigator would be inclined to look upon the various important peoples
of the world as, to all intents and purposes, essentially equals in intellect,
enterprise, morality, and physique.
Race prejudice forms a species belonging to a flourishing genus.
Prejudices innumerable exist based on callousness, ignorance, mis-
understanding, economic rivalry, and, above all, on the fact that our
customs are dear to us, but appear ridiculous and perverse to all who
do not sympathetically study them. Nation looks down on nation,
class on class, religion on religion, sex on sex, and race on race. It
is a melancholy spectacle which imaginative insight into the lives
and conditions of others should remove.
Considering that the number of race characteristics is legion, it
would be embarrassing to assert that they possess a deeper meaning.
Every small tribe seems to be the happy possessor of a little army of
special characteristics, and one ethnologist actually speaks of five
hundred tribes to be found in a radius of as many miles in a certain
locality. The American Indians are said to be related to the Tartars,
whilst possessing very distinct common traits ; and each of the at
present recognised great racial divisions is equally capable of sub-
division, and equally merges by degrees into the others. Again, we
hear of red-haired, yellow-haired, fair-haired, brown-haired, and black-
haired peoples, and we read of frizzly hair, woolly hair, silken hair,
as well as of a few tufts of hair on the head in some tribes, and trains
of hair trailing on the ground in others. Peoples differ in average
height from less than four feet to over six feet. Some of these have
very small and others very large eyes, and length of limbs varies
considerably. The bodies of some few tribes are richly covered with
hair, while others are practically devoid of it. The variations in
colour of skin, from pink to yellow, reddish-brown and black-brown,
are very conspicuous, and the so-called Caucasian type alone embraces
the fair Scandinavian, the dusky Italian, the dark Hindu, and the
almost black Fellah. Noses, lips, chins, cheek-bones, jaws, vary
prodigiously, and no less facial angle, forehead, and shape of skull.
36 UNIVERSAL RACES CONGRESS
Accordingly the observable physical differences between so-called
distinct races must be regarded as incidental on pain of having to
assume hundreds of separate origins for the human race. Ratzel
truly says : " It may be safely asserted that the study of comparative
ethnology in recent years has tended to diminish the weight of the
traditionally accepted views of anthropologists as to racial dis-
tinctions, and that in any case they afford no support to the view
which sees in the so-called lower races of mankind a transition stage
from beast to man." x
We commonly judge races nearly as much by their customs as
by their physical appearance, almost as if the former fatally depended
on the latter. Indeed, anthropologists and travellers often unques-
tioningly and unsuspectingly assume that the mental traits of races
are innate and fixed, like the tendency to anger or to walking
uprightly. Yet a Zulu, for instance, taken from his tribe where he
appears to possess innumerable rooted and peculiar customs, very
soon loses them nearly all. The American Negro missionaries in
Africa find that custom is deeper than physical appearance, since
their fellow Negroes in Africa look upon them as Americans rather
than as men of their own kith and kin. As one of the Honorary
Vice-Presidents of the Congress, the first delegate to the Second
Hague Conference of one of the greatest Eastern Empires, convinc-
ingly expresses this in a letter to the Congress Executive : " Races
show nothing but skin-deep differences. Differences of language, of
religion, of manners and customs, are nothing but accidental
modalities attendant on the respective historical evolution in the
past — in no way sufficiently powerful to efface the sub-stratum
common to all humanity, and in no way tending to hinder any
co-operative effort in the fulfilment of the mission common to
mankind in general."
Is it, then, to be inferred, we may be asked in astonishment, that
we should encourage indiscriminate miscegenation, free intermarriage
between white, black, and yellow races? The inference need not
be drawn, since we may say that, just as in parts of Europe, for
instance, Protestants, Catholics, and Jews live together amicably
while yet intermarrying very rarely, so the equality of the human
races might be universally acknowledged and yet intermarriage not
take place. However, we ought to note that in the West the fairest
whites freely intermarry with the darkest whites, and that it is
difficult to see why — theoretically at least — any limit should be
drawn.
What has been said above regarding the ephemeral importance
* A comprehensive criticism of works that lay stress on the inequality of races is to
be found in Jean Finot's Race Prejudice and in Friedrich Hvriz'sModcrncRasscnthcorien.
FIRST SESSION 37
of racial distinctions embraces, so it appears to the present writer,
the bedrock truth which must be ever borne in mind in this contro-
versy. The trunk of the elephant, the neck of the giraffe, are some-
thing singular in the animal kingdom. Man, too, possesses a unique
quality which likewise sharply divides him from sentient beings
generally. All other animals are almost altogether guided by
individual or gregarious instincts, and their wisdom, natural and
acquired, almost completely dies with them. The bee's hive and the
ant's nest represent wonderful structures ; but these structures,
wherever we meet them, are so strikingly alike that it is evident
natural selection and not reason or tradition accounts for them.
Only man as a race has a history — a history of speech and writing,
a history of architecture and dress, a history of laws, and one of arts
and crafts. The individual thought of thousands of brains has, to
give a trivial instance, created the safety bicycle, and the collective
thought of millions through the ages has built up our complex civili-
sation. And this thought is transmitted socially — through home and
school education, through public institutions, or through the impos-
ing accumulations of science, art, and industry. Except for such
social transmission the work of the past would have to be com-
menced, Sisyphus-like, all over again by each generation, and the
stage of savagery and barbarism would be unending.
Man's social nature distinguishes him from his fellow animals
absolutely in that no animal species, however gregarious, is in posses-
sion of traditional knowledge collected throughout the length and
breadth of thousands of years, and fundamentally in that any attempt
to turn an animal into a social being is doomed to fail miserably.
To illustrate, the domesticated animals may readily be isolated at
birth from their kind with no appreciable consequences to their
development, while, on the other hand, a human being thus placed
would probably grow up more brutish than a brute. Man's upright
attitude, his comparative hairlessness, the place of his thumbs, the
size and weight of his brain, are undoubtedly radical differentiae in
relation to other animals ; but these in themselves do not constitute
him the premier species of the globe. The most hopelessly
benighted pigmy in the forests of Central Africa possesses these
characteristics nearly in perfection. The social and historical
element makes man the civilised being, and it alone accounts for
the successive ages of stone, bronze, iron, steam, and electricity.
A theory such as is here propounded ought to remove innu-
merable preconceptions from thinking minds. It is a theory which
in a very real sense makes all men kin. It discourages inconsiderate
pride of race, of sex, of birth, of nation, of class, and of religion.
It encourages education, co-operation, science, strenuousness com-
38 UNIVERSAL RACES CONGRESS
bined with modesty, and equal rights and opportunities for all men
and women. It puts at its true value the eminently plausible but
almost certainly unscientific doctrine that mankind can solely or
mainly be improved in the only manner that animals can — i.e.t by
careful selection or breeding. Above all, it paves the way for
national and international concord and co-operation, and for a
fair treatment of backward races, subject peoples, and small nations.
• In conclusion, the writer of this paper cannot refrain from
expressing a fervent hope that the deliberations of this historic
Congress may result in a better understanding and a higher appre-
ciation of the different peoples on the globe, and may lead to the
enactment of beneficent laws as well as to the formation of a
powerful public opinion which shall promote this loftiest of objects.
Conclusions. — The present writer has taken the liberty to put
forward as his conclusions certain proposals implicit in the Question-
naire published by the Congress Executive. He has preserved the
wording as far as possible : —
fj-jl. (a) It is not legitimate to argue from differences in physical characteristics
to differences in mental characteristics, (b) The physical and mental charac-
teristics observable in a particular race are not (i) permanent, (2) modifiable
only through ages of environmental pressure ; but (3) marked changes in
popular education, in public sentiment, and in environment generally, may,
apart from intermarriage, materially transform physical and especially mental
characteristics in a generation or two.
2. (a) The status of a race at any particular moment of time offers no index
to its innate or inherited capacities. (6) It is of great importance in this
respect to recognise that civilisations are meteoric in nature, bursting out
of obscurity only to plunge back into it.
3. (a) We ought to combat the irreconcilable contentions prevalent among
all the more important races of mankind that their customs, their civilisations,
and their race are superior to those of other races. (6) In explanation of
existing differences we would refer to special needs arising from peculiar
geographical and economic conditions and to related divergences in national
history ; and, in explanation of the attitude assumed, we would refer to
intimacy with one's own customs leading psychologically to a love of them
and unfamiliarity with others' customs tending to lead psychologically to dislike
and contempt of these latter.
4. (a) Differences in economic, hygienic, moral, and educational standards
play a vital part in estranging races which come in contact with each other.
(b) These differences, like social differences generally, are in substance almost
certainly due to passing social conditions and not to innate racial charac-
teristics, and the aim should be, as in social differences, to remove these
rather than to accentuate them by regarding them as fixed.
5. (a) The deepest cause of race misunderstandings is perhaps the tacit as-
sumption that the present characteristics of a race are the expression of fixed
and permanent racial characteristics. (6) If so, anthropologists, sociologists,
and scientific thinkers as a class, could powerfully assist the movement for a
juster appreciation of races by persistently pointing out in their lectures and
in their works the fundamental fallacy involved in taking a static instead
FIRST SESSION 39
of a dynamic, a momentary instead of a historic, a local instead of a general,
point of view of race characteristics, (c) And such dynamic teaching could
be conveniently introduced into schools, more especially in the geography
and history lessons ; also into colleges for the training of teachers, diplomats,
colonial administrators, and missionaries.
6. (a) The belief in racial superiority is largely due, as is suggested above,
to unenlightened psychological repulsion and under-estimation of the dynamic
or environmental factors ; (6) there is no fair proof of some races being sub-
stantially superior to others in inborn capacity, and hence our moral standard
need never be modified.
7. (A) (a) So far at least as intellectual and moral aptitudes are concerned,
we ought to speak of civilisations where we now speak of races ; (b) the stage
or form of the civilisation of a people has no connection with its special
inborn physical characteristics ; (c) and even its physical characteristics are
to no small extent the direct result of the environment, physical and social,
under which it is living at the moment. (B) To aid in clearing up the con-
ceptions of race and civilisation, it would be of great value to define these.
8. (a) Each race might with advantage study the customs and civilisations
of other races, even those it thinks the lowliest ones, for the definite purpose
of improving its own customs and civilisation. (6) Unostentatious conduct
generally and respect for the customs of other races, provided these are
not morally objectionable, should be recommended to all who come in passing
or permanent contact with members of other races.
9. (a) It would be well to collect accounts of any experiments on a considerable
scale, past or present, showing the successful uplifting of relatively backward
races by the application of purely humane methods ; (b) also any cases of
colonisation or opening of a country achieved by the same methods ; (c) and such
methods might be applied universally in our dealings with other races.
10. The Congress might effectively (a) carry out its object of encouraging
better relations between East and West by encouraging or carrying out, among
others, the above proposals, and more particularly (6) by encouraging the forma-
tion of an association designed to promote inter-racial amity.
[Paper submitted in English.]
SECOND SESSION
CONDITIONS OF PROGRESS (GENERAL PROBLEMS)
THE RATIONALE OF AUTONOMY
By JOHN M. ROBERTSON, M.P., London.
IN most discussions on the demands by members of subject races
for self-governing institutions, there appears to be little recognition
either of the strength of the historic case for autonomy, or of the
vital danger of its perpetual prevention. Perhaps this is in part
due to the mode in which such claims are usually pressed. The
mouthpieces or champions of the depressed races commonly, and
naturally, make the appeal to their masters on grounds of abstract
right and justice ; and, when met by the reply, " You are not
qualified to govern yourselves," they as naturally retort with an
indictment of the governing faculty of the controlling Power, and
a claim to be equal in intelligence and civilisedness to other races
who actually have attained autonomy. Thereafter the debate is
apt to become a series of recriminations, the spokesmen of the
ruling race using the language of contempt, and the other side the
language of resentment
Inasmuch as the handling of specific cases is apt to reopen
such unprofitable disputes, it may be well to try to state the
general case from the point of view of dispassionate political
science, leaving for separate discussion the practical problems of
method and initiation in given instances. To this end we have
first to make clear the implications of the negative answer commonly
given to the aspiring " native." It really amounts to confessing
that all peoples who have not hitherto governed themselves are
relatively undeveloped ; that, in short, self-government is the pre-
requisite of any high level of social organisation and general
capacity. This implication, however, is not always avowed, even
40
SECOND SESSION 41
by the more thoughtful exponents of "imperialism" in our own
day ; and until recent times it was rather the exception than the
rule for historians even to note that when, in ancient Greece and
Rome, an end was put to the life of free discussion and political
conflict, the general level of human faculty began to sink. The
truth that the habit of constant debate and the perpetual practice
of affairs are the vital conditions of intellectual and moral betterment
for communities as wholes, is still far short of being a current axiom.
Yet it is proved alike by the decay of the classic civilisations after
the ending of autonomy and by the advance of modern civilisation
hand in hand with autonomy. And no great subtlety of analysis
is needed to explain the necessity.
Even the strongest champions of the rule of advanced over
backward races admit the evils of despotism : it is indeed one of
the main pleas of British imperialists that British rule is better
for those under it than the " native " despotism which would be
the only alternative. Yet the same reasoners constantly avow the
fallibility of British rulers ; inasmuch as they mostly belong to
one of two parties, of each of which the members habitually impeach
alike the capacity and the good faith of those of the other. Unless,
then, it is alleged that a man confessedly fallible in dealing with
the members of his own advanced race becomes infallible when
dealing with men whose language, ideals, and religion are alien to
his, it follows that mistakes are made by all dominant races in
their treatment of subject races.
Is it to be desired, then, that the latter should be either too
unintelligent to know when they are misruled or too apathetic to
care? The avowal of either desire would obviously amount to a
complete condemnation of the ideal or polity involving it. Every
polity professes to aim at betterment. But where there exist no
means of correction or protest on the part of those who suffer by
errors of government, there must be generated either apathetic
despair or a smouldering resentment. It would be gratuitously
absurd to expect that the men of the " backward " race should be
positively more patiently forgiving or more cheerfully tolerant
than their " advanced " masters. If they can be so, they are the
more " advanced " race of the two, in some of the main points of
capacity for self-rule. If, on the other hand, they are not to be
either brutalised or prostrated, they must think and criticise ; and,
as John Stuart Mill long ago pointed out, efficient thinking cannot
coexist with a settled belief — however acquired or imposed — in the
entire beneficence of the ruler. To cognise beneficence there is
needed judgment, reflection on experience ; and absolute faith in
the superior wisdom of the ruler would soon make an end of the
42 UNIVERSAL RACES CONGRESS
very faculty of judging, by making an end of its exercise. An
unexercised reason cannot subsist. In a word, if the ruled are to
progress, they must think and judge ; and if they think and judge
they must from time to time be dissatisfied. There is no escape
from the dilemma ; and if the ruling race is at all conscientious,
at all sincere in its professed desire for the betterment of its subjects,
it must desire to know when and why they are dissatisfied. The
need for reciprocity holds no less, albeit with a difference, in the
case of the ruler. To exercise an absolute control over a community
or a congeries of communities in the belief that one is absolutely
infallible, is to tread the path of insanity.
To know that one is politically fallible, and yet never to care
for the opinion of those whom one may be at any moment mis-
governing, is to set conscience aside. Either way, demoralisation
or deterioration follows as inevitably for the ruler as for the ruled.
All history proclaims the lesson. Whether we take ancient
despots ruling empires through satraps, or States playing the despot
to other States, the sequence is infallibly evil. Never is there any
continuity of sound life. In the absence of control from the
governed, the despotisms invariably grew corrupt and feeble. On
the substitution of despotic rule for self-rule, all the forces of
civilisation began to fail. The State Imperialism of Rome was
even more utterly fatal than the personal imperialism of Alexander
and his successors : it destroyed alike the primary power of self-
defence and the higher life throughout nearly its whole sphere,
till all Western civilisation sank in chaos, and that of Byzantium
survived in a state of mental stagnation only till as strong a
barbarism assailed that as had overthrown the empire in the West.
The domination of Florence over Pisa exhibited the fatality afresh ;
that of Spain over Italy had the same kind of double consequences ;
and the arbitrary rule of England over Scotland in the fourteenth
century, and over France in the fifteenth, was similarly followed by
periods of humiliation and decadence. It is only because of the
much slighter implication of the national life in the remoter
dominations of to-day that the harm is now so much less perceptible;
the principle of harm can never be eliminated where the unsound
relation subsists.
The contemporary problem may be put in a nutshell. Are the
subject races of to-day progressing or not? If yes, they must be
on the way, however slowly, to a measure of self-government. If
not, the domination of the advanced races is a plain failure ; and
the talk of " beneficent rule " becomes an idle hypocrisy. The
only possible alternative thesis is that the subject races are incapable
of progress ; and this is actually affirmed by some imperialists who
SECOND SESSION 43
reason that only in " temperate climates " do the natural conditions
essential to self-government subsist. Their doctrine may be left
to the acceptance of all who can find ground for exultation and
magniloquence in the prospect of a perpetual dominion of white men
over cowed coloured races who secretly and helplessly hate them, in
lands where white men can never hope to rear their own offspring.
If, instead of a dreary fatalism of that description, there is urged
upon us the simple difficulty of building up a new social order in
the tropical or semi-tropical lands where self-rule has never yet
subsisted, and where mixture of races complicates every problem,
we can at once assent. To plead difficulty is to admit desirability,
and to confess that the perpetual absence of every element of
political self-determination from a people's life means a failure of
civilisation. Given that admission, difficulties may be faced in the
spirit of good counsel.
But the first thing to be posited is a warning that " difficulty "
and " ill-preparedness " are in no way special to the cases of tropical
countries and so-called " backward " races. The critical process
applied to these cases by those who commonly fall back on the
formula of " unfitness " is extraordinarily imperfect. On their own
view, those races are " fit " which have slowly attained self-govern-
ment alter starting on the journey at a notably low stage of " fitness,"
and undergoing on the way all manner of miscarriages, including
civil v/ar. Only by development out of unfitness, obviously, is
fitness attainable. Yet the bare fact of unfitness is constantly
posited as if it were the fixed antipodes of fitness. It is commonly
put, for instance, as the decisive and final answer to any plea for
the gradual development of self-governing institutions in India, that
if India were evacuated by the British forces there would ensue
civil war, if not a new war of conquest That is of course an even
superfluously valid argument against the evacuation of India, which
no politician is known ever to have suggested. But it is put as if
the bare potentiality were a demonstration of the unfitness of the
Indian peoples collectively for any kind of institution tending ever
so remotely towards autonomy. Now, within the English-speaking
world, the mother country had civil wars in the seventeenth and
eighteenth centuries ; there was civil war between mother country
and colonies towards the end of the eighteenth ; and again within
the independent United States and within Canada in the nineteenth
— all this in a "race" that makes specially high claims to self-
governing faculty. On the imperialist principle, a Planetary Angel
with plenary powers would have intervened to stop the " premature
experiment" of Anglo-Saxon self-government at any one of the
stages specified — if indeed he had ever allowed it to begin.
44 UNIVERSAL RACES CONGRESS
It would seem that a first step towards a scientific or even a
quasi-rational view of the problem must be to put aside the
instinctive hypothesis that faculty for self-government is a matter
of " race." The people of the United States, who began their own
independent life by civil war and revolution, and have had a civil
war since, have been largely wont to join with those of the mother
country (whose history has included a round dozen of revolutions)
in ascribing unfitness for self-rule to the South American Republics
in general on the score of the number of revolutions in which they
have indulged. Yet the South American State of Brazil has some-
how contrived to solve peacefully the problem of slavery, which the
United States could not solve without one of the most terrible
civil wars in the world's history. Further, the South American
State, after attaining republican government by a notably peaceful
revolution, seems unhaunted by the shadow of a deadly Race
Problem that dogs the Anglo-Saxon world in the North. It would
seem that we must admit varieties of kind as well as degree in
our conception of political fitness. In the middle of the nineteenth
century, North Americans were found to impute unfitness for
autonomy to the whole French people ; and that people, after having
undergone three revolutions within two generations of " the "
Revolution, which was in itself a series of Revolutions, attained
autonomy only after a cataclysm in which civil war followed upon
a vast disaster in foreign war. To-day, however, probably no
thoughtful person in either hemisphere disputes the fitness of France
for autonomy, save in a remote philosophic sense in which fitness
for autonomy may be denied to all peoples alike.
If the problem be reduced to its elements, in short, it will be
found that none of the a priori arguments against autonomy for any
race have any scientific validity. As a matter of fact, practical
autonomy exists at this moment among the lowest and most retro-
grade races of the earth ; and probably no experienced European
administrator who has ever carried his thinking above the levels of
that of a frontier trader will confidently say that any one of these
races would be improved by setting up over them any system of
white man's rule which has yet been tried. An extremely interesting
experiment in white man's rule has been at work for a generation in
Basutoland ; but whatever may be its results, it seems likely to
remain an isolated case.
The difficulties which stand in the way of autonomy for the
leading subject-races consist — as apart from the simple unwillingness
of many imperialists to proceed upon a road of reciprocity — in
differences of social structure and external relations, not of mental or
racial "character"; and much good might be done in promoting
SECOND SESSION 45
better feelings between rulers and ruled, if this were frankly and
intelligently avowed by the former. When Japan has developed a
large measure of constitutional autonomy and China is visibly moving
on the same path, it is sufficiently idle to talk either of " Oriental " or
of " hereditary " incapacity for self-government. The differentia for
India are in terms of (a) multiplicity and (b) extreme disparity of
races, involving liability to conquest (c) from within and (d) from
without. When, again, Turkey and Persia alike have for the time
attained autonomy by revolution, and Russia is moving theretowards
by convulsion after convulsion in one vast protracted revolution, it
is sufficiently idle to talk of " unpreparedness " in Egypt. The
differentia for Egypt are in terms of (a) variety of alien elements
installed on the spot and (&} incapacity on that as well as on other
grounds for secure self-defence against conquest. If but Hindus
and Egyptians were rationally dealt with in terms of these real con-
siderations, to the exclusion of plainly fallacious and sophistical
objections, the chances of a good understanding between dominator
and dominated would be much improved.
The very first step in the discussion would mean a recognition
of the fundamental "fitness" of self-controlling machinery for all
races alike. Putting aside all the " sentiment " accruing to the con-
cepts of "liberty" and "independence," both parties would have
agreed that it is good for a man to be an intelligent agent instead of
a recalcitrant machine — and good for his controller likewise. There-
after the problem would be one of determining from time to time
exactly how far the relation of reciprocity can be developed between
the controlling bureaucracy and the controlled, to the end of setting
up the state of mutual responsibility. The rational acceptance of a
relation of primary obligation might be made easy to all " natives "
capable of practical politics by showing them how the virtual self-
government of Britain has been evolved, and subsists, under the
assertion of a primary right and power of dominion, on the part of
the sovereign.
Given such a point of departure, the educing of local modes
of rational relation between controllers and controlled may go on
through the centuries at a rather more rapid rate than marked the
evolution in the case of the Anglo-Saxon race — provided only that
the controllers possess the capacity for one thing. That is to say,
they must have the capacity to adjust themselves to the relation
of sovereign-race and self-asserting subjects as the actual sovereigns
of the past had to do. " Liberties " have been won by the peoples,
thus far, either by convincing their arbitrary rulers that real power is
after all in the hands of the majority, or by simply removing the
rulers who could not admit it. In the case of dominant and subject
46 UNIVERSAL RACES CONGRESS
races, where neither process is possible, the state of upward progress
can be brought about only by substituting in the minds of the former
a sympathetic relation for one of mere adjustment of forces. The race
in power must be concerned to keep pace with the evolving faculty of
the race in tutelage, striking a careful balance at all times between
the forces of aspiration and resistance which conflict in all Societies.
But, above all, it must do this calmly and scientifically in face of the
vituperation of the progressive sections of the race in tutelage. And
here lies the " great perhaps " of the political destinies of mankind.
Again, we may put the problem in a few words. In all auto-
nomous countries political progress means constant friction and much
embittered language between factions. To expect of the " back-
ward " races that they shall be more considerate in their characterisa-
tion of the policies of their masters than those masters have ever been
in their own faction-strifes, is plainly fantastic. It would seem no
very great stretch of common sense to realise that when Liberal and
Tory, for instance, habitually denounce each other's administration at
home, they must look to having the administration of either or both
denounced by those who have to endure it abroad. Yet the Briton
can daily see in his newspapers the spectacle of journalists grossly
vituperating their own Government in one column and in another
denouncing as " sedition " all vituperation of it by Hindus. If this
state of moral incoherence be not transcended by the majority or the
ruling spirits, the problem of peaceful progress towards autonomy
among the subject races is hopeless. The demand that the latter
shall maintain an attitude of humble acquiescence for an indefinite
time in the hope that when they have ceased to ask for anything
they will spontaneously be given it, is quite the most senseless formula
ever framed in any political discussion. Peoples so acquiescent
would be the most thoroughly unfit for self-government that have yet
appeared. They would be no longer " viable."
As the case stands, the responsibility clearly lies on the races
in power. If they cannot make the small effort of self-criticism and
consistency required to realise that they should tolerate blame from
the races they dominate (since these can simply blame no one else
for whatever misfortunes they endure), and should still go on helping
them forward, the game is up.
In that case they will have failed to comprehend the necessary
conditions of progress in the race relations in question ; and when
the history of the failure comes to be written, it will not be upon
the victims of the failure, probably, that posterity will think it worth
while to pass the verdict of "unfitness." It will be passed, if upon
any, on the race which, imputing unfitness to those whose fate it con-
trolled, was itself collectively unfit for the task of conducting them on
SECOND SESSION 47
an upward path. Insisting on being their earthly Providence, it will
have entitled them to curse it for all their troubles. And, boasting
all the while of its supreme capacity, no less than of its high inten-
tions, it will have earned from the dispassionate onlooker no claim to
merciful judgment
That there should occur such a bankruptcy of civilisation in
respect of this one mode of relation between races while other
relations are improving, seems, so to speak, unnecessary. The prac-
tical problem is certainly hard ; but then so are all great practical
problems in politics. What is most disquieting so far is the lack
of semblance of any general comprehension of the theoretic problem.
The danger seems to be that the personal equation of the least
thoughtful and most brutal sections of the dominant races will keep
the question indefinitely on the primitive level. When whole classes
and parties are found declaring that the subject race shall have
no concessions made to it until it ceases to use insubordinate
language, it becomes acutely clear to the investigator that we are
still at the stage before science if not before morals. Obviously the
thoroughly subordinate race will never have any " concessions " made
to it : concessions are things asked for and striven for. Does the
dominator, then, suggest that he is improving a backward race
by making it cultivate servility and hypocrisy ? Is it not his
frequent complaint that those qualities are dangerously developed
already ? What would he have ?
Let the imperialist once become morally consistent and we can
usefully come to the practical problem. It is primarily one of
education. The strongest theoretical case that could be made out
against the plea for a measure of self-government in a subject race
would run somewhat thus : " Precisely because this race, as you
argue, has not had the scrambling education gone through by our
own, it cannot pass from complete subjection to any higher state.
You admit that they cannot simply be let loose to begin with.
Then they cannot have the needed preparation. The countries des-
tined to self-government get there by walking on their own feet, with
however many stumbles. Japan and Turkey may shake off their
native absolutism and set up constitutionalism : they do it because
they can. But for one race to give constitutionalism to another is a
quite different thing. There is no case on record of even the
attempt. Remember you will be giving it to a huge and hetero-
geneous population, many of whom do not even ask it, do not even
dream of it"
Putting the counter case in that way, we answer that the argu-
ment from the past really begs the question. The fact that certain
races have reached self-government through long endeavouring to
48 UNIVERSAL RACES CONGRESS
stand alone, in the " natural M way of the growing child, does not
mean that a nation or a congeries of peoples long withheld from the
given exercise of function can never develop it. There are super-
stitions in regard to evolution as in other matters ; and history tells
of change by initiation as well as by haphazard adaptation. If one
born blind, or long blind, may be enabled by surgery to see, a race
not bred to self-government may be enabled by example and
institution to grow gradually into the practice of it. If Turkey and
Japan, with an " Oriental " past, can of themselves enter upon the
new life, races in tutelage may be inducted into it under guidance.
And where unguided races have made the entrance by more or less
spasmodic movements and with chronic friction and reaction, super-
vision may save others from the errors of ignorance.
Further, if only there be good-will on the part of the race in
command, there is not more but less difficulty in the planned intro-
duction of the rudiments of autonomy into any polity, however
backward, than in the compassing of them by effort from within.
Normally, the making of all the steps is by way of a fortuitous
wrestle between progressive and reactionary forces equally impas-
sioned : here, it lies with the ruling races to prepare for and time the
steps. The preparation lies in the conveyance of the two forms of
universal knowledge — knowledge how to live and work in the
present, and knowledge of the historic past and of other polities. It
is in terms of their failure to undertake this essential schooling that
all dominant races thus far stand convicted of a mainly self-seeking
relation to those in their power, all their protestations to the contrary
notwithstanding.
Abstention from the task of education is confession either of fear
or of indifference. Where it has never been undertaken, the charge
of " unfitness " partakes of the nature of the indictment brought by
the Wolf against the Lamb. The progress towards self-government
began for our own race when other education was at a minimum.
Let it be preceded for the backward races by such education as is
within the competence of modern State machinery, and the old
pretext of unfitness will become impossible. Given the initial steps,
progression for the ruled in the discipline of self-government will be
seen by the ruling races to be progression in co-operation, and will
be desired instead of being feared.
Towards irreconcilables the attitude of wise friends of the subject
races will simply be that of sane politicians towards extremists
in other countries. The fact of intransigeance is just a fact like
another, one of the hundred variations in political outlook and
bias which express the law of variation in all things. Aspiration
or zeal without extremism has never occurred in any wide field of
SECOND SESSION 49
human life, and never till mankind has reached a very remote stage
of equilibrium conceivably will. Whatever, then, may be its
reaction, good or bad, on the totality of progress, extremism is
literally a condition of progress in the sense of being inextirpable.
What is to be hoped concerning it, in the cases under notice,
Is that there as well as in the history of other races there will
take place the usual amount of conversion through stress of ex-
perience to more moderate ideals. And such conversion will quite
certainly be easier when the controlling Power is avowedly bent on
promoting racial progress than when it is believed to be funda-
mentally hostile to all racial aspiration. For all extremism in
politics the great prophylactic is steady progression. Those who
would substitute for this conception that of a " one way to rule
Orientals — force " are simply reviving for Orientals that blind denial
of natural law which has meant so much strife for Occidentals in the
past. They are the correlatives of the irreconcilables who demand
instant " freedom " ; and, error for error, theirs is the worse.
{Paper submitted in English.]
INFLUENCE OF GEOGRAPHIC, ECONOMIC,
AND POLITICAL CONDITIONS
By Dr. PAUL S. REINSCH,
Professor of International Law in the University of Wisconsin,
(7.S.A., Theodore Roosevelt Professor at Berlin for 1911-12.
IN speaking on a subject so broad as that indicated by the title
of this paper, it would be easy to fall into a discussion composed
of vague generalisations. Yet this certainly would not correspond
with the desires of the Committee which fixed the programme ;
they did not, as was actually done by a small college in the west of
the United States, intend to create a chair of Pantology. I shall
therefore endeavour to be concrete in the few suggestions which
I have to contribute in this discussion, and to indicate in a specific
manner how the modern tendencies of civilisation are influenced
by geographical situation, by economic activities, and by the forms
of political action.
I am not in fear of contradiction when I state that the cardinal
fact of contemporary civilisation is the unification of the world,
the emergence of organic relations, world- wide in scope, uniting
the branches of the human family in all parts of the earth. This
result is due primarily to the really marvellous advances made
in all the methods and processes of communication. Distance has
E
50 UNIVERSAL RACES CONGRESS
been annihilated, and lands on the opposite sides of the earth,
formerly mysterious to one another, are now next-door neighbours.
In the train of these advances there has followed the organisation
of the economic life of the world upon a centralised system. Econo-
mic power is radiated from the European and American centres
to the farthest corners of Africa and Asia. Railways and other
engineering works are executed, agricultural and mining resources
are developed, through energies propelled from the great financial
centres. Moreover, the scientific and technical processes employed
in industry and commerce are also being standardised upon a
uniform basis. With variations imposed by climatic and other
physical conditions, the scientific methods of the world are never-
theless practically uniform, and this uniformity reacts upon and
strengthens the unity of economic organisation. Last, but not
least important, there arises from all these mechanical and industrial
advances a true psychic unity of mankind. The daily news is
the same the world over in its great important facts. Its items
are flashed from zone to zone, and in the morning and evening
papers the reading world of all the continents follows the same
dramatic unfolding of political and social world life. Great types
of character are no longer merely national household names, but
their lineaments are known the world over and everywhere interest is
taken in their views and actions. There is a world-wide sympathy,
so that if evil befall in California, or Chile, or Italy, or China, the
entire world is affected and all nations are anxious to offer their
aid and bear their share of the burden.
The growth of world unity which we have witnessed in our
day has already modified, and even superseded to some extent,
the effect of geographic separation, of political nationalism or
particularism, and of economic exclusiveness. Economic and social
forces are beginning to flow in a broad natural stream, less and
less hampered by dynastic and partisan intrigue, by protectionist
walls, by monopolies and all sorts of exclusive privileges.
In past ages, indeed, geographic separation was a fundamental
fact. Mountains, deserts, and the sea set limits to the expansion of
races and separated them from one another to such an extent as to
prevent mutual acquaintance and understanding. Civilisation on
this earth will, indeed, always be dependent upon physical environ-
ment, but the complete dominance of local conditions over national
development is a thing of the past The domination of natural
forces has been largely overcome by scientific mastery, subduing
nature through its processes and unifying the different branches of
the human race. It is here that we touch upon the great achieve-
ment of Western civilisation in the conquest of nature. The mastery
SECOND SESSION 51
of man over physical forces is the primal fact. To me, what dis-
tinguishes Europe from Asia is the spirit of the Greeks with all that
it implies, with all that developed out of it. It is in the narrow
valleys of Hellas, confined by high mountains yet looking out upon
the sea, that humanity first became conscious of itself and of its
destiny. Protected from being overborne by the sweep of conquer-
ing hordes in the great migrations that preceded settled nationalism,
yet with a breadth of view that came from looking out upon the ocean,
the Greek cities could acquire that stability which enabled them
to be the theatre of an independent and consistent political develop-
ment. Thus, secure and protected, they passed in review the things
of this world, and there arose that spirit of free discussion which is
the beginning of all progress and all inventiveness. Things are no
longer taken for granted, but the reason of their being is inquired
into. This state of mind also meant a development of independent
individualism. Athens was a great school in which men educated
each other, and no nation within a period so short as the hundred
years preceding 400 B.C. has developed so brilliant and striking a line
of great personalities as those who flourished in the small city of
Athens during the years of her prime. In this Greek experience
there is contained the root of that individualism, that national self-
consciousness, that adaptability and inventiveness, which, to my
mind, form the essence of Western civilisation, and which have been
unfolded in its later history.
It is not surprising that in the Orient the idea of the dominance
of man over nature did not occur. Where the cloud-piercing
Himalayas set a horizon to all possible expansion ; where mighty
rivers, descending in spring torrents, flood whole provinces, sweeping
away mankind together with its handiwork ; where earthquakes and
tidal waves devastate the coastal regions — it is not surprising that
here man would not conceive of himself as the master of nature, the
lord of creation. So terrible is nature in her manifestations that man
bows down in awe and at her hands accepts life as a favour. It is
not surprising that the Orient lived by custom, that it was reluctant
to venture beyond what experience had proved safe and salutary,
that it erected class and caste systems for protection against the
mutability of things.
It is in this connection that the presence of fixed boundaries
defining rather narrow territories is important. Nationalism first
grew in Greece and Italy, protected by mountains and by the sea,
and in the modern world it was England, whose insular position
enabled her first to develop a self-conscious and independent national
life. In Africa the absence of such boundaries has contributed to
hinder the development of civilisation. The tribes are not settled
52 UNIVERSAL RACES CONGRESS
long enough, nor are their boundaries sufficiently fixed for them to
develop those qualities which are based upon stability of location.
The eternal shifting back and forth of population elements has
retarded African development ; to a lesser degree and in a different
manner has operated in the Indian and Chinese world. India, a vast
country readily overrun by conquerors, has appeared a continent
rather than a nation, and instead of like Attica in its protected nook
developing a stable political system, India has relied upon the caste
system for protection against the ever-shifting mutations of power
and population. China, too, has appeared to her people more as a
world than as a nation. It was again Japan that, like Greece and
England, and like Chile in South America, first developed an intense
spirit of nationalism and first achieved a true national organisation,
because her territorial extent was small and her boundaries were
strictly defined. She was protected against that influence of
humanity in the mass which does not allow the spirit of individualism
to stand forth in nations or in men.
But the gift of science and invention developed in the West has
now become the heritage of the entire world, and the vast populations
of Asia are profoundly stirred in the transition to new views of life.
They, too, are grasping the idea of natural law, of scientific mastery,
and with it they are turning to the individualism and nationalism
of the West. The conquest of Nature is thus becoming a world-wide
phenomenon in which all races share. Distance is overcome, and
what is accessible to one part of the world is brought to the door
of all the others. Thus conditions are assimilated, and, through
the spread of scientific processes, methods of thought and of action
are becoming more and more alike the world over. Science is the
same everywhere. The engineering solutions in railway building,
irrigation, and other mechanical works are identical ; physics and
chemistry are the same in France, America, and Japan. Thus
scientific method is a unit through which the separating influence
of geographic location is overcome. Through participation in the
scientific spirit, those deep-lying differences in point of view, which
had been developed through centuries of historic experience, are
giving way to a unified mode of seeing and solving the problems
of life.
We may here ask whether this development does not introduce
a danger or resuscitate an old peril under a new form ? We
have seen that humanity needed local protection against the indis-
criminate onslaughts of the mass. Now that natural boundaries
have ceased to be determining factors on account of the supremacy
of the human mind over physical conditions, is it not to be feared
that humanity will be reduced to an indiscriminate mass lacking
SECOND SESSION 53
distinction — in a word, that it will be vulgarised and barbarised ?
We are still in need of cores or nuclei about which human self-
consciousness may gather. It is here that the usefulness of
nationalism, with its ideals, lies. When the physical conditions
which gave it birth have lost in relative importance, humanity is,
nevertheless, still in need of that distinguishing national self-con-
sciousness under which its ideals and achievements will be further
protected and developed. As mere localism the national idea has
lost force. As a means by which values fixed and gained in the
struggle of history may be preserved for the future it still has a
meaning and importance.
The economic world having become a unit, its parts mutually
complement each other. One region produces what another re-
quires, and it again takes from that second the products which it
cannot itself bring forth. This is especially true of the tropics and
the moderate zone, as, between these, physical facts will always have
a preponderating influence. Most of the things grown in the tropics
cannot be produced in the colder zones. The mutual dependence is
in the nature of things permanent. Modern development has simply
made it easier to supply the needs of one another, and have cen-
tralised the exploitation of tropical industries in a notable manner.
But how about the countries lying within moderate zones ? Will not
the very similarity of scientific and industrial methods lead to more
intense competition among them, or is it possible that there should
be such a specialisation as will give to each a well-defined field of
activity ? Will such products as wheat, cattle, iron, tea, cotton, and
silk be distributed locally, so as to avoid rivalry ? It would seem
that any intensifying of competition brought about by the develop-
ment of scientific methods can only be temporary and superficial.
Where science controls, the activities of each part of the world will
be determined by underlying facts which, when once recognised, will
have to be accepted without murmur or contradiction. As long as coal
lasts industries may still be built up on a partly artificial basis ; but
when that source of energy has once become exhausted, other forces
more stationary in their nature will determine the localities where
industry may profitably be carried on. The presence of water-power
will be the first element in this determination. In regions where it
is found, and to which the power generated may be taken, the
industrial life of the future will develop. In this and other respects
natural conditions will more and more determine the location of
industries, to the exclusion of artificial and political factors. It is
evident that this development will favour free trade and the abolition
of all law-made restrictions. Already the days of excessive pro-
tectionism are counted. Conventional tariffs, reciprocity, and all
54 UNIVERSAL RACES CONGRESS
kinds of mutual adjustments have taken the place of the high-
tariff policy based upon the idea that nations are entirely self-sufficing
and that political and economic areas are synonymous. Henceforth
natural currents of trade will more and more determine economic
policy, when it has been found that policy would attempt in vain
to determine the direction of these currents.
Another phase of the newer developments of economic life is
the internationalism of capital. In order that natural forces may be
utilised to their fullest extent, it is necessary that technical manage-
ment and power may be readily transferred to any place where it
is needed. Capital is controlled by the law of the highest returns.
It therefore instinctively and consciously seeks to co-operate with
the forces of Nature ; its returns are most ample where Nature herself
has created the proper conditions. From this point of view, it is
necessary that the entire earth should be opened to industrial enter-
prise, that the capital and energy of any nation should be free to
engage in the development of natural resources wherever found, and
should be safe in undertaking such development. The web and
woof of financial power, human energy, industrial enterprise, human
labour and natural resources are making real that possibility of
universal inter-dependence which the technical advance of the
world has promised for some time.
Thus in every way the basis of artificial trade and industrial
policies is weakening, as nations recognise their mutual dependence.
Like scientific technique, industrial efficiency knows no national
moods ; while still at times wedded to national policies it is essen-
tially human and world-wide. The test of success being not
adherence to narrower national ideals, but in the power to solve
problems on a basis whose universal validity must be recognised by
all, nations are thus more and more inclined to foster international
relations in economic life. They owe it to their citizens to enable
them to participate in these great activities. The standards are
set by world-wide action, and success is measured by these wherever
attempted or achieved. While national policy still strives to
reserve some special benefits to citizens, the dominant note in
industrial life is no longer national but international. This is also
indicated by the manner in which practically every economic interest
has organised itself on an international scale. Such great unions as
those in which the activities of insurance, of railway management,
of shipping, of agriculture, of building, of law, of education, and of
science are discussed and acted upon, are the final proof that
economic organisation has for ever abandoned the narrower field
and recognises no confining local limits.
In history, political life has been conditioned by economic and
SECOND SESSION 55
geographical facts. The manner in which this operated in the
case of the Greek cities has already been pointed out Physical
conditions set limits, even to the ambitions of imperial Rome.
Again the despotism of Russia was made possible by natural causes,
and English and Japanese nationalism is the result of a physical
fact. As through the scientific progress of the world the impor-
tance of these factors has been largely reduced, shall we conclude
that the age of internationalism has come in politics to the same
degree as it has come in economic life ? There is a difference. The
development of economic internationalism is a work in which every
progressive nation will co-operate with all its power. Also we may
say any nation withdrawing from this movement condemns itself to
sterility and decay. But it is not so clear that political nationalism
has entirely completed its service to humanity. In the words of
one of the speakers of to-day, the Sister Nivedita, words found in
her brilliant pamphlet on Aggressive Hinduism, " Only the tree that
is firm rooted in its own soil can offer us a perfect crown of leaf
and blossom, only the fully national can possibly contribute to the
cosmo-national." The civilised nation to-day will recognise that its
aim is humanity, and that the mission of its policy transcends by
far the limits of geographical boundary, but we cannot as yet dis-
pense with these nuclei of human force and ideals which history
has developed. They are the great personalities which make up the
system of civilised states. When their work is fully done, they will
pass away, but for a time still it will be their mission to organise the
efforts of humanity to higher ends and to protect mankind against
engulfment in an indiscriminate mass, with a lowering of all ideals.
Turning more specifically to political action, we shall note that
through the present development, which we have been following,
the antithesis between politics in the narrower and in the broader
sense is bound to disappear. More narrowly defined, politics is
the struggle of men and of groups for recognised authority ; more
broadly, it is the management and administration of the common
affairs of a nation. To Machiavelli it was principally the former;
to Burke it would be the latter. But it is apparent that these
distinctions must disappear, as political leaders realise more and
more clearly that their success is bound up with good administration.
Now, administration is becoming more and more purely a matter
of science. The expert side of public work has assumed such pro-
portions that the old Greek idea and the Jackson ian Democratic
principle of rotation in office seems entirely primitive and inade-
quate. The American Government in its Department of Agriculture
alone annually spends £2,000,000 sterling a year for purely scientific
investigation. Solutions of science control as well in the army,
56 UNIVERSAL RACES CONGRESS
the navy, and all the developmental activities of government. So
it is no longer a matter of favour or of caprice what course of
action shall be followed and what men shall be selected to do
the work, but in these things scientific demonstration and impartial
tests control. This is also true of such fields as taxation, railway
control, and the inspection of all other economic activities. The
prominence of the expert side of government, therefore, gives to
that scientific unity, which permeates others fields of life, the same
importance in public affairs. Thus the States become members
of international unions in which expert administrations exchange
their experience and formulate rules and principles for their common
guidance.
The principle of expert administration in modern government is
balanced by that of public discussion in parliaments. The danger
of bureaucratic narrowness, which may be present even in men
guided by scientific judgment, is met by calling upon the public in
general to participate in State affairs, to make known its opinion,
and to select representatives who will constitute a " great inquest " of
the nation. Thus there is supplied a corrective of administrative
decisions and a motive power which gives original strength and
energy to the acts of government. The same unifying tendencies
which we have observed in other branches of human life are found
here. The significance of the modern universal tendencies towards
parliamentarism will be discussed by other speakers. From them we
shall hear what effects are to be expected from the recent institutional
changes in Turkey, Persia, Japan, China, and Russia, and from the
Liberal movement in Mexico. When those new vast forces of public
interest and energy are brought into the political field of action, we
may indeed expect that the policies of the world will be profoundly
influenced. It would be an interesting inquiry to try to trace out in
detail how far the unifying power of scientific civilisation could be
expected to operate upon parliamentary institutions and popular
electorates the world over. With a mutual assimilation of the forms
of government, there still remain very deep-seated differences in
popular sentiment, which a growing scientific culture must seek
gradually to overcome. Prejudices among broad masses of
humanity are usually used as material for reactionary policies. The
expectations that democratic Parliaments would always be pacific
and humane have been disappointed ; but the great gain from the
recent changes which we have noted will be that the progress of
humanity in the future will not depend on narrower groups or
coteries, but upon the manner in which humanity itself, that is,
the masses of mankind, are able to respond to higher demands and
ideals.
SECOND SESSION 57
The basis of political action is thus constantly being broadened
out. The men who compose Governments must take into account
natural conditions and scientific methods, and participation in public
action is extended to constantly larger numbers. In the latter,
primal passions and prejudices are still active ; but with the spread
of intelligence and scientific methods of thought they too will come
to appreciate more and more the underlying unity of mankind.
Intelligence, allied on the one hand to the ideals of a common
humanity, on the other to a grasp of the complex, but unifying,
forces that make up the modern industrial world — this intelligence
we may rely upon to make political action more and more rational.
In the last analysis, the highest demands of humanity and of
efficiency are one; the world advances because the ideal attracts,
and because science compels.
[Paper submitted in English.]
LANGUAGE AS A CONSOLIDATING AND
SEPARATING INFLUENCE
By D. S. MARGOLIOUTH, D.Litt,
Professor of A rabic in the University of Oxford.
THE relations between language and nationality vary very much at
different stages of evolution. If we imagine a nation to commence,
as its name implies, merely as an interbreeding group of human
beings, it is evident that each group of the kind will have a common
language or system of phonetic symbols for the communication of
ideas, and that whoever transfers himself from one group to another
will be compelled to adopt the system of the latter, unless he can
force them to adopt his. But when the nation becomes a political unit,
it may very well embrace numerous groups of the kind. It will be
sufficient if there are a few persons capable of acting as interpreters.
Hence both in ancient and in modern times there have been nations
in the wider sense without a national language ; such, e.g.y is the
case of Switzerland in the present day ; and the Babylonian king
who issued rescripts to "all peoples, nations, and languages" was
addressing the inhabitants of one empire, and in the larger sense the
members of one nation. But even where there is a national language,
as in the British Isles, there may be groups of the population who
rarely use it ; even in London it is worth many a candidate's while to
issue his address in a foreign language in order to appeal to a
section of the constituents. Sometimes these groups are fluctuating,
and the next generation will have adopted the national language ; in
58 UNIVERSAL RACES CONGRESS
other cases a peculiar dialect or even language is tenaciously main-
tained by local groups, who, however, may be as patriotic as the rest.
On the other hand, two or more nations may have the same national
language, and yet be no appreciably nearer to each other than if they
spoke different tongues ; understanding in one sense does not pre-
vent misunderstanding in another.
Of the various ties which bind human beings together that of
common language seems to possess no great strength. Other bonds
protect it rather than it them. Where in the same city different
languages are spoken in different quarters, the quarters are not
isolated because the inhabitants speak different languages, but they
speak different languages because they are isolated. They are isolated
owing to religion or nationality ; and each preserves its own dialect
in consequence. This is the case, t.g., in some Persian cities ; yet
even there most of the inhabitants become bilingual or trilingual ;
were it not for the real bonds which keep the groups together the
linguistic differences would quickly disappear.
Even where religion and nationality are able to maintain the
interbreeding group in its purity, they often fail to maintain the
national language. How variable their efficiency is in this matter
can be illustrated from the phenomena of the Islamic empire ; the
East Syrians have maintained their vernacular, the West Syrians
have lost theirs ; Armenian is still spoken in Armenia, but Coptic is
no longer spoken in Egypt. The Jews, like the Copts, might be taken
as a type of a tenaciously interbreeding group ; yet the Jews have no
national language ; they speak a patois of German or Spanish, or else
make the language of their neighbours their own. Both these races
have indeed retained religious languages as the possession of the
learned among them ; but for ordinary use " a live dog is better than
a dead lion."
Statesmen in both ancient and modern times have assumed that
the spirit of national independence must be fostered by the mainten-
ance of a national language ; and just as under the Roman Republic
the revolt of the Allies was accompanied by an attempt to resuscitate
Oscan, so in our day the ardent Irish Nationalist would like to see
Irish take the place of English in the Emerald Isle. A policy
of this sort seems to be based on a confusion of ideas. Like the
Sabbath, like weights and measures, like the coinage, language exists
for man, not man for language. A private language has about the
same value as a cipher ; it enables a group of men to communicate
without being understood by others ; but the cipher gives them no
advantage unless they can understand the others. The interests of
the statesman are wholly different from those of the antiquarian or
the naturalist ; uniformity is the ideal of the one, variety what
SECOND SESSION 5$
charms the others. That a great nation can arise without a peculiar
language is demonstrated by the example of the United States ; that
nationality may be maintained in defiance of time and space, though
the national language is forgotten, is proved by the history of the
Jews. The endeavour therefore to turn an obscure vernacular into a
national language when the nation is already in possession of one of
the great languages of civilisation is not unlike in wisdom to the
practice of burning bank-notes in order to show contempt for the
bank that issued them.
The converse practice, forcible suppression of a language for fear
of its preserving a nationality which the statesman wishes to merge
in another is somewhat more benevolent, but unlikely to compass its
end. Polish children who are made to learn German or Russian
instead of their mother tongue will certainly be better equipped for
the battle of life than if they had been taught Polish ; for the utility
of a language varies with the number of persons whom it enables
one to understand. But that a Polish child will be prevented from
becoming a Polish patriot because it has been compelled to learn
some language other than Polish is an assumption not justified by
experience. As has been seen, those interbreeding groups that have
preserved nationality most tenaciously have lost their national
languages.
It might be thought that the possession of a national literature,
as a ground for national pride, would add to the isolating power of a
national language. There are reasons which either modify this effect
or even annul it. On the one hand, any national literature that is of
value is international ; seven cities claim to be Homer's birthplace ;
Paris has a public monument to Shakespeare ; the Bible — originally
a collection of Hebrew and Greek books — is pronounced by a queen
to be the source of England's greatness. Treasures are of little value
if they are not coveted. Carlyle would not have regarded Shake-
speare as a better national asset than the Cossacks if only England
knew of Shakespeare. And as a rule the hereditary owners of such
treasures are proud and delighted that others should share or even
enter into their inheritance.
Literary masterpieces can take care of themselves, for there will
always be men eager to master their original languages in order to
interpret them correctly ; and since the variations in language which
are due to time are as great as those due to any other cause, the
hereditary interpreter will not necessarily be the best interpreter ;
those who have done most for the interpretation of the Greek classics
have as a rule had little acquaintance with the dialects of modem
Greek.
Languages, then, are not worth artificially preserving either for
60 UNIVERSAL RACES CONGRESS
patriotic or literary purposes ; like railways, they are instruments
for communication ; and the question whether it is desirable to have
many languages or one is not very different from the question
whether it is best for each country to have its own gauge or that
all should have a common gauge. The protection from invasion
afforded by a separate gauge is slight ; the facilities for commerce
provided by a uniform gauge are vast. The advantage to Europe
and to mankind of a common language would be infinitely greater
than any loss which could be sustained through the abandonment of
a national language. The sound principle for determining what gauge
should be adopted, if the gauges of the countries were different and
it were decided that they should be unified, would be this : capital
and energy are assets of the whole world, whence the mode of unifi-
cation should be that which expended least capital and least energy.
The gauges should be altered to the gauge of the country which
had the greatest mileage and the largest amount of rolling
stock.
The same is the sound principle on which the unification of
language may one day be attempted ; perhaps our Congress will
have played a modest part in preparing the way. The invention of
a new language would be the least economical method ; for any
language in possession of literary monuments, and which has been
used for journalism, has accumulations of " rolling stock " in the
shape of phraseology and idioms for which a substitute would have
to be provided. Those accumulations represent in any case the
expenditure of much energy ; in the case of the great languages of
civilisation vast expenditure, much of the product would necessarily
have to be thrown away in the event of unification, but it would be
wasteful to abandon what could be preserved.
Like most human institutions, language has been the subject of
numerous prejudices and superstitions ; but few of these are now
deserving of either notice or refutation. The excellence of language
is that it should be clear and not mean ; in these words Aristotle (as
usual) summed up all that can be said on the subject. Suppose that
Arabic and English were spoken by the same number of individuals,
the scale would be turned in favour of English by the considerations
that it inserts its vowels, employs capitals, and can use italics ; a page
of English is therefore vastly clearer than a page of Arabic. Between
the great languages of Western civilisation — English, French, and
German — it would not be possible to decide by these tests ; none of
them leaves anything to be desired in either clearness or sublimity.
The only principle capable of application would be that which has
been suggested — let that language be universally adopted the
adoption of which could be effected with the greatest economy.
SECOND SESSION 61
We have already seen that the study of literary monuments is a
wholly different matter from the acquisition of a language for
practical use. With us the Latin and Greek languages form parts
of a liberal education ; the one because the basis of European
civilisation is Latin, the other because the mightiest monuments of
human thought are Greek. Few, however, of those who study these
languages in their youth ever have, occasion to use them for com-
munication. They are taught and cultivated because man does not
live by bread alone. There is no reason why any living national
language should not survive in its nation in the same way as Latin,
or in the world in the same way as Greek. Some theoretic
knowledge of it will always be desirable in order that later
generations may learn whence they came ; and if it have produced
monuments worthy of immortality, they will be immortal. But the
desirability of preserving languages for these purposes, or for the
purposes of those who investigate forms and roots, does not affect
the question whether it is desirable that the world should continue or
should cease to be a Babel. Reverence and affection, qualities which
go to make up patriotism, may always be displayed in preserving
and adorning ; they need not be displayed in employing. Economy
and efficiency should govern the selection of instruments for employ-
ment ; and they point to the ultimate adoption of one of the three
great languages of Western civilisation as the language of mankind.
Such an arrangement need interfere with no national glories, no
religious isolation, though the tendency of the immediate future is for
religions, like seas, to join the regions they divide. Its effect would
be only the beneficent one — facilitation of intercourse and economy
of energy.
The unification of language within great areas has probably been
more often brought about by voluntary obedience to these principles
than by actual compulsion. Preparation for the ultimate object must
necessarily be slow ; the world must be made bilingual before it can
be made unilingual ; greater uniformity must be obtained in the
matter of the second language, which is destined ultimately to super-
sede the first except in one linguistic area. The waste of energy
arising from want of uniformity in this matter is notorious ; thus the
Encyclopaedia of Islam has to be issued in three languages, when two
should be ample, and one sufficient. But when once man has become
more generally bilingual, when there is a recognised language for
international and cosmopolitan communication of all kinds, the way
towards unification of language will at least have been indicated.
[Paper submitted in English.]
•y.J'.ni >dl "it.) <• ti, •':*;•_,;'. 1 n-j-i'Jiiil) udj r/p/to i.;:^; -;ij'.. •>) i.- i.-uusyjS
62 UNIVERSAL RACES CONGRESS
,
RELIGION AS A CONSOLIDATING AND
SEPARATING INFLUENCE
By T. W. RHYS DAVIDS, Ph.D., LL.D., D.Sc.,
Professor of Comparative Religion in the University of Manchester ;
and Mrs. RHYS DAVIDS,
Hon. Special Lecturer on Indian Philosophy in the University of
iKnoilnn j ,,,. ,
Manchester.
.rib&J «r, v,fiv/ 3frt*H ii in »vcnua Jon ptuotfe ^v
THE more one thinks about this subject the more complicated
and difficult it appears to be. To treat it adequately it would be
necessary to take all cases in the history of the world of one race
brought into contact with another, and to consider, in each case,
the part played by religion in the resulting effect. A comparison
of the different results in the different cases would then open up
the way to certain qualified conclusions which would not fail to
be both interesting and instructive. This is precisely one of the
problems to which the young science of Comparative Religion
hopes eventually to be able to give attention. It is also one of
the numerous social and religious problems to which the scientific
method has not yet been applied. The facts have not yet been
collected. We have vague generalisations drawn from single
instances. We have suggestive studies on one or two of the best
known cases. But no attempt has yet been made to deal with
the question as a whole.
A single case, though useless as the basis of any general con-
clusion, may be useful to illustrate some of the difficulties involved,
some of the points that will have to be determined before any
such general conclusion can be formulated.
When a horde of splendid barbarians who had accepted
Mohamet's doctrine of death to the infidels, burst upon the
civilised states of Asia, they were no doubt inspired, in the fury
of their onslaught, by what they would have called their religion.
To each state in turn they offered the terrible alternative of con-
version, tribute, or the sword. The amazingly swift and successful
spread of Mohammedanism, from the time it started on its career
as a militant missionary movement, engulfing in three or four
centuries the half of three continents, is a matter of modern history.
It seems to vindicate religion as, at the same time, a social con-
solidator and social disintegrator without parallel. What other
motive, unless it were the driving consensus of hunger, could have
availed so to stir and urge the different sections of the Semitic
race hither and thither under the common banner of one Prophet,
SECOND SESSION fvi 63
athirst to fling the world on its knees before the throne of the
one God? From this present-time perspective, the movement
reads like a frenzy for human consolidation, working by way of
an equally frenzied disintegrating machinery. When we contem-
plate the loyalty, among many millions, of one man to another as
servants of the Prophet, in the wake of that mighty wave of war,
it is the consolidating power of religion that impresses us. When
we consider the outrageous barbarity of the mind that says :
" Because X has told me what to believe, I am going to kill you,
unless you say X was right," we are overwhelmed with the baneful
cleavage wrecking the progress in human concord and wrought in
the name of religion.
Nor can it be generally claimed for militant propagandists,
whether of Islam, or of the Christian Church, warring against
heretics, that their dominant motive was altruistic or ethical. Per-
sonal salvation for the individual rather than the good of the
attacked, is put forward as the one thing needful and the exceeding
great reward. Founders and reformers in all religions reveal the
great heart that yearns to gather the human brood together in
love and concord. But the fierce missioner more often appeals to
individual interest. And this makes men act in concert rather along
the parallel lines of individualism than along the converging lines of
solidarity and mutual service. The questions : " What shall I do
to be saved ? " and " What shall I do to be of service ? " may both
be accounted as religious, but only the latter makes essentially
and entirely for solidarity. The former question has at times
found its solution in a life of solitude and withdrawal from sharing
in the common lot.
In both of these extreme types, therefore, — the propagandist
with sword in hand, and the apparently misanthropical recluse —
we seem to see religion manifesting itself as a disintegrator among
the factors that tend to bring mankind into closer mutual
intercourse.
But is it after all accurate, in connection with Jehads and Crusades
and persecutions and inquisitions, to call the motive and spring
of these, religion? Is not religion possibly a pretext employed
to veil the real motives? Consider the elements engaged in any
so-called religious war on either side. Never has any one of them
approached the spiritual plane of the one host or the other in
the Holy War dreamt of by our John Bunyan — the celestial
armies of the Lord of hosts, and the battalions of evil spirits bent
on the spiritual ruin of mankind and the reconquest of heaven.
It needs a child's simple faith to people the camps of Crusaders
or Covenanters with hearts burning with the white purity and
64 UNIVERSAL RACES CONGRESS
single-mindedness of a Joan of Arc. It is as impossible to imagine
the first Christians going forth sword in hand to slay unbelievers
as it is to picture a Buddhist, first or last, taking up arms against
his fellow-creatures. " Put up again thy sword into the sheath,"
said Jesus to his first Crusader. " If My kingdom were of this
world, then would My servants fight." Nor can the militant
Christian justly infer from the words : " I came not to send peace
but a sword," that it was a Christian's duty to be he who should
draw the sword. Unmodified, unqualified for early Christians, as for
all Buddhists, is St. James's answer to his own question : " Whence
come wars and fightings among you ? Come they not hence, even
of your lusts that war in your members ? Ye lust and have not ;
ye kill and desire to have. Ye fight and war . . . because ye ask
not. Ye ask and receive not, because ye ask amiss, that ye may
consume upon your lusts."
" That worldly motives," writes Mr. Haines in his Islam as a
Missionary Religion, "played a large part in the conversion, not
only of the Arabs but of the other nations that were conquered
and converted by the Saracens, cannot be denied, and the Arab
apologist dwells at some length upon the fact." When the Arabs
of the harvestless desert tasted the delicacies of civilisation and
revelled in the luxurious palaces of Chosroes, "By Allah," said
they in their wonder and delight, "even if we cared not to fight
for the cause of God, yet we could not but wish to contend for
and enjoy these, leaving distress and hunger henceforth to others."
Desire for gain, from the bare need of necessaries that parted
the Abrams from the Lots in so many folk-migrations up to the
quest of treasure that drove the Spaniards over the seas and
against the Aztecs, with the cry (O irony of history!) of Sant' lago —
St. James, their own denouncer — on their tongues, has waved on
its hosts with the banner of religious zeal.
Race-aversion and race-pride is another cause of cleavage
between man and man that finds in religious zeal and orthodox
aggression a convenient outlet. Surviving as a fossil even in
Buddhism, the very gospel of mutual toleration and amity, where
the term "Ariya" has come to mean, not race-complacency but
ethical excellence, hate of the alien as alien and not only as
infidel, appears too obviously in religious wars to need exemplifying.
And the enmity may become intensified when the alien is the
embodiment of successful rivalry, or of radically different social
institutions. When the Christian, sheathing the sword, prays for
all Jews, Turks, infidels and heretics, he confesses those as most
needing escape from damnation who are not only aliens, but
who are or were the embodiments of success in business on the
SECOND SESSION 65
one hand and, on the other, of aggressive restlessness and Asiatic
institutions. The Spaniard might live side by side with the
Moslem ; the Frank and the Teuton could not. And further, where
there has been aggression in the name of religion within national
borders, the anger of orthodoxy may always be traced at least
in part to motives due to enmity of a political, social, and
economic nature.
The terse and trenchant summary of St. James, which we quote,
has so thrust us on to two of the three great roots of man's miseries
preached by Buddhism, greed and enmity, that we find ourselves in
face of the remaining root or cause, and do not hesitate to bring it
forward. If with Buddhist doctrine we class the yearning for rebirth
in heaven under the general motive of greed or desire of gain, and
if we then eliminate from all aggressive and inquisitorial measures,
carried out under the sanction of religion, the greed and the enmity
therein finding expression, we shall not greatly err in attributing
the residual impulse to moha or unintelligence. It was over a
Jerusalem that, with unintelligent, uncomprehending orthodoxy,
persecuted the messengers of a new and purer word that Jesus
wept. "If thou hadst known," hadst understood, hadst discerned,
" the things that belong to thy peace ! But now they are hid from
thine eyes." That rulers and statesmen may discern in the rallying
and concentrating attending a war the best occasion for effecting
political unity is conceivable. But it is impossible to conceive any
mind that has really grasped the spirit of an ethical religion, of a
creed confessing a benevolent deity, to loose the dogs of war upon
his fellow-men, or to coerce belief by prison or the stake. The
stupidity behind " man's inhumanity to man " is perhaps the most
tragic thing about it.
Once more : we have alluded to the apparently disintegrating
effect of religion in the case of the recluse, driving him into an anti-
social career of solitary living. But neither is the mind of mon-
achistic temperament so simple as to act solely by one motive,
religious or other. We must first eliminate all the Christian Jeromes
and the Buddhist Makakassapas, who adopt a retreat at intervals
as a spiritual rest cure in the intervals of missionary labours, or
again as an opportunity for intellectual production. These are only
cases of men separating from their fellows, the better to work for
universal amity. Nor must we confuse monachism with monasticism.
Within cloistered precincts, the wider intercourse of the world is
usually renounced in favour of the closer sodality of co-religionists.
There remains the thorough-paced lifelong recluse. And here
again, while not denying him religious ardour, we discern other
motives beneath the religious pretext, or, at best, side by side with
F
66 UNIVERSAL RACES CONGRESS
the religious motive. Men and women who are happiest in wild
nature, who stifle in cities or in tamed confines of any sort, may be
atavistic or morbidly shy, or otherwise abnormal.1 But they are
real types. And that injunction of all genuine religion which bids
us foster the habit, with Plotinus as with the Buddhists, of "going
alone to the Alone," affords such of them as are not frankly irre-
ligious, a sanction for their natural bent.
If, on the other hand, we examine movements of social groups
towards unity and concord made in the name of religion, we shall
find it equally difficult to affirm that the driving power is genuinely
religious. The human love of novelty and change may receive
gladly the inoculation of religious ideas from without, and fraternise
with its adherents over the border. The latter would dream they
were advancing human fraternity by good missionary work. The
conservative interests at home judge that the recipients are gone a-
whoring after strange gods. Again, human gregariousness may fill
church and chapel more effectively than any need to worship or to
be edified. Political unrest in the different race factors of an
empire may cause re-distribution in religious profession, as we see
in Austria. And religious " tests " calling for certificates or pro-
fessions of faith before the means of livelihood are granted, may
produce an appearance of religious unity that is anything but
genuine.
To conclude this scanty glimpse at a great theme : Whether
religion be a disintegrating or a consolidating force is no question
that may be answered by a bare " Yea " or " Nay." Deeply as the
religious instinct lies and stirs in the heart of man, it cannot find
expression apart from his other instincts, however much it may and
does serve as a cloak for them. And, accordingly, as these instincts
make for social disintegration or solidarity, so will be the religious
activity that is pressed into their service.
As the handmaid of theology, as the sanction of this or that social
institution, as crystallised and formulated into a creed, or a sect
within a creed, religion may become racialised. Thus narrowed, it
will rather intensify the lines of cleavage between folk and folk, than
bring them into closer intercourse.
But as an instinct, deep-rooted in the heart, religion transcends
the barriers of race, in offering the bond of a common aspiration
between individuals. And as the day of dogmas wears on to its long
twilight, and the true inwardness of religion becomes acknowledged,
we may come to invert the relation between religion, as pretext, and
other motives calling themselves by its name. More and more shall
1 G. Havelock Ellis, Contemporary Review, February, 1909, and C. Rhys Davids,
The Quest, April, 1910.
SECOND SESSION 67
we take other motives as pretext and expression, for the religious
instinct, which is our being's noblest " creative impulse." * We shall
come to suffer the radioactivity of each man's religion to work in the
heart as a divine spring of action, and to take, as its pretexts all our
aspirations for the general increase of health and knowledge of beauty
and happiness.
3v, But still will this inner spiritual fount ever make both for division
and for consolidation. Men and women will, in obedience to it, meet
ever more and more, as here and now, in amity and ordered effort
after mutual understandings and progress in fraternity. Yet no less
will the inward monitor bid this man or that woman cultivate selec-
tion and solitude ; ever will it lead them now to come away and now
to approach, as befits the true aristocrat of the Spirit ; ever will it
urge them now and again to flee alone to the Alone, to feed and
recreate the vital spark of divine flame before the altar of the Ideal.
[Paper submitted in English.']
DIFFERENCES IN CUSTOMS AND MORALS,
AND THEIR RESISTANCE TO RAPID
CHANGE
By Professor GIUSEPPE SERGI, Rome.
(a) Differences and Resistance. — No one who has any knowledge of
the social life of peoples, nations, and primitive tribes is ignorant
of the existence among them of different customs and diverse forms
of morals ; it suffices to observe how individuals behave when acting
collectively and how these groups behave when all act together, in
order to see how very different are marriage and funeral rites,
festivals and combats, religious services, respect for human life and
property and the laws relating thereto, among the various groups of
the human race. If we observe their moral codes and religions m
their outward manifestations, we find a great difference and a
profound separation between the larger no less than between the
smaller groups of the human race.
A lengthy exposition of the facts is certainly not necessary to
demonstrate such differences, falling as they do under general
observation and being easily noticed in the relations which people
maintain, or endeavour to maintain, with each other.
In Europe, except perhaps in the eastern part, great and small
nations have now the tendency to approach each other in customs
and manners. Facts and inventions which are employed in daily
1 We refer to Bergson's term, elan vital et createur.
68 UNIVERSAL RACES CONGRESS
life are easily communicated, imitated, introduced more or less
rapidly into common usage, and are accepted without difficulty or
resistance, often even with great satisfaction. In spite of this
tendency, which is an effect of centuries of communication between
European peoples, there exist, nevertheless, many different habits in
modes of living, in the interpretation of morality, and in the religious
character, although the dominant religion is Christianity. Hence we
find differences, sometimes profound, in religious worship, in the
character of religious rites, and in the conception of certain Christian
principles, which form the common basis of very different practices.
But analogous differences, often differences of form and of
outward appearance, are to be found in the different regions of one
and the same nation. These differences are a record of the ancient
separation and the characteristic survivals of each national fraction.
It would be sufficient to give a mere list of the characteristic customs
which persist unchanged and do not change in the historical nations
of Europe ; in Italy, with its primitive division into regions ; in France ;
in the British Isles ; and wherever facts are to be met with which have
an intimate relation to moral conduct in its connection with outward
religious forms. These facts reveal the great persistence of customs
and their survival through all the vicissitudes of political changes.
The people who are furthest removed from certain customs that
are universal at the present day in Europe are the inhabitants of
Russia. Although the ideas and manners of Western Europe have
penetrated into Russia and have been accepted and imitated by
certain classes of society, among the enormous mass of the people
nothing is changed. Hence it seems a living world entirely apart
and self-sufficient, ignorant of what occurs outside its boundaries.
But the differences in customs and morals as well as in the
prevailing religious sentiments are much more profound in Asia,
where up to the present there has been immobility and little or no
foreign penetration. Thibet is the most characteristic example of
this, since having been completely closed to Europeans, it has come
under no influence but that of the Chinese, and has accepted the
religion of Buddha, of Indian origin. Political and social life, with
its wholly theocratic character, is cut off from all communication
with the world beyond and is inspired by a xenophobia, by which
alone it can continue to preserve its characteristic forms. This
people, therefore, isolated and defended by special geographical
conditions, has acquired a peculiar character which shows an extra-
ordinary persistence in the preservation of its customs.
China, an enormous agglomerate of peoples which have been
distinct for many centuries, has succeeded in uniting these by
internal evolution and by preventing all foreign penetration. It has
SECOND SESSION 69
created a profound and characteristic civilisation, a great civilisa-
tion, existing for thousands of years, with forms peculiar to itself in
language, in writing, in politics and in government, in religion
(which is the cult of the dead), and in morals both philosophical (the
work of a Sage) and popular. It has lived in its grandeur and
isolation, cultivating a narrow xenophobia in order to retain its
customs and to preserve its own civilisation, morals, and religion.
Yet in spite of its isolation from the foreign element, the religion of
Buddha and the Koran penetrated into China; but nothing further
succeeded in penetrating until a short time ago.
However, we must not believe that the various peoples, who form
this national unity in China, have lost their peculiar customs and
their primitive ways ; just as in all other peoples where new forms of
morals and religions have penetrated and have imposed themselves,
the ancient forms remain as survivals, persistent and resisting every
change, as the new unites and mingles with the old ; so it is easy in
China to detect, together with Buddhism and Confucianism, the
belief in spirits and other customs derived from the primitive ages
of the various peoples.
Nor are conditions different in Japan, for the recent development
of this great nation, if in part due to its Europeanisation in political
and military matters, has not in the slightest degree destroyed its
national customs, which are so very different from those of Europe.
The people have remained steadfast and persistent in the ancient
customs and ways which are peculiar to their country.
But the persistence and resistance to change are seen most clearly
in morals and religion, which are usually closely related in a people.
It is in this field that those who believe they are improving morals
with the introduction of Christianity are accustomed to exercise their
reforming influence. And they meet a resistance not only to rapid
change, but even to slow and peaceable propaganda. This fact may
be confirmed by examples taken from the patient work of religious
missions in the midst of primitive peoples and civilised and semi-
civilised nations. I may instance China and Japan, which resisted
the introduction of Christianity for a long time, and still resist it
vigorously. The fruits of the laborious propaganda are very rare,
often entirely absent, and the work is barren of results. It is useless
to deny this, when we know that the number of converts is extremely
small in proportion to the population.
This resistance exists not only among peoples who are averse to
new dogmas and new forms of morality, but also among those who
direct the affairs of state, whether from sheer resistance or from a
fear that other new changes may follow in the life of the state. To
this we may trace xenophobia.
70 UNIVERSAL RAGES CONGRESS
Moreover, the results of the conversions are ambiguous, because
we do not know if the change in the converts be really genuine and
complete, or merely superficial. Nor is the success deeper or more
sincere among primitive tribes. We know only that resistance to
the acceptance of new morals and a new religion is so strong as often
to lead tojbloodshed and revolt. History is full of such accounts.
(b) Psychology of Resistance. — In order to understand how this
resistance to changes in customs and morals originated, I think it
will be well to indicate briefly the psychological and social factors
which determine this phenomenon.
The individual psychical state is of two forms : static^ if we regard
them as persisting, ideas, or cognitions, acquired and accumulated ;
dynamic, if we refer to their active mobility. These two forms are
not separable, except by analysis ; they are closely connected in the
sense that they may succeed each other, as in the passage from repose
to motion and vice versa.
The cognitions acquired, which form the patrimony of the
intelligence, remain in the static position, as unalterable forms of
thought. They pass on to the dynamic state, when they are
renewed, or incorporated in reasoning or in actions which serve for
the conduct of life or for some other purpose. In this case an
impulse is needed to determine the dynamic motion ; and this impulse
is sentiment in its various forms, so that this constitutes the dynamic
motion, the driving force, as it were, towards an action.
This phenomenon is purely internal, individual and psycho-
logical, but it depends on other internal and outward factors, which
act as forces of impulse or stimulation and as elements which
promote the psychical life in the social state. Man does not live
an individual life only, but also and principally a social one. An
intimate reciprocal relation exists between man and society, and
hence a current of action and reaction is formed which conduces
to the inseparable union of the individual with his fellow-beings
taken collectively. The inner psychological conditions of each
individual are interwoven with the external social conditions and
the former cannot subsist without the latter : the individual is, as
it were, a member of the social body.
Further, every individual depends physically and psychologically
on conditions that preceded his actual existence, namely, his
ancestors and his family, from whom he receives by heredity and
by communication peculiarities in his psychological as well as
in his material life. These are factors which often escape observa-
tion and are neglected ; but they are of great importance in the
psychological condition of every one.
Here I must briefly enumerate such factors as enter into the
SECOND SESSION 71
formation of the individual psychological state of man by their
collective action. These are: —
Hereditary characteristics, physical and psychological, which
appear as instincts.
Suggestion in all its forms, proceeding from family and social
life.
Imitation, or the tendency to imitate unconsciously deeds and
actions of the social community.
Educability and tendency to be moved by human influence.
Gregarious tendency, or a tendency to follow the paths traced
by others in social conduct and to obey.
Sociability, a characteristic developed very early in man.
Now all these factors serve to form a psychological organism
in individuals, which becomes the basis of all human life in so
far as it manifests itself, in action and in thought. Habits are
formed which are not only active forms, manifested in acts of
conduct, but also static forms, that is, forms of thought to which
dynamic forms of action correspond, because there is a co-relation
established with the dominant sentiments developed in various
ways. This whole psychological organism assumes the name and
has the character of an automatism, which implies the complete
adaptation, already established, of thoughts or cognitions to senti-
ments and impulses in thought and action.
Automatism is useful in human life. When formed, it eliminates
all effort in acts and movements with reference to conduct because
it becomes the natural course and runs more smoothly than thought
or action, and because it maintains the continuity of our action
with surprising uniformity. What we may term psychical inertia
then establishes itself. This is altogether similar to physical inertia,
and consists in the persistence of one and the same psychological
state until a superior force succeeds in changing it, establishing
a new state different from the former.
The very brief exposition I have given of the psychological
organism in its formation and in its inner and social factors, of the
final state which I have termed psychical inertia, gives us the
explanation of the manner in which habits and customs are formed,
and shows how moral conduct, connected with sentiments and acts
of religious feeling, become one and the same with customs, and
derive from them a power of resistance to changes.
If resistance be great in individuals taken separately, it becomes
much greater in a group taken collectively. The reason of this
being that the psychological organism and psychical inertia are
already formed, since in the social mass there is a multiplication
72 UNIVERSAL RACES CONGRESS
of resistance ; and if we compare in psychical phenomena individual
resistance to collective, we may say that the latter amounts to the
square of the mass of which the human group is composed.
(c) Practical Conclusions. — What should be the attitude of one
nation to another or towards other peoples with which it has
relations, in regard to diversity of customs, morals, and religion ?
The reply which presents itself immediately to us is, not to
attempt any change and to respect the existing usages together with
the sentiments which accompany them, because one runs the risk,
from the resistance which is made to changing the manner of living,
of disturbing good international relations, of inciting revolt, blood-
shed, and war.
But this very general reply allows of modifications according
to the character of the relations existing between different peoples
and nations and according to the conditions of intellectual develop-
ment and civilisation of the populations we are dealing with. The
relations may be solely commercial, and then there is no need
surely for foreign nations to introduce new customs. They may
be political, due to alliance, and in this case no more than in the
first should one attempt to change the forms of social life and the
sentiments of the allied nations, unless it were to render them more
friendly and more sincere for mutual benefit. The possibility of
change one must leave to time, to new needs, to utility, and also
to imitation which is so ingrained in man.
But if there be barbarous customs among these nations, of a
deeply rooted character and repugnant to the sentiment of humanity,
should one use influence to change them ? I believe so, but slowly,
by example and persuasion which penetrate into the minds of the
people and develop new sentiments and new habits. In doing this
one should not insist in a direct manner ; nor under this pretext
should one also change religious forms and sentiments also — the
most profound in the human soul and the most resisting ; nor under
the pretext that one religion is more moral or more civilising than
another. The history of the relations between different peoples
shows clearly that this attempt has led to many revolutions, mani-
festations of hatred towards foreigners, and, in extreme cases,
even wars.
Among savage tribes, such as are found in Africa and Oceania,
no violence should be used in order to change their customs or to
Christianise them. Introduce useful arts and crafts ; humane forms
of living ; respect for human life by beginning to respect it, not
as some Europeans do, who, thirsting for gain and gold, ill-treat
the natives, respecting neither their lives, their property, nor their
families, and yet claim the respect and obedience of these same tribes.
SECOND SESSION 73
Under a protectorate, respect for the customs of the populations
should be the same as that which should exist between friendly
nations, were it only in order not to provoke resentment, rebellions,
and wars. If the protecting Power possess sentiments of humanity
and act in a humane manner towards the people protected, new
customs may be introduced by example only, by showing the
immediate usefulness of such customs, but never by violence.
Man should feel sympathy for every one inhabiting our planet,
who, created like himself, is a living being with the same right
to existence and to the preservation of life.
Sympathy, the most extended and most general sentiment of
human nature, produces in its action the most beneficent effects
and wards off the dangers of a struggle which would often be
both useless and cruel. Human sympathy demands respect for
the sentiments and customs of every people, as being the expression
of a social life and an organisation dating from time immemorial.
[Paper submitted in English.]
ON THE PERMANENCE OF RACIAL MENTAL
DIFFERENCES
By CHARLES S. MYERS, M.A., M.D., Sc.D.,
Lecturer in Experimental Psychology in the University of Cambridge.
I WISH to lay before the members of this Congress the four following
propositions for their consideration : —
I. That the mental characters of the majority of the peasant
class throughout Europe are essentially the same as those of
primitive communities.
II. That such differences between them as exist are the
result of differences in environment and in individual varia-
bility.
III. That the relation between the organism and its environ-
ment (considered in its broadest sense) is the ultimate cause
of variation, bodily and mental.
IV. That this being admitted, the possibility of the pro-
gressive development of all primitive peoples must be conceded,
if only the environment can be appropriately changed.
The first of these propositions I deliberately put forward as the
outcome of a year's experience in the Torres Straits and Borneo, and
a somewhat longer stay in Egypt and the Sudan. I had the good
fortune to visit the Torres Straits and Borneo as a member of the
74 UNIVERSAL RACES CONGRESS
Cambridge Anthropological Expedition under Dr. Haddon's leader-
ship, and there I was principally occupied with Dr. Rivers and Mr.
McDougall in investigating the mental characters of primitive
peoples ; while in Egypt and in the Sudan I had abundant oppor-
tunities for making similar but less systematic studies.
The results of the Cambridge Expedition to the Torres Straits
have shown that in acuteness of vision, hearing, smell, &c., these
peoples are not noticeably different from our own. We conclude
that the remarkable tales adduced to the contrary by various
travellers are to be explained, not by the acuteness of sensation,
but by the acuteness of interpretation of primitive peoples. Take
the savage into the streets of a busy city, and see what a number of
sights and sounds he will neglect because of their meaninglessness
to him. Take the sailor whose powers of discerning a ship on the
horizon appear to the landsman so extraordinary, and set him to
detect micro-organisms in the field of a microscope. Is it then
surprising that primitive man should be able to draw inferences,
which to the stranger appear marvellous, from the merest specks in
the far distance or from the faintest sounds, odours, or tracks in the
jungle? Such behaviour serves only to attest the extraordinary
powers of observation in primitive man with respect to things which
are of use and hence of interest to him. The same powers are shown
in the vast number of words he will coin to denote the same object,
say a certain tree at different stages of its growth.
We conclude, then, that no fundamental difference in powers of
sensory acuity, nor, indeed, in sensory discrimination, exists between
primitive and civilised communities. Further, there is no proof of
any difference in memory between them, save, perhaps, in a greater
tendency for primitive folk to use and to excel in mere mechanical
learning, in preference to rational learning. But this surely is also
the characteristic of the European peasant. He will never commit
things to memory by thinking of their meaning, if he can learn them
by rote.
In temperament we meet with just the same variations in primitive
as in civilised communities. In every primitive society is to be found
the flighty, the staid, the energetic, the indolent, the cheerful, the
morose, the even-, the hot-tempered, the unthinking, the philo-
sophical individual. At the same time, the average differences
between different primitive peoples are as striking as those, say,
between the average German and the average Italian.
It is a common but manifest error to suppose that primitive man
is distinguished from the civilised peasant in that he is freer and that
his conduct is less under control. On the contrary, the savage is
probably far more hide-bound than we are by social regulations.
SECOND SESSION 75
His life is one round of adherence to the demands of custom. For
instance, he may be compelled even to hand over his own children
at their birth to others ; he may be prohibited from speaking to
certain of his relatives ; his choice of a wife may be very strictly
limited by traditional laws ; at every turn there are ceremonies to
be performed and presents to be made by him so that misfortune
may be safely averted. As to the control which primitive folk
exercise over their conduct, this varies enormously among different
peoples ; but if desired, I could bring many instances of self-control
before you which would put to shame the members even of our most
civilised communities.
Now since in all these various mental characters no appreciable
difference exists between primitive and advanced communities, the
question arises, what is the most important difference between them ?
I shall be told — in the capacity for logical and abstract thought.
But by how much logical and abstract thought is the European
peasant superior to his primitive brother ? Study our country
folklore, study the actual practices in regard to healing and
religion which prevail in every European peasant community
to-day, and what essential differences are discoverable ? Of course,
it will be urged that these practices are continued unthinkingly, that
they are merely vestiges of a period when once they were believed
and were full of meaning. But this, I am convinced, is far from
being generally true, and it also certainly applies to many of the
ceremonies and customs of primitive peoples.
It will be said that although the European peasant may not in
the main think more logically and abstractly, he has, nevertheless,
the potentiality for such thought, should only the conditions for its
manifestations — education and the like — ever be given. From such
as he have been produced the geniuses of Europe — the long line of
artists and inventors who have risen from the lowest ranks.
I will consider this objection later. At present it is sufficient for
my purpose to have secured the admission that the peasants of
Europe do not as a whole use their mental powers in a much more
logical or abstract manner than do primitive people. I maintain
that such superiority as they have is due to differences (i) of envi-
ronment, and (2) of variability.
We must remember that the European peasant grows up in a
(more or less) civilised environment ; he learns a (more or less) well-
developed and written language, which serves as an easier instrument
and a stronger inducement for abstract thought ; he is born into a
(more or less) advanced religion. All these advantages and the
advantages of a more complex education the European peasant
owes to his superiors in ability and civilisation. Rob the peasant
76 UNIVERSAL RACES CONGRESS
of these opportunities, plunge him into the social environment of
present primitive man, and what difference in thinking power will be
left between them ?
The answer to this question brings me to the second point of
difference which I have mentioned — difference in variability. I have
already alluded to the divergencies in temperament to be found
among the members of every primitive community. But well
marked as are these and other individual differences, I suspect
that they are less prominent among primitive than among more
advanced peoples. This difference in variability, if really existent,
is probably the outcome of more frequent racial admixture and
more complex social environment in civilised communities. In
another sense, the variability of the savage is indicated by the
comparative data afforded by certain psychological investigations.
A civilised community may not differ much from a primitive one
in the mean or average of a given character, but the extreme
deviations which it shows from that mean will be more numerous
and more pronounced. This kind of variability has probably another
source. The members of a primitive community behave towards
the applied test in the simplest manner, by the use of a mental
process which we will call A, whereas those of a more advanced
civilisation employ other mental processes, in addition to A, say B,
C, D or E, each individual using them in differing degrees for the
performance of one and the same test. Finally there is in all
likelihood a third kind of variability, whose origin is ultimately
environmental, which is manifested by extremes of nervous instability.
Probably the exceptionally defective and the exceptional genius are
more common among civilised than among primitive peoples.
Similar features undoubtedly meet us in the study of sexual
differences. The average results of various tests of mental ability
applied to men and women are not, on the whole, very different
for the two sexes, but the men always show considerably greater
individual variation than the women. And here, at all events, the
relation between the frequency of mental deficiency and genius in
the two sexes is unquestionable. Our asylums contain a considerably
greater number of males than of females, as a compensation for
which, genius is decidedly less frequent in females than in males.
This brings me to the difficult problem of the effect of environ-
ment. For it will be urged that these and other sexual mental
differences are mainly the result of past ages of different environ-
ment. I shall be asked to consider the undoubted increase in stature
among women, which has followed from their modern training in
athletics. Stature is admittedly one of the most easily modified
physical characters, but may it not be that the present sexual mental
SECOND SESSION 77
differences would similarly dwindle and perhaps finally disappear
with a gradual equalisation of the environment to which man and
woman are exposed ?
This is, indeed, a hard question to decide. Who knows the
degree of mental power to which any community might attain if
only the environment could be appropriately modified ? Who could
have foreseen the powers of discrimination which practice develops
in the wine-expert or the tea-taster? With what surprise do we
learn that the children of Murray Island, taught at the present day
by a Scotsman, are judged by him to be superior in arithmetical
ability to those of an average British school, despite the fact that
their parents' language contained words for one and two only, and
expressed three by one-two, and four by two-two ! Who knows what
mental powers may be dormant even in primitive communities,
ready to burst into full flower as soon as the environment becomes
appropriate ?
Against this point of view must be set another. For aught we
know to the contrary, the essential functions of womanhood may be
the determinants not only of their special sexual physical features
but also of a greater uniformity of mental character. So, too, the
particular environment in which the colour and physique of the
negro have been evolved may have induced a still more uniform
mediocrity of mental ability. Or there may be some direct but
obscure correlation between rareness or absence of genius and
insanity, on the one hand, and the feminine or negro physical form,
on the other. Certainly there is not an instance of first-class musical
genius, by which, of course, I mean originality in musical composition,
among European women, despite centuries of opportunity. And so,
too, there is not an instance of first-class genius in a pure-blooded
American negro, despite the numbers of them who receive a uni-
versity training in the United States. It is true that their adopted
environment — social status and climate, in particular — have to be
taken into account. We well know the type of individual which
contempt and persecution produce ; but these influences are surely
limited to the moral, and hardly affect the intellectual, development
of the individual. We have also to bear in mind the paucity of
genius among the white population of the really southern States.
All recent work goes to show that the influence of environment
on biological characters is far more potent and direct than has
hitherto been supposed. In organic growth and development a state
of equilibrium has to be maintained, and if the internal or external
conditions affecting the organism are changed, its unit-characters
must alter, either by analytic or synthetic change. If they do not
alter, or if the alteration is not a suitable one, the organism is no
78 UNIVERSAL RACES CONGRESS
longer adapted to the environment, and sooner or later (it may be
immediately or in the first, second, or third generation) must perish.
Whether or not the variations thus produced are dependent on
such deeply ingrained internal conditions that they are inherited
despite subsequent further changes in outward environment is for our
present purpose of little concern. It is sufficient to have secured the
admission that variations only occur when there is a disturbance in
the usual course of equilibrium between the growing organism and
the internal and external conditions to which it is exposed. The
sum total of the internal and external conditions is the environment.
Through such disturbances the different races of mankind have been
evolved. By fresh appropriate disturbances they are being modified
to-day, and will be modified in the future. When the conditions are
too sudden, the race dies out. I have no intention here of discussing
to what extent, if at all, the modifications in external conditions are
immediately or ultimately inherited. This, it appears to me, does not
affect the truth of my fourth proposition, that if only the environ-
ment can be gradually changed, perhaps with sufficient slowness and
certainly in the appropriate direction, both the mental and the
physical characters of the lowest races may ultimately attain those
of the highest, and vice versd. If we assume, as I think we must
assume, that the white and negro races owe their respective characters
ultimately to their environment, there is no a priori reason, it seems
to me, for denying the possibility of a reversal of their differences, if
the environment to which they are respectively exposed be gradually,
in the course of many hundreds of thousands of years, reversed.
Since writing this paper, I have read the very interesting and important
work entitled Les fonctions mentales dans les soctith inferieures, which has
recently been written by Professor Levy-Bruhl. In this book he takes up an
attitude that differs in some respects diametrically from mine. He shows how
often and widely anthropologists have erred by endeavouring to explain the
mentality of primitive peoples in terms of our own advanced mentality. With
this I am in complete agreement. Primitive man does not regard the world
just as we, educated members of a highly complex civilisation, come to regard
it. But when Professor Levy-Bruhl goes on to affirm that there are important
differences between the least cultured members (the peasant class) of European
communities on the one hand, and primitive peoples on the other, there I part
company with him. I am inclined to admit the "mystic" and " pre-logical "
tendencies which he ascribes to primitive mentality, although I think that he has
grossly exaggerated their importance at the present day, and has not sufficiently
distinguished the very different stages of mental development to which various
primitive peoples have now attained. I recognise fully the force of what he
calls "collective representations" — the outcome of social tradition and organi-
sation. Indeed I am disposed to attribute rather to the force of social tradition
than to a pre-logical condition of the primitive mind the illogical and mutually
contradictory beliefs which arc held by the savage at the present day. , There is
not a savage who cannot talk logically about matters of everyday life. He can
reason as we do. He will not, where the force of social tradition is so strong,
SECOND SESSION 79
where the contradictory beliefs which he holds are so unquestionable that they
can never be allowed to appear incompatible. I am willing to admit the
possibility that primitive peoples may be found whose mental peculiarities are as
extreme as those which he insists on. But such cases, if they occur, are excep-
tional, and we have throughout to bear in mind the danger of deducing the
mental attitude of a people from the customs, ceremonies, and general behaviour
described to us by travellers and missionaries. Into what error would a people
far more cultured than we are fall, if they deduced our own mentality from the
social and religious institutions which they observed among us, or from the
statements made by one or two selected individuals in our midst !
My remarks refer to the peasants of Europe taken as a whole, and to the
inhabitants of primitive countries taken as a whole, and contrary to Professor
Levy-Bruhl I insist that there is no essential mental difference between them.
We have in each the same native disinclination for logical thinking, especially
where the forces of tradition — or, in the terminology of the French Anthropo-
logical School, collective representations — are antagonistic to it. In each we
see the same readiness to accept statements which are utterly contradictory, the
same faint line of demarcation between the natural and the supernatural.
Professor Levy-Bruhl alludes (p. 448) to the " frightful rubbish " contained in
the innumerable encyclopedias of the Chinese on astronomy, physics, chemistry,
physiology, &c. How is it, he asks, that so many centuries of application and
ingenuity have resulted in nothing ? He answers, chiefly because each of these
so-called sciences was faced at its beginning with certain crystallised ideas
which no one ever dreamed of putting sincerely to the test of experiment.
Quite so, but precisely the same " rubbish " is to be found in European scientific
works, on alchemy and natural history, for example, during the Middle Ages.
Until comparatively recently, the same "vague representations," the same
"mystic pre-connexions," as M. Levy-Bruhl terms them, reigned even in the
highest European culture as they still reign in the Chinese.
Again, he says (p. 426) that " the mentality of primitive man does more than
represent to itself its object : it possesses it or is possessed by it. It holds com-
munion with it. ... It lives it. The ceremonies and rites lead in a great
number of cases to the realisation of a grand symbiosis, e.g., between the
totemic group and its totem." In his view (p. 427) this form of mental activity
is, " radically different from what our own society affords us opportunity for
studying." Here, again, is surely a manifest error. This symbiosis, the unity
between man and God, this Communion — what is it but the highest develop-
ment of the mystical element in the most advanced religions ?
Thus I find nothing in this highly interesting, in many ways psychologically
valuable, work to induce me to change the propositions which I maintain and
have introduced for your consideration to-day.
[Paper submitted in English.]
THE INTELLECTUAL STANDING OF DIFFER-
ENT RACES AND THEIR RESPECTIVE
OPPORTUNITIES FOR CULTURE
By JOHN GRAY, B.Sc., A.R.S.M., F.R.A.I., London.
THE aim of this paper is to discuss the possibility of arriving at
some numerical evaluation of the Intellectual Standing and Respec-
8o UNIVERSAL RACES CONGRESS
tive Opportunities for culture of a population, and to apply the
method to the leading Races and great Nations of mankind.
Such evaluations, even though, at the first attempt, they may not
have a very high degree of precision, are much to be preferred to the
general impressions with which the essayists who have written on
this subject have hitherto been content. The widely differing con-
clusions of the authors of books on such questions as the relations
of the coloured and white races illustrate the danger of relying on
general impressions.
There are several methods by which we may arrive at an estimate
of the average intellectual standing of a population. Without
attempting an exact definition of intelligence, it may be assumed
that this mental character is possessed in the highest degree by the
leaders of the people. If we could obtain statistics of the number of
men per unit of the population who, in each country, had risen above
a fixed standard of eminence in literature, science, politics, war,
engineering, &c., we could from these data obtain very good numeri-
cal values of the intellectual standing of the different peoples. But
such statistics could be obtained for only a very few of the most
advanced and highly organised nations.
1 have found it most convenient to make use of educational
statistics.
Education, in the school and universities of a country, may be
regarded as the means employed to develop to the highest practical
limit the natural intellectual capacity of the people.
The number of pupils and students per unit of the population
may be regarded as an approximate measure of the Opportunities for
Culture offered to the people.
The number of university students per unit of the population is
taken as a measure of the average Intellectual Standing of the people.
The justification for this is that the majority of the leaders of a
people come from its universities, and the average standard of intelli-
gence required of the university student is much the same in all
countries where universities exist. The few exceptions will be in-
dicated in dealing with the values obtained.
Having indicated methods of obtaining, from educational statistics,
numerical values, of (i) the Intellectual Standing, and (2) the
Opportunities for Culture, it now only remains to find a method of
calculating the Natural Capacity.
The Intellectual Standing of a people may be regarded as the
product of two factors, namely, its opportunity for culture and its
natural capacity to acquire culture. If there is no opportunity for
culture there will be no culture, however high the natural capacity
may be. As we have taken intelligence to be represented by the
SECOND SESSION 81
degree of culture acquired in the schools, it follows, and it is self-
evident, that there would be no intelligence (in this case) in a country
if there were no schools. On the other hand, how ever many free
schools there might be in a country, there would be no intelligence of
the kind acquired in schools if there were no natural capacity in the
people to acquire it. The usual condition of things is that a certain
percentage of the population has the capacity to acquire the highest
intelligence the schools are capable of developing. We may assume
therefore that the following formula is at least approximately true : —
Intellectual Standing = Opportunity for Culture multiplied by
Natural Capacity, and it follows from this, that —
. ~ Intellectual Standing
Natural Capacity = ,~— — r. — 7; — r* .. & .
Opportunity for Culture
Intellectual Standing and Opportunity for Culture can be calcu-
lated, as has been shown above, from educational statistics. Natural
Capacity is equal to or proportional to the former divided by the
latter.
This method of measuring natural capacity may be looked at
from another point of view.
A certain fraction of the crew of every battleship is trained to
shoot. Let us suppose that in one ship 10 per cent, attain the
highest standard of marksmanship, and in another 20 per cent. We
may say that the natural capacity of marksmanship of the second
crew is double that of the first, because the opportunities of all to
become first-class marksmen are equal. Natural Capacity may
therefore also be measured by the percentage of all persons receiving
equal training, who attain the highest standard. This second defini-
tion will be found to be equivalent to that given above, i.e., we may
evaluate the Natural Capacity of a race for intellectual acquirement
either by dividing the Intellectual Standing by the Opportunity for
Culture, or by dividing the number of university students by the
total number of pupils and students in all the schools of the
country.
It is necessary to add that the divisions of the scales of Intel-
lectual Standing and Natural Capacity obtained in this way would
probably not be equal. To reduce this scale to one of equal
divisions we should have to assume some probable law of the distri-
bution of the frequency of individual deviations from the average of
each group. The most probable distribution is that known to statis-
ticians as the normal curve. In the series which follow I have
appended values corrected on this assumption.
In the first series I have arranged the Nations and Races for
which I have been able to obtain adequate statistics in the order of
their Intellectual Standing calculated in the manner stated above,
G
82
UNIVERSAL RACES CONGRESS
Column I. gives the number of university students per 100,000 of
the population ; column II. gives corrected values, in a scale of equal
divisions, showing how far the average of the whole population is
below the university standard ; column III. gives the differences
between each pair of adjacent values.
ORDER OF INTELLECTUAL STANDING.
I.
i. United States ...
279-9
277
2. Switzerland ...
200'8
2-87
3. Scotland
178-7
2-91
4. France
106-7
3-07
5. Wales 'Z?™'-*.^'1
100-2
3-09
6. British Isles ...
86-2
3-I3
7. Spain
85-9
3^4
8. Austria ...
827
m
9. Germany
76-6
3-17
10. England
73'5
3-17
n. Ireland
73' i
3'i8
12. Norway
70-7
3-I9
III.
I.
II.
III.
13.
Finland
7°'3
3'i9
•10
•oo
14.
Sweden
70-0
3<r9
•04
•oi
15.
Italy ...
687
3-20
•16
•02
16.
Belgium
64-8
3*22
•02
•oi
17-
Holland
627
3*23
•04
•oo
18.
Japan
62-3
3'23
'01
•05
19.
Hungary
SO'3
3-28
•oi
•04
20.
Negroes, U.S.A.
45'5
3'32
•02
•08
21.
Mexico
33' !
3'4°
•oo
•10
22.
Portugal
23*3
3'5o
•oi
•oi
23-
Russia
22'I
3'S1
•oi
•20
24.
India
10-4
371
•oo
The total difference between the highest and the lowest in the
above series is "94, the average difference between two adjacent
nations being '04. By comparing this with the actual differences in
column III. it will be readily seen where steps in the series are
higher or lower than the average.
It must not be forgotten that low intellectual standing may be
due to the lack of opportunity, and if this opportunity is very bad it
may even be associated with high Natural Capacity.
It may be noted that the widest gaps in this series are between
the United States and Switzerland, between Scotland and France,
between Mexico and Portugal, and between Russia and India.
At the same time it is interesting to note that nations that are
closely associated physically, historically, and geographically come
close together in the series. Thus we have Austria, Germany,
England, Ireland, Norway, Finland, and Sweden immediately
following each other in the series ; also Belgium and Holland come
SECOND SESSION
together, and Russia and India. Geographical contiguity usually
implies a certain similarity in the opportunities for education and
often also implies that the peoples are of the same physical type.
We shall next give the order of the nations when the effect of
difference of opportunity has been eliminated, namely, the order of
Natural Capacity.
In this series column I. gives the number of university students
per 10,000 of all pupils and students in the country, column II. gives
the corrected values on a scale of equal divisions, and column III.
gives the differences between each pair of adjacent corrected values.
ORDER OF NATURAL CAPACITY.
I.
II.
III.
I.
United States ...
IIO'2
2*29
I3-
Sweden...
..
•03
2.
Switzerland
ioo'9
2-32
14.
British Isles
...
•03
3-
Finland
937
2-35
15-
Austria ...
•06
j*jw <{uriJ ,.ro
4-
Scotland
80- 1
2-41
16.
India ...
..
•03
5-
France
72*6
2-44
17-
Ireland ...
..
•oi
6.
Mexico
72-0
2'45
18.
England
..
•oi
7-
Portugal
69-9
2-46
19.
Norway...
..
'01
8.
Spain
67-6
2'47
20.
Wales ...
..
•oi
9-
Italy
66-i
2-48
21.
Holland
..
•06
10.
Russia
55'3
2'54
22.
Hungary
..
"O2
n.
Japan
52-8
2-56
23-
Belgium
..
•03
12.
Germany
47'5
2'59
24.
Negroes, U.S.A.
•oo
I. II. III.
47'3 2-59
47-2 2'6o
467 2 '60
467 2 'DO
46-5 2'6o
42*2 2-63
41-3 2-64
38-2 2*67
34'6 270
327 272
30-0 275
24*6 2'8i
•oi
•oo
•oo
•oo
•03
•oi
•03
•03
•02
•03
•06
The total difference between the highest and the lowest is -52 ;
the average difference between two adjacent nations being '02. The
greatest differences are between Finland and Scotland, and between
Belgium and the coloured population of the U.S.A.
The United States, as in the Intellectual Standing series, comes
at the top of the list. This pre-eminent position must be somewhat
reduced, if the average standing of the university student is lower in
America than in European universities. There is some reason for
supposing that this is the case. The same remark applies to Spain,
in which the low average standard of university education is notorious.
Switzerland probably occupies an unduly high position in the series
UNIVERSAL RACES CONGRESS
owing to the presence of a considerable percentage of foreign students
at her universities. This applies also to a certain extent to France,
Germany, and Scotland. Again, it will be observed that nations
having similar racial elements, such as Spain and Italy (of the
Mediterranean race), Germany, Sweden, British Isles (all having a
large Teutonic element), are close together.
It is interesting to note that the difference between the average
natural capacity of the negroes and that of the whites in the United
States is twenty-three times as much as the average distance between
two adjacent nations in series. The actual intellectual standing of the
negro is, however, much higher, being twentieth in the first series as
compared with twenty-fourth in the second series. This shows the
benefit he has received from growing up in the educational environ-
ment created by the white race among whom he lives. The fact that
the intellectual standing of the negroes in America has benefited so
much by the educational opportunities which have been created for
them by the whites, and which, judging from what we know of them
in their native Africa, they were incapable of creating for themselves,
appears hardly to have been realised by M. Finot when he says of
the negroes, " that in fifty years they have realised the progress which
has necessitated for many white races, five or six centuries." *
ORDER OF OPPORTUNITY.
1. Wales
2. United States
3. Scotland
4. Belgium
5. Switzerland ...
6. Negroes, U.S.A.
7. British Isles ...
8. Holland
9. England
10. Austria
n. Norway
12. Germany
I.
II.
262
13. Ireland
254
89-3
14. Hungary
223
15. Sweden
216
78
16. France
199
17. Spain...
185
55'5
18. Japan...
182
19. Italy ...
181
98
20. Finland
178
99
21. Mexico
177
61
22. Russia
171
23. Portugal
162
99
24. India ...
I.
157
154
148
H7
127
nS
104
75
47
40
33
22
II.
70-6
49
28-5
95
22' I
5'3
Column I. gives the total number of pupils and students per
1,000 of the population in all the schools and universities of the
country. Column II. gives (where known) the Literacy — that is, the
percentage — of the population (excluding those below school age)
who can read and write.
The series showing the order of Opportunity is interesting as
showing the great variation of this among the various nations in our
list In Wales, United States, and Scotland more than ten times the
1 Finot, " Le Prejuge des Races," p. 498.
SECOND SESSION 85
number of children per 1,000 of the population are at school than in
India. As India stands fairly high in the list for Natural Capacity
no one can doubt that by neglecting the education of India our
authorities are allowing a vast amount of natural ability to run to
waste which might be utilised to add to the wealth and strength of
the empire. In Russia, owing partly to the vast and still imperfectly
absorbed population of its Asiatic empire, the opportunity for educa-
tion is excessively low. For Portugal, however, which is even lower
than Russia, there is no corresponding excuse.
A deficiency in Natural Capacity is often compensated by a
highly efficient system of education, as may be readily seen by com-
paring the three series given above.
Many important Nations and Races have not been dealt with in
this paper owing to the fact that no adequate statistics could be
obtained. In the case of China, for example, education in the
modern sense is only just being introduced. There are said to be
20,000 Chinese at foreign schools and universities, and the distinc-
tions obtained by these students would lead us to suspect that the
Natural Capacity of the Chinese is very high and only requires an
efficient educational system to enable the Chinese to take a very
high place in the scale of the Intellectual Standing of the Races of
mankind. Turkey is another country where the opportunity for
education is at a very low ebb. A university was nominally founded
at Constantinople in 1900, but it has never got beyond the paper
stage.
The Negro in Africa has had little opportunity for education
compared with those in America and in British possessions. For
example, in the Gold Coast only 8 per 1,000 are at school ; in Lagos
I per 1,000. In Sierra Leone things are apparently much better, as
we find 103 per 1,000 at school. In Basutoland there are 38 per
1,000 at school. The Negro in Africa does not appear to be able to
rise beyond the standard of elementary education, several attempts
to impart secondary education having failed. Great success has,
however, been achieved with industrial education of the Negro both
in Africa and in America.
This essay being a first attempt to apply measurement to such
important qualities of man and his environment as Intellectual
Standing, Natural Capacity and Opportunity is necessarily somewhat
crude, but I believe that it is only along these lines that social
reformers are likely ever to arrive at any agreement as to the true
relations subsisting between the various races of mankind, and till
this is settled all attempts to place those relations on a satisfactory
footing will be very much retarded.
[Paper submitted in English."]
86 UNIVERSAL RACES CONGRESS
THE PRESENT POSITION OF WOMAN
':Tr?T
By Sister NlVEDiTA (Miss MARGARET NOBLE), Calcutta,
Author of " The Web of Indian Life."
. -jl? bnfi fbbitr// • * frfsrm ff*ni
General Considerations.-^-^ would be useless to attempt any com-
parative study of human institutions, apart from the ideals of
which they are the expression. In every social evolution, whether
of the modern American, the Hottentot, the Semitic, or the
Mongolian, the dynamic element lies in the ideal behind it. For the
student of sociology, the inability to discover this formative factor in
any given result constitutes a supreme defect. To assume, as is so
often done, that one people has moulded itself on a moral purpose,
clearly perceived, while in the minds of others the place for such
purpose is blank, and they are as they have happened to occur, is
purely anarchic and pre-scientific. Yet some such conception is
only too common amongst those writers to whom we are compelled
to go for the data of racial sociology. This is an unfortunate
consequence of the fact that, for the most part, we are only impelled
to the international service of humanity by a strong accession of
sectarian ardour.
io\ Another error to be avoided in a comparative statement is that
of endowing the more or less antithetic ideals and tendencies which
we do disentangle with a false rigidity and distinctiveness. It is
easy to argue backwards, from institutions to ideals, in such a way as
to tabulate whole realms of poetry and aspiration inexorably closed
to certain peoples. But ideals are the opportunity of all, the
property of none ; and sanity of view seems to demand that we
should never lose sight of the underlying unity and humanness of
humanity. Thus nothing would appear at first sight more fixed, or
more limiting, than the polyandry of Thibet. We might well assume,
a priori, that to look for certain standards and perceptions amongst a
populace so characterised were vain. That such a view would be
untrue, however,' is shown at once by Sven Hedin in his recent
work, Trans- Himalaya, where he tells of a Thibetan gentleman
imploring him never to shoot the wild geese, for these birds are
known to have human hearts. Like men, they mate but once;
hence, in killing one, we may inflict on another a long life of
perpetual sorrow. This one incident is sufficient to remind us of
the high potentialities of the human spirit everywhere, however
unpromising may be the results of a superficial glance. Again, we
all know something of the marvels of constructive and self-organising
power shown by modern Europe. When we look behind the
symptom for the cause, we may feel impelled to the opinion that the
SECOND SESSION 87
master-fact in this regard is the influence of the genius of ancient
Rome, acting first in the Empire, then in the Church, and lastly seen
in the reaction of nationalities to-day. But of that fundamental
Roman genius itself it is increasingly difficult to make any
statement that does not almost immediately commend itself to us
as equally applicable to China as the great leader of the Yellow
Races. The actual difference between Europe and Asia, in spite
of the analogy between Rome and the people of Han, may perhaps
be found explicable on the basis of the differing place and materials
on which these two instincts had to work. Perhaps the very
foundation-stone of sociological truth lies in that unity of humanity
which such considerations illustrate.
And lastly, we have to remember the widely differing values of
different classes of evidence. It is important always, if possible, to
make a people speak for themselves. Identical material may be
oppositely handled, as all will admit, by different persons ; but we
cannot go far wrong in demanding that in all cases original evidence
shall have a wide preference over the report of his personal
observations and opinions made by a foreigner. It would also be
well to stipulate for the same rights of scrutiny, over even original
evidence, as would be exercised by competent persons in weighing
testimony with regard, say, to physical experiments or a case in a
court of law. Statements made, even by the natives of a given
country, with the direct intention of witnessing or ministering to
some partisan position will not, on the face of it, have the same
value as if it can be shown that they were made with no idea of a
particular question having arisen. For instance, we may refer to the
matter of the position of the Chinese woman in marriage. We
are assured by most modern writers of authority that this is most
depressing. In theory, the wife is completely subordinated, while
in fact the man always exploits to the full the opportunity thus
given him. That marriage can be brutalised is doubtless as true in
the case of China as in that of England. All that we have a right
to ask is, whether it has also the opposite possibility, and in what
degree and frequency. I assume that we are all familiar with the
relation between the general development of a society and its
impulse to recognise an individual poet and accord him fame.
Bearing this relation in mind, we shall be able to measure the
significance of a couple of little poems translated by Martin in his
tiny posthumous work, La Femme en Chine. Of these, one may
be given here. It is by the poet Lin-Tchi to his wife :
" Nous vivons sous le meme toit, chere compagne de ma vie ;
Nous serons ensevelis dans le meme tombeau, et nos cendres confondues
Eterniseront notre union.
88 UNIVERSAL RACES CONGRESS
Tu as bien voulu partager mon indigence, et m'aider par ton travail,
Que ne dois-je pas faire pour illustrer nos noms par mon savoir,
Et te rendre en gloire tes bons exemples et tes bienfaits ?
Mon respect, ma tendresse, te 1'ont dit tous les jours !"*
Is it not true that one genuine utterance from the heart of a
people is testimony that outweighs a whole volume of opinions,
however honest, about them ? The historical process, as manifested
in different countries, may have led to the selection of various ideals
as motives of organisation, but an open examination of data will
make us very doubtful of statements that would deny to any
nationality a given height of spirituality or refinement.
Classification. — The first point to be determined in dealing
with the proper subject of this paper, the present position of the
civilised woman, is the principle of classification to be followed. We
might divide women into Asiatic and European ; but, if so, the
American woman must be taken as European par excellence. And
where must we place the woman of Japan ? The terms Eastern and
Western are too vague, and modern and mediaeval too inexact. Nor
can we afford to discard half of each of these generalisations and
classify woman as, on the one hand, Western — whether Norse,
Teuton, Slav, or Latin — and on the other Mongolian, Hindu, or
Mussulman. Such a system of reference would be too cumbersome.
Perhaps the only true classification is based on ideals, and if so, we
might divide human society, in so far as woman is concerned, into
communities dominated by the civic, and communities dominated by
the family, ideal.
The Civic Ideal. — Under the civic ideal — imperfectly as
particular women may feel that this has yet been realised — both
men and women tend to be recognised as individuals, holding definite
relations to each other in the public economy, and by their own free
will co-operating to build up the family. The civitas tends to ignore
the family, save as a result, like any other form of productive
co-operation, and in its fullest development may perhaps come to
ignore sex. In America, for instance, both men and women are
known as " citizens." No one asks, " Are you a native^ or a subject,
of America?" but always "Are you an American citizen?" The
contemporary struggle of the Englishwoman for the rudiments of
political equality with men is but a single step in the long process of
woman's civic evolution. It is significant of her conscious acceptance
of the civic ideal as her goal. The arrival of this moment is
undoubtedly hastened by the very marked tendency of modern
nations towards the economic independence of woman ; and this
process, again, though born of the industrial transformation from
1 Paris, Sandoz et Frischbacher, 1876.
SECOND SESSION 89
manual to mechanical, or mediaeval to modern, is indirectly
accelerated, amongst imperial and colonising peoples, by the gravi-
tation of the men of the ruling classes towards the geographical
confines of their racial or political area. One factor, amongst the
many thus brought into play, is the impracticability of the family as
their main career for some of the most vigorous and intelligent of
women. These are thrown back upon the civitas for the theatre
of their activities and the material of their mental and emotional
development. Such conditions are much in evidence in the England
of to-day, and must have been hardly less so in Imperial Rome.
Nero's assassination of his mother might conceivably be treated as
the Roman form of denial of the suffrage to women.
Regarding the civic evolution of woman as a process, it is easy to
see that it will always take place most rapidly in those communities
and at those epochs when political or industrial transformation, or
both, are most energetic and individuating. The guiding and
restraining influences which give final shape to the results achieved
are always derived from the historical fund of ideals and institutions,
social, aesthetic, and spiritual. It is here that we shall derive most
advantage from remembering the very relative and approximate
character of the differentiation of ideals. The more extended our
sympathies, the more enlarged becomes the area of precedent. If the
Anglo-Saxon woman, rebelling in England, or organising herself
into great municipal leagues in America, appears at the moment
to lead the world in the struggle for the concession of full civic
responsibility, we must not forget the brilliance of the part played by
women in the national history of France. Nor must we forget the
mediaeval Church, that extraordinary creation of the Latin peoples,
which, as a sort of civitas of the soul, offered an organised super-
domestic career to woman throughout the Middle Ages, and will
probably still continue, as a fund of inspiration and experience, to
play an immense part even in her future. Nor must we forget that
Finland has outstripped even the English-speaking nations. Nor
can we, in this connection, permit ourselves to overlook the woman-
hood of the East. The importance of woman in the dynastic history
of China, for example, during the last four thousand years, would of
itself remind us that, though the family may dominate the life of
the Chinese woman, yet she is not absolutely excluded from the civic
career. Again, the noble protest of his inferior wife, Tchong-tse,
to the Emperor in 556 B.C., against the nomination of her own son
as heir to the throne, shows that moral development has been known
in that country to go hand in hand with opportunity. "Such a
step," she says, " would indeed gratify my affection, but it would be
contrary to the laws. Think and act as a prince, and not as a father."
90 UNIVERSAL RACES CONGRESS
This is an utterance which all will agree, for its civic virtue and
sound political sense, to have been worthy of any matron of Imperial
Rome.
But it is not China alone, in the East, that can furnish evidence to
the point. In India, also, women have held power, from time to
time, as rulers and administrators, often with memorable success.
And it is difficult to believe that a similar statement might not
be made of Mohammedanism. There is at least one Indo-Mussul-
man throne, that of Bhopal, which is generally held by a woman.
Perhaps enough has been said to emphasise the point that while the
evolution of her civic personality is at present the characteristic fact
in the position of the Western woman, the East also has power,
in virtue of her history and experience, to contribute to the working-
out of this ideal. To deny this would be as ignorantly unjust as to
pretend that Western women had never achieved greatness by their
fidelity, tenderness, and other virtues of the family. The antithesis
merely implies that in each case the mass of social institutions is
more or less attuned to the dominant conception of the goal, while
its fellow is present, but in a phase relatively subordinate, or perhaps
even incipient.
The civic life, then, is that which pertains to the community
as a whole, that community — whether of nation, province, or township
— whose unity transcends and ignores that of the family, reckoning
its own active elements, men or women as the case may be, as
individuals only. Of this type of social organisation public spirit is
the distinctive virtue ; determined invasion of the freedom or welfare
of the whole, in the interest of special classes or individuals, the
distinctive sin. The civic spirit embodies the personal and cate-
gorical form of such ideals as those of national unity or corporate
independence. Its creative bond is that of place, the common home
— as distinguished from blood, the common kin — that common home
whose children are knit together to make the civitas, the civic family,
rising in its largest complexity to be the national family.
The characteristic test of moral dignity and maturity which our
age offers to the individual is this of his or her participation in civic
wisdom and responsibility. Our patriotism may vary from jingoism
to the narrowest parochialism, but the demand for patriotism, in some
form or other, we all acknowledge to be just. Different countries
have their various difficulties in civic evolution, and these are apt to
bear harder on that of the woman than of the man. The study of
woman in America, where society has been budded, so to speak, from
older growths and started anew, with the modern phase, in a virgin
soil, is full of illustrations. It would be a mistake to attribute the
regrettable tendency towards disintegration of the family, which we
SECOND SESSION 91
are undeniably witnessing in that country to-day, to any ardour in
the pursuit of civic ideals. High moral aims are almost always
mutually coherent Weakening of family ties will not go hand in
hand, in a modern community, with growth of civic integrity. Both
the progressive idea of the civitas and the conservative idea of the
family are apt to suffer at once from that assumption of the right to
enjoyment which is so characteristic of the new' land, with its vast
natural resources still imperfectly exploited. Various American
States exhibit a wide range of institutions, domestic and political.
Some have long conceded the right of female suffrage, while in others
the dissolution of marriage is notoriously frivolous. But we may
take it as an axiom that the ethics of civitas and of family, so far
as woman is concerned, are never really defiant of each other ; that
neither battens on the decay of its fellow, but that both alike suffer
from the invasions of selfishness, luxury, and extravagance ; while
both are equally energised by all that tends to the growth of
womanly honour and responsibility in either field. Even that move-
ment, of largely American and feminist origin, which we may well
refer to as the New Monasticism — the movement of social observa-
tion and social service, finding its blossom in university settlements
and Hull Houses — is permeated through and through with the
modern, and above all with the American, unsuspiciousness of
pleasure. It is essentially an Epicurean movement — always remem-
bering, as did Epicurus, that the higher pleasures of humanity include
pain — not only in the effort it makes to brighten and enliven poverty
and toil, but also in the delicate and determined gaiety of spirit
of those engaged in it, who have never been heard to admit that the
hair-shirt of social service, with all its anxiety and labour, affords
them anything but the keenest of delight to don.
, The Family Ideal. — The society of the East, and therefore neces-
sarily its womanhood, has moulded itself from time immemorial
on the central ideal of the family. In no Eastern country, it may be
broadly said — the positive spirit of China and the inter-tribal unity
of Islam to the contrary notwithstanding — has the civic concept ever
risen into that clearness and authority which it holds in the modern
West. As a slight illustration of this, we have the interesting question
of the sources amongst different peoples of their titles of honour. In
China, we are told, all terms of courtesy are derived from family rela-
tionships. The same statement is true of India, but perhaps to a less
extent ; for there a certain number of titles are taken from the life of
courts, and also from ecclesiastical and monastic organisations. The
greatest number and variety of titles of honour, however, is un-
doubtedly to be found amongst Mussulman nations, who have been
familiar from the beginning with the idea of the alien but friendly
92 UNIVERSAL RACES CONGRESS
tribe. In all countries, as well in Asia as in mediaeval Europe,
individual women, owing to the accidents of rank or character, have
occasionally distinguished themselves in civil and even in military
administration. If France has had her saintly queen, Blanche of
Castile, China has had a sovereign of talents and piety no less
touching and memorable in Tchang-sun-chi, who came to the throne
in 626 A.D. as wife of Tai-tsoung ; and military greatness and heroism
have more than once been seen in Indian women. In spite of these
facts, the civitas, as the main concern of women, forms an idea which
cannot be said ever to have occurred to any Eastern people, in
the sense in which it has certainly emerged during the last hundred
years amongst those nations which inherit from Imperial Rome.
In the West to-day there are large classes of unmarried women,
both professional and leisured, amongst whom the interest of the
civic life has definitely replaced that of the domestic life. The East,
meanwhile, continues to regard the family as woman's proper and
characteristic sphere. The family as the social unit determines its
conception of the whole of society. Community of blood and origin,
knitting the kinship into one, becomes all-important to it as the bond
of unity. The whole tends to be conceived of in Eastern countries
as the social area within which marriages can take place. That com-
bination of conceptions of race and class which thus comes into
prominence constitutes caste, rising in its multiplicity into the
ecclesia or samaj. Throughout the art of Eastern peoples we can see
how important and easily discriminated by them is the difference
between mean and noble race. The same fact comes out even in
their scientific interests, where questions of ethnology have always
tended to supplant history proper. And in geography their attention
naturally gravitates towards the human rather than the economic
aspects of its problems. As a compensating factor to the notion
of birth, the East has also the more truly civic idea of the village
community, a natural norm for the thought of nationality. But left
to themselves, undisturbed by the political necessities engendered by
foreign contacts, Oriental communities would probably have con-
tinued in the future, as in the past, to develop the idea of a larger
unity, along the lines of family, caste, samaj, and race, the culmination
being the great nexus of classes, sects, and kinships bound together by
associations of faith and custom for the maintenance of universal
purity of pedigree. The West, on the other hand, though not in-
capable of evolving the worship of blood and class, tends naturally
to the exaltation of place and country as the motive of cohesion, and
thus gives birth to the conception of nationality as opposed to that
of race.
Racial unity tends to modification, in the special case of the
SECOND SESSION 93
Mussulman peoples, by their dependence on a simple religious idea,
acting on an original tribal nucleus, as their sole and sufficient bond
of commonalty. Islam encourages the intermarriage of all Mussul-
mans, whatever their racial origin. But it would be easy to show that
this fact is not really the exception it might at first appear. The race
has here, in an absolute sense, become the church, and that church is
apostolic and proselytising. Thus the unit is constantly growing by
accretion. It remains fundamentally a racial unit, nevertheless,
though nearer than others to the national type. In the case of
Chinese civilisation, again, the race-idea would seem to be modifiable
by Confucian ethics, with their marvellous common-sense and regard
for the public good, creating as these do a natural tendency towards
patriotism and national cohesion. Yet it is seen in the importance of
ancestor-worship as the family bond. The sacrament of marriage
consists in the beautiful ceremony of bringing the bride to join her
husband in the offering of divine honours to his forefathers.
Amongst Hindus the same motive is evidenced in the notion that
it is the duty of all to raise up at least one son to offer ceremonies of
commemoration to the ancestors. The forefathers of an extinct
family go sorrowful, and may be famine-stricken, in the other world.
In my own opinion this is only an ancient way of impressing on the
community the need for maintaining its numbers. This must have
been an important consideration to thoughtful minds amongst early
civilised peoples, faced as they were by the greater numbers of those
whose customs were more primitive. Only when a man's place in his
community was taken by a son could he be free to follow the whims
of an individual career.
The Family in Islam. — The family is, in all countries and all ages, the natural
sphere for the working-out of the ethical struggle, with its results in personal
development. The happiness of families everywhere depends, not on the subor-
dination of this member or that, but on the mutual self-adjustment of all. In the
large households and undivided families of Eastern countries this necessity is self-
evident. The very possibility of such organisation depended in the first place on
the due regimentation of rank and duties. Here we come upon that phenomenon
of the subordination of woman whose expression is apt to cause so much irrita-
tion to the ardent feminists of the present day. Yet for a permanent union of
two elements, like husband and wife, it is surely essential that one or other should
be granted the lead. For many reasons this part falls to the man. It is only
when the civic organisation has emerged as the ideal of unity that husband and
wife, without hurt to their own union, can resolve themselves into great equal
and rival powers, holding a common relation to it as separate individuals. The
premier consideration of family decorum involves the theoretical acceptance, by
man or woman, of first and second places respectively. In the patriarchal family
— and the matriarchate is now exceptional and belated — the second place is
always taken by woman ; but the emphasis of this announcement is in proportion
to the resistance offered to its first promulgation. That is to say the law was
formulated at the very birth of patriarchal institutions, when it sounded as if it
94 UNIVERSAL RACES CONGRESS
were nothing more than a paradox. It is this fact, and not any desire to insult
or humiliate women as such, that accounts for the strength of Eastern doctrines
as to the pre-eminence of man. Semitic institutions, and especially the charac-
teristic polygamy of Mussulman peoples, are a testimony to this enthusiasm for
fatherhood at the moment of the rise of the patriarchate. To a fully individualised
and civicised womanhood, the position of wife in a polygamous family might
well seem intolerable. Such an anomaly is only really compatible with the
passionate pursuit of renunciation as the rule of life, and with the thought of the
son, rather than the husband, as the emotional refuge and support of woman.
Polygamy, though held permissible in India and China for the maintenance of
the family, does not receive in either country that degree of sanction which
appears to be accorded to it in Islam. It is at once the strength and the weakness
of Islamic civilisation that it seems to realise itself almost entirely as a crystal-
lisation of the patriarchal ideal, perhaps in contrast to the matriarchal races by
whom early Semitic tribes were surrounded. In the spontaneous Islamic move-
ment for progressive self-modification which our time is witnessing, under the
name of Babisnt, or Behai-ism, great stress is laid on the religious duty of educa-
ting and emancipating woman as an individual.
The Family in China. — China, though seemingly less dependent on the super-
natural for the sources of her idealism than either India or Arabia, appears to
have an intellectual passion for the general good. She appreciates every form of
self-sacrifice for th.v good of others, but is held back, apparently by her eminently
rational and poftive turn of mind, from those excesses of the ideal which are to
be met with in India. She judges of the most generous impulse in the light of
its practical application. As an example, her clear conception of the importance
of perfect union between a wedded couple never seems to have led her to the
practice of child marriage. The age of twenty for women and thirty for men is
by her considered perfect for marrying.1 Nor has any inherent objection ever
been formulated in China to the education of woman. On the contrary, the
National Canon of Biography, ever since the last century B.C., has always devoted
a large section to eminent women, their education and their literary productions.
Many famous plays and poems have been written by women. And as a special
case in point, it is interesting to note that one of the dynastic histories, left
unfinished on the death of its author, was brought to a worthy conclusion by his
accomplished sister."
The fact that a woman shares the titles of her husband, and receives with him
ancestral honours, points in the same direction of respect and courtesy to woman
as an individual. We are accustomed to hear that filial piety is the central virtue
of Chinese life ; but it is essential that we should realise that this piety is paid to
father and mother, not to either alone — witness in itself to 'the sweetness and
solidarity of family life. I have heard a translation of a long Chinese poem on
the discovery of the vina, or Oriental violin, in which we see a maiden sigh over
her weaving, and finally rise from the loom and don man's attire, in order to ride
forth, in place of her aged father, to the wars in the far north. It is on her way
to the seat of action that she comes across the instrument which is the soul of
song, and sends it back to her father and mother, that its music may tell how her
own heart sighs for them day and night ! All writers seem to agree in admitting
that the devotion of children to parents here extolled is fully equalled by the love
of Chinese parents for their children.
The essential part of the ceremonies of ancestral worship must be performed,
in a Chinese family, by the sons. Woman may assist, it seems, but can never
replace, man in this office. In the year 1033 the Dowager- Empress, in the office
of Regent, as a protest against the exclusion of women, insisted on herself per-
1 Martin. * Professor Giles, Lecturer at Columbia University.
SECOND SESSION 95
forming the state worship to the ancestors rendered necessary by the advent of a
comet. This bold innovation proved, however, merely exceptional. Again, the
rule that a child shall be born in its father's house is one of unbending rigour, in
spite of the great liberality with which women are often allowed, after marriage,
to revisit the paternal roof.1 These facts mark the memory of an energetic
transition from matriarchate to patriarchate, which has failed, nevertheless, to
obliterate all traces of the earlier. Chinese society ascribes the end of the
matriarchate, that is to say, the institution of marriage, to the mythical emperor
Fou-hi, some two and a half millenniums before the Christian era. In confirma-
tion of the tradition, this emperor himself is said to have been of virgin birth, that
is to say, his mother was unwedded, a common characteristic of the ancient
Chinese saints and heroes.2 A similar persistence of the memory of the matri-
archate is seen in Southern China, in the prevalence of the worship of goddesses,
and notably of K wan- Yin, Queen of Heaven. It should be said that throughout
Asia the worship of goddesses is vastly older than that of gods, and may be held
one of the best means of studying the matriarchate. The Chinese ideograph for
clan-name is a compound of woman and birth, a distinct relic of the period when
descent was reckoned through the mother. And finally, the persistence of
matriarchal influence is seen, not only in the frequent political importance of the
Dowager-Empress, or Queen-Mother, but also in humbler ranks of society, by the
vigilance which seems to be exercised by the woman's family, and even by her
native or ancestral village, over the treatment accorded to her in marriage.
According to Dr. Arthur Smith, it is this which is effective in staving off divorce
as long as possible and in punishing cruelty or desertion. Thus the woman's
kindred enjoy a remarkable unwritten power, as a sort of opposite contracting
party in the treaty of marriage, and exercise a responsibility and care unexampled
in Europe.
Nor is pure idealism altogether unrepresented in the life of Chinese women.
This is seen in the tendency of girls to take the vow of virginity ; in the respect
felt for women who marry only once ; and in the public honours accorded to
such as, before sixty years of age, complete thirty years of faithful widowhood.
Both Buddhism and Tao-ism include orders of nuns, amongst whom the Tao-ist
communities are said at present to enjoy the greater social prestige. A regrettable
feature of these ideals — which may play a part, however, in impelling Chinese
society forward upon the exaltation of the civic life for women — is the fact
that girls sometimes band themselves together under a secret vow of suicide in
common, if any of their number should be forced into marriage. Writers on the
subject attribute this reverence for the idea of virginity to the percolation of
Indian thought into China, and such may possibly be its origin. But it is easy to
understand that it might have arisen spontaneously, from those high conceptions
of womanly honour that are inseparable from the stability of patriarchal institu-
tions, joined to that historic commemoration of the heroic women of the matri-
archate which has already been mentioned.
The Family in India. — In India, as in China, the perpetuation of the family is
regarded as the paramount duty of the individual to the Commonwealth. There
is a like desire for male posterity, made universal by a similar rule that only a
son can offer the sacraments of the dead to the spirits of his forefathers. But
the practice of adoption is very frequent, and the intervention of a priestly class,
in the form of domestic chaplains, makes this element somewhat less central to
the Hindu system than to the Chinese, amongst whom the father is also the
celebrant.
As throughout Asia, the family is undivided, and in the vast households of
this type domestic matters are entirely in the governance of women. Servants
1 Dr. Arthur Smith, Village Life in China. 3 Giles.
96 UNIVERSAL RACES CONGRESS
are few in the inner or women's apartments, and even women of rank and
wealth give more time, and contribute more personal energy, to the tasks of
cooking, nursing, and cleansing than we should think appropriate. Child-
marriage, which, though decreasing, is still more or less the representative
custom, renders the initial relations of the young bride to her husband's people
somewhat like those of a Western girl to her first boarding-school. But it is not
to be forgotten that the woman shares in the rank and titles of her husband,
hence the path of her promotion to positions of honour and priority is clearly
marked out from the beginning. The advent of motherhood gives her an access
of power, and this recognition culminates in the fact that in the absence of sons
she is her husband's heir, and always the guardian of her children during their
minority. As a widow, she has also the very important right of adoption. The
personal property of a mother goes to her daughters.
Anything more beautiful than the life of the Indian home, as created and
directed by Indian women, it would be difficult to conceive. But if there is one
relation, or one position, on which above all others the idealising energy of the
people spends itself, it is that of the wife. Here, according to Hindu ideas, is
the very pivot of society and poetry. Marriage, in Hinduism, is a sacrament,
and indissoluble. The notion of divorce is as impossible as the re-marriage of
the widow is abhorrent. Even in Orthodox Hinduism this last has been made
legally possible, by the life and labours of the late Pundit Iswar Chunder Vid-
yasagar, an old Brahminical scholar, who was one of the stoutest champions of
individual freedom, as he conceived of it, that the world ever saw. But the
common sentiment of the people remains as it was, unaffected by the changed
legal status of the widow. The one point that does undoubtedly make for a
greater frequency of widow-remarriages is the growing desire of young men for
wives whose age promises maturity and companionship. A very pathetic
advertisement lately, in one of the Calcutta dailies, set forth such a need on the
part of a man of birth and position, and added, " Not one farthing of dower will
be required ! " Probably this one social force alone will do more than any other
to postpone the age of marriage and ensure the worthy education of woman.
It is part of the fact that Hinduism sees behind the individual the family, and
behind the family society, that there is no excuse made for the sin of abandoning
the husband and deserting the burdens and responsibilities of wifehood. If one
does this, the East never plays with the idea that she may have fled from the in-
tolerable, but gravely makes her responsible for all the ensuing social confusion.
There was indeed a movement of religious revivalism in the fifteenth century — a
sort of Hindu Methodism — which asserted the right of woman as equal to that
of man to a life of religious celibacy. But ordinarily, any desertion of the
family would be held to be unfaithfulness to it. And all the dreams of the
Indian people centre in the thought of heroic purity and faith in wifehood.
There is a half-magical element in this attitude of Hindus towards women.
As performers of ritual-worship they are regarded as second only to the profes-
sional Brahmin himself. I have even seen a temple served by a woman, during
the temporary illness of her son, who was the priest. Our prejudice in favour
of the exclusive sacramental efficacy of man, instinctive as it may seem to us, is
probably due to Semitic influences. Even Rome had the Vestal Virgins ! In the
non-Brahminical community of Coorg the whole ceremony of marriage is per-
formed by women, and even amongst Brahmins themselves, the country over, an
important part of the wedding rites is in their hands. A woman's blessing is
everywhere considered more efficacious than a man's in preparing for a journey
or beginning an undertaking. Women are constituted spiritual directors, and
receive the revenues and perform the duties of a domestic chaplaincy during
the incumbent's minority without the matter even exciting comment. A little
boy is taught that whatever he may do to his brothers, to strike his sister would
SECOND SESSION 97
be sacrilege. A man is expected to love his mother above any other created
being. And the happiness of women is supposed to bring fortune in its train.
The woman-ruler finds a sentiment of awe and admiration waiting for her,
which gives her an immense advantage over a man in the competition for
enduring fame. These facts are of course partly due to the intense piety and
self-effacement of the lives led by women at large ; but still more to the dim
memory of a time when they were the matriarchs and protectors of the world.
There is no free mixing of the sexes outside the family in any one of the three
great Asiatic societies — Chinese, Indian, or Islamic. But the degree of woman's
cloistered seclusion varies considerably in different parts, being least in those
provinces of India where the communal institutions of primitive society have
been least interfered with by contact with Mohammedanism, and at its strictest,
probably, amongst the Mussulman peoples.
The Economic Standing of Women in the East. — Even a cursory study of the
position of woman is compelled to include some mention of her economic
standing. In societies where the family furnishes her main career, she is
generally of necessity in a position of dependence, either on father or husband.
Amongst Hindus, this is mitigated by a dot, consisting of jewels, given at
marriage and after. This property, once given, becomes the woman's own,
not to be touched even by her husband, and in case of widowhood, if there
is no other fund, she is supposed to be able to sell it and live on the interest.
Amongst Mohammedans a dower is named, and deeds of settlement executed
by the husband at marriage. It is said that every Mussulman cabman in
Calcutta has undertaken to provide for his wife a dower of thousands of rupees.
To pay this is obviously impossible, yet the institution is not meaningless. In
case he wishes for divorce a man can be compelled to pay to the uttermost,
and God Himself, it is said, will ask, on the Day of Judgment, where is the
amount that he left in default. It is easy to see how this is calculated to protect
the wife. The custom gives point also to the beautiful story of Fatima,
daughter of Mohammed and wife of Ali, who was asked by her father what
dower she would wish named, and answered, " The salvation of every Mussul-
man ! " Leaving her own future thus unprotected in the risks of marriage,
God Himself would not be able to refuse her dower on the Day of Judgment
I have not been able to discover what provision is made by the Chinese
for a woman, in case of a long and lonely widowhood. Doubtless, in China as
in India, the most substantial part of her provision lies in the solidarity of
the family as a whole. If her husband's relatives cannot support her, a woman
falls back upon her own father or brothers. As long as either family exists,
and is able to support her, she has an acknowledged place. If she have sons,
both she and they must remain with the husband's people.
The whole East understands the need of a woman's having pin-money. In
China, it is said, the proceeds of cotton-picking, and no doubt also what comes
of the care of silkworms ; in India, such matters as the sale of milk, cattle,
and fruit ; and among Mohammedans, eggs, chickens, and goat's milk, are
all the perquisites of the mistress of the household. Like the French, the
Eastern woman is often of an excessive thrift, and her power of saving, by the
accumulation of small sums, is remarkable. That the women require, in the
interests of the home itself, to have a store of their own, probably every man
would admit. Of course, where the circumstances of the family are of a
grinding poverty, this cannot be.
It must be understood that the present age, in the East even more than
amongst ourselves, is one of economic transition. Fifty years ago there, as a
hundred and fifty years ago amongst ourselves, the main occupation of all
women, and especially of those of gentle birth, was spinning. I have met many
a man of high education whose childhood was passed in dependence on the
U
98 UNIVERSAL RAGES CONGRESS
secret earnings of, say, a grandmother. Such a possibility no longer exists,
and perhaps one of the saddest consequences, East and West, is the amount
of unfruitful leisure that has taken its place. Instead of the old spinning and
its kindred arts, the Western woman, as we all know — owing to the growth
of luxury and loss of efficiency — has become still more dependent on her
husband than she was. The main economic advance of woman among our-
selves lies in the striking-out of new professions and careers by unmarried
women. This is not yet a factor of great importance in the East.' In India,
we have a few women-doctors and writers ; and a growing perception of the
need of modern education is raising up a class of teachers, who are training
themselves to assist in the spread of instruction amongst women. Besides this,
in a lower social class, the old household industries are giving place to the
factory organisation, and in many places woman is becoming a wage-earner.
This change is of course accompanied by great economic instability, and by
the pinch of poverty in all directions. It is one of the many phases of that
substitution of civilisations which is now proceeding. This substitution is a
terrible process to watch. It is full of suffering and penalties. Yet the East
cannot be saved from it. All that service can attempt is to secure that insti-
tutions shall not be transplanted without the ideals to which they stand related.
Accepting these, it is possible that Eastern peoples may themselves be able
to purify and redeem the new, transforming it to the long-known uses of their
own evolution.
Incipient Developments. — India, it should be understood, is the
headwater of Asiatic thought and idealism. In other countries we
may meet with applications, there we find the idea itself. In India,
the sanctity and sweetness of family life have been raised to the
rank of a great culture. Wifehood is a religion, motherhood a dream
of perfection ; and the pride and protectiveness of man are deve-
loped to a very high degree. The Ramayana — epic of the Indian
home — boldly lays down the doctrine that a man, like a woman,
should marry but once. " We are born once," said an Indian woman
to me, with great haughtiness ; " we die once. And likewise we are
married once ! " Whatever new developments may now lie before
the womanhood of the East, it is ours to hope that they will con-
stitute only a pouring of the molten metal of her old faithfulness
and consecration into the new moulds of a wider knowledge and
extended social formation.
Turning to the West, it would appear that the modern age has
not unsealed any new springs of moral force for woman in the
direction of the family, though by initiating her, as woman, into
the wider publicity and influence of the civic area it has enormously
increased the social importance of her continuing to drink undis-
turbed at the older sources of her character. The modern organisa-
tion, on the other hand, by bringing home to her stored and
garnered maternal instinct the spectacle of the wider sorrows and
imperfections of the civic development, has undoubtedly opened to
her a new world of responsibility and individuation. The woman
SECOND SESSION 99
of the East is already embarked on a course of self-transformation
which can only end by endowing her with a full measure of civic
and intellectual personality. Is it too much to hope that, as she
has been content to quaff from our wells in this matter of the
extension of the personal scope, so we might be glad to refresh
ourselves at hers, and gain therefrom a renewed sense of the sanc-
tity of the family, and particularly of the inviolability of marriage ?
[Paper submitted in English.]
b-H'i' ) fiir.JwjjRiMji/; >n<-bibn<>-> ^i'li/ifjovpT'i" vH h< >
INSTABILITY OF HUMAN TYPES
By Dr. FRANZ BOAS,
Professor of Anthropology in Columbia University, New York.
WHEN we try to judge the ability of races of man, we make the
silent assumption that ability is something permanent and stationary,
that it depends upon heredity, and that, as compared to it, environ-
mental, modifying influences are, comparatively speaking, of slight
importance. While in a comparative study of the physical character-
istics of races that are as distinct as the white and the negro, or
the negro and the Mongol, this assumption might be accepted as
a basis for further studies, its validity is not so clear in a comparison
of the mental characteristics of branches of the same race. When,
for instance, it is claimed that certain types of Europe show better
mental endowment than other types of Europe, the assumption is
made that these types are stable, and cannot undergo far-reaching
differences when placed in a new social or geographical environment.
It would seem, therefore, that a study of the stability of race-
types has not only a fundamental biological importance, but that
it will also determine our views of the relative mental endowment
of different types of man.
A theoretical investigation of this problem will show that the
assumption of an absolute stability of human types is not plausible.
Observations on growth have shown that the amount of growth
of the whole body depends upon more or less favourable conditions
which prevail during the period of development. Unfavourable
conditions retard growth ; exceptionally favourable conditions acceler-
ate it. A more detailed study of the phenomena of growth has
shown that the development of different parts of the body does
not proceed by any means at the same rate at a given period.
Thus at the time of birth the bulk of the body and stature are
very small, and increase with great rapidity until about the four-
teenth year in girls, and the sixteenth year in boys. On the
\
ioo UNIVERSAL RACES CONGRESS
other hand, the size of the head increases rapidly only for one
or two years ; and from this time on the increment is, comparatively
speaking, slight. Similar conditions prevail in regard to the growth
of the face, which grows rapidly for a few years only, and later
on increases, comparatively speaking, slowly. The amount of water
contained in the brain also changes with a fair amount of rapidity
during the early years of life, and remains about the same later
on. It follows from this observation that if an individual is
retarded by unfavourable conditions after a certain organ has obtained
nearly its full development, while other organs are still in the
process of rapid evolution, the former cannot be much influenced,
while the latter may bear evidence of the unfavourable conditions
which were controlling during a certain period of life. This must
necessarily have the result that the proportions of the body of
the adult will depend upon the general conditions of life pre-
vailing during youth, and the effects of these conditions will be
most noticeable in those organs which have the longest period of
development.
It is a well-known fact that the central nervous system continues
to develop in structure longer perhaps than any other part of the
body, and it may therefore be inferred that it will be apt to show
the most far-reaching influences of environment.
It follows from this consideration that social and geographical
environment must have an influence upon the form of the body
of the adult, and upon the development of his central nervous
system.
This theoretical consideration is borne out by observation. The
investigations of Bolk have shown clearly that an increase in stature
has occurred in Europe during the last decades, due evidently to
a change of environment ; and the numerous investigations which
have been made on the proportions of the body of the well-to-do
and of the poor, of able students and poor students — all show
characteristic differences, which may be explained in great part
as effects of the retardation and acceleration to which we have
referred.
It would seem, however, that besides the influences of more
or less favourable environment which affect the form of the body
during the period of growth, a number of other causes may modify
the form of the body. Professor Ridgeway goes so far as to think
that the stability of human types in definite areas and for long
periods is an expression, not of the influence of heredity, but of
the influence of environment; and that, on the other hand, the
modifications of the human form which are found in the Mediter-
ranean area, in Central Europe, and in North-western Europe, are
SECOND SESSION 101
due to the differences of climate, soil, and natural products. It
does not seem to me that adequate proof can be given for modifi-
cations of the human form as far-reaching as those claimed by
Professor Ridgevvay, although we must grant the possibility of
such influences. We have, however, good evidence wljiich shows
that the various European types undergo certain changes in a
new environment. The observations on which this conclusion is
based were made by me on emigrants from various European
countries who live in the city of New York, and on their
descendants.
The investigation of a large number of families has shown that
every single measurement that has been studied has one value
among individuals born in Europe, another one among individuals
of the same families born in America. Thus, among the East
European Jews the head of the European-born is shorter than
the head of the American-born. It is wider among the European-
born than it is among the America-born. At the same time the
American-born is taller. As a result of the increase in the growth
of head, and decrease of the width of head, the length-breadth
index is considerably less than the corresponding index in the
European-born. All these differences seem to increase with the
time elapsed between the emigration of the parents and the birth
of the child, and are much more marked in the second generation
of American-born individuals.
Among the long-headed Sicilians similar observations have been
made, but the changes are in a different direction. The stature
does not change much ; if anything, it is shorter among the
American-born than among the European-born. The head is
shorter among the American-born, and at the same time wider,
than among the European-born. Thus a certain approach of the
two distinct types may be observed.
It would of course be saying too much to claim that this
approach expresses a tendency of diverse European types to assume
the same form in America. Our studies prove only a modification
of the type ; but we are not able to determine what the ultimate
amount of these modifications will be, and whether there is any
real tendency of modifying diverse types in such a way that one
particular American type should develop, rather than a limited
modification of each particular European type.
The people of Bohemia and Hungary show also the effect of
the changed environment. Among them both width of head and
length of head decrease. The face becomes much narrower, the
stature taller.
It is most remarkable that the change in head-form of American-
102
born individuals occurs almost immediately after the arrival of their
parents in America. A comparison of individuals born in Europe
with those born in America shows that the change of head-form is
almost abrupt at the time of immigration. The child born abroad,
even if it is less than one year old at the time of arrival, has the
head-form of the European-born. The child born in America, even
if born only a few months after the arrival of the parents, has the
head-form of the American-born. The failure of American environ-
ment to influence the foreign-born might be expected, because the
total change of the head-index from early youth to adult life is
very small. On the other hand, those measurements of the body
which continue to change during the period of growth show a
marked influence of American environment upon European-born
individuals who arrive in America as young children. Thus the
stature of European-born individuals increases the more the younger
they were at the time of their arrival in America. The width of
the faces decreases the more the younger the child that came
to America.
These observations are of importance, because it might be
claimed that the changes in head-form develop because the
mechanical treatment of children in America differs from their
treatment in Europe. The European child is swaddled, while the
American child is allowed to lie free in the cradle. The change
in the face diameters and in stature show, however, that such
mechanical considerations alone cannot explain the changes that
actually take place.
The results obtained by a rough comparison of European-born
and American-born have been corroborated by a direct comparison
of European-born parents and their own American-born children,
and also by a comparison of the European immigrants who came
to America in one particular year, and of their descendants born
in America. In all these cases the same types of differences were
found.
These observations seem to indicate a decided plasticity of
human types ; but I wish to repeat that the limits of this plasticity
are not known to us. It follows, however, directly, that if the
bodily form undergoes far-reaching changes under a new environ-
ment, concomitant changes of the mind may be expected. The
same reasons which led us to the conclusion that more or less
favourable conditions during the period of growth will have the
greater influence the longer the period of development of a particular
part of the body, make it plausible that a change of environment
will influence those parts of the body most thoroughly which have
the longest period of growth and development. I believe, therefore,
SECOND SESSION 103
that the American observations compel us to assume that the
mental make-up of a certain type of man may be considerably
influenced by his social and geographical environment. It is, of
course, exceedingly difficult to give an actual proof of this conclusion
by observation, because we know that the mental manifestations
depend to a great extent upon the social group in which each
individual grows up ; but it is evident that the burden of proof is
shifted upon those who claim absolute stability of mental character-
istics of the same type under all possible conditions under which
it may be found.
It may be pointed out here that the change of type which has
been observed in America is in a way analogous to the difference
of type that has been observed in Europe in a comparison between
the urban population and the rural population. In all those cases
in which thorough investigations have been made in regard to
this problem, a difference in type has been found. The interpre-
tation given in this phenomenon is, however, entirely different
from the one attempted here. One group of observers, particularly
Ridolfo Livi, believe that the type found in urban communities
is largely due to the greater mixture of local types found in cities
when compared to the open country. Others, notably Otto Ammon
and Rose, believe that we have here evidence of natural selection,
and that the better type survives. It seems to my mind that
the latter theory cannot be substantiated, but that both mixture
and change of type are sufficient to explain what is taking place
in the transition from rural life to urban life.
orfj It will naturally be asked, what produces changes in human
types? Can these changes be so directed as to bring about an
improvement of the race? I do not believe that these questions
can be answered in the present state of our knowledge. The
structural changes which must necessarily accompany the modifi-
cations of gross form are entirely unknown, and the physiological
functions which are affected by the new environment cannot even
be surmised. It seems, therefore, a vain endeavour to give a
satisfactory explanation of the phenomenon at the present time.
The investigation should be extended over numerous types^ and
carried on in different climates and different social environments,
before we can hope to understand the correlation between bodily
form and function and outward influences. The old idea of
absolute stability of human types must, however, evidently be
given up, and with it the belief of the hereditary superiority of
certain types over others.
[Paper submitted in English.]
104 UNIVERSAL RACES CONGRESS
CLIMATIC CONTROL OF SKIN-COLOUR
By LIONEL W. LYDE, M.A.,
Professor of Economic Geography at University College, London.
THERE is no doubt that difference of skin-colour is one of the
greatest " racial " barriers, and yet there can be little doubt that it
is entirely a matter of climatic control.
The accepted unity of primeval man has a double basis, and
would not be disproved even by the most complete proof of the
existence of different original stocks — " gorilla," " orang," " gibbon,"
or any other. For the glaciation of the earth must have compressed
all alike into low latitudes, where uniformity of climatic conditions
and consequent human needs and food-supply must have produced
uniformity of results.
The accepted site of the ancestral home in " Javanese " latitudes,
even if there can be no longitudinal delimitation, involves the
assumptions (i) that early Pleistocene man was dark-skinned and
(2) that his earliest natural movements would be longitudinal — east-
ward or westward along the old Indo-African bridge, which may or
may not have formed part of a larger " Lemurian " continent.
Now, in such longitudinal movements this primeval man, whom —
without necessarily accepting all or any of the suggestions about a
possible " Gondwanaland " — we may call a Gondwana, could meet
with no marked change of temperature. And any Pleistocene relics
of a possible Gondwanaland had this at least in common with the
present distribution of land in the Southern Hemisphere, that their
most southerly margin was in comparatively low latitudes. There
was, therefore, no reasonable chance of the Gondwana being bleached
by movement polewards, though he might be blackened by moving
from forest to savana.
The case was different when he began to move northward ; and
any Pleistocene relics of a possible "Angaraland " had this at least
in common with the present distribution of land in the Northern
Hemisphere, that their most northerly margin was in very high
latitudes. Consequently, even pre-glacial man, if he moved north-
wards, must have been bleached.
But when the negro of to-day is bleached — by disease or fright, old
age or residence in dark forest, he turns yellowish, as the " shaded "
inner sides of his hands or feet are normally. And the same fate
must have overtaken the primeval Gondwana when he began to be
bleached by movement polewards. Thus we infer a semi-primeval
yellow man, whom we may call an Angara.
SECOND SESSION 105
This Angara, again, even in the inter-glacial periods, must have
been largely confined to longitudinal movement inside his own
domain ; and such movement would bring him eventually to an
eastern or a western ocean. In approaching this ocean he would be
further bleached by the increased humidity, and would become really
white-skinned, as the Japanese and the Tavastian Finns actually are
to-day.
The fundamental differences of skin-colour between the black
tropical and the white temperate types of man are, therefore, of
purely climatic origin, the climatic influence working both directly
from without and indirectly through the different relative activities of
lungs and intestines, the tropical climate throwing on the skin and
the intestines work which the temperate climate throws on the lungs.
The consequent increased activity of the lungs, in the presence of
relatively little sun-light and sun-heat, favours the lighter colour of
skin, while the increased activity of the liver and other intestines, in
the presence of relatively great sun-light and sun-heat, favours the
darker colour.
Under these circumstances it seems obvious that, whatever the
value or the worthlessness of skin-colour as a test of "race," it is
enormously the most important consideration in the climatic distri-
bution of man. There is no question that ordinary sunburn in this
country is a pathological phenomenon — i.e., an injury caused only
and directly by the short, actinic rays — that it seldom occurs in
dark-skinned persons, and that it can be prevented in the fair-
skinned by a slight staining of the skin. And there is no question
that natural skin pigment is evolved for a precisely similar purpose —
t'.e.y to exclude the dangerous " X "-like rays.
Not only, then, is man pigmented as a protection against too much
sun-light, but the amount of pigment also varies with the intensity
of the sun-light. It is actually evolved under exposure to the light.
Consequently in each " race " there must have been originally suffi-
cient to protect it from the particular intensity of the light in the
particular race-home. Otherwise the "race" would have become
extinct, just as any plant would have become extinct in which there
was not sufficient chlorophyll to absorb the rays of the particular
wave-length that will break up the carbonic oxide of the air. If
pigment is developed according to need, and if black stops more rays
than brown, we should expect to find the " blackest " skins amongst
men, like the blackest stripes on the zebra, in the hottest parts of the
world that are unforested ; and this is precisely what we do find —
the real black man coming (except for a few small groups, e.g., on the
edge of the Australian desert) essentially from the African savana.
The rich black of the Western Sudan, with its high percentage of
106 UNIVERSAL RACES CONGRESS
bright sunshine to leeward of monsoon jungle, is not found inside the
jungle or on islands with typically marine climates. For instance,
the negrilloes of the equatorial forest in Africa, like the Sakai in the
Malay jungle, are yellowish ; the Samangs, like most of the Austra-
lians, are dark chocolate ; the Nilotic negroes are reddish ; the Indo-
nesians are almost tawny.
The absence of the forest is important from two points of view.
It means, of course, the direct absence of tree-shade ; it implies also a
relative deficiency of rain, which is normally associated with absence
of cloud. And it is precisely this underlying question of humidity
that decides the varying shades of skin in the " black " man outside
the forest areas. Wherever there is humid air to blanket the
dangerous rays, as in the latitudes of constant equatorial rainfall or
at the bottom of an enclosed valley, there the new adult arrival is
actually " bleached," and indigenous children, as amongst the Krus,
never become very deeply pigmented. On the same principle, the
race-home of the white peoples was bound to be confined to the only
part of the world where moist winds blow regularly, towards high
latitudes against a relief which allows them easy access inland over a
large area.
Here, even apart from the humidity, neither heat nor light is
intense ; so that black skin is not needed as a protection against
excessive light, while white skin is needed to minimise radiation of
the relatively deficient heat. But even here the precise shade is
blonder where the winds are never " traded " in summer ; and, on the
other hand, even white-haired animals have points that are not pro-
tected by hair — e.g., the nose, protected by pigment, and that from
the lower end of the spectrum — e.g., pink.
Intermediate between the black man and the white man comes
the yellow man, who is essentially the product of desiccating grass-
lands in intemperate latitudes. Here the fundamental considerations
are lack of humidity and seasonal extremes of temperature. Again
the absence of cloud makes light the dangerous element, and the
man must be pigmented ; but the question of temperature is also
important. The natural colour is, therefore, one which conserves
heat nearly as well as white, but which also protects from light ; and
in these latitudes a colour from the low end of the spectrum gives
ample protection, especially as the minimum cloudiness is associated
with the winter season. That is to say, on the great steppes and
prairies of the Northern Hemisphere, as upon the great plateaus and
tundra, the normal colour should be some shade of yellow or red.
The normal red or yellow of these intemperate grass-lands is
certain to be modified by anything which changes the relative
humidity, and so the percentage of cloud — e.g., mountains or proxi-
SECOND SESSION 107
mity to the sea ; and therefore "Aryan " mountaineers, like maritime
Mongols, must be associated with white skins, just as the typical
blonds of Europe must be associated with fiord and forest. Indeed,
we may formulate a definite scheme of colour zones by relating
temperature, as conditioned by sunshine and relief, to rainfall, as
implying humidity and cloudiness.
The sun can certainly " blacken " wherever he is overhead and
even outside that limit of latitude if the humidity is very low ; and a
comparison of the mean annual isotherm of 80° F. with the corre-
sponding mean annual isohyet of 10 inches suggests about 25° N.
and S. as the natural limits of black skin. But, of course, inside
these limits there are large areas where, as we have seen, other
conditions may interfere with the effect of direct bright sun-light.
Again, the sun can certainly " brown " up to the poleward limits
of the Trade-winds, within which the cold, dry air is moving from
colder to warmer latitudes, and can therefore at first hold much more
moisture than it can normally get. These poleward limits of the
Trade-wind system thus include all sub-tropical " Mediterranean "
areas with their dry, bright summers and low relative humidity ; and
we may fix the natural limits of brown skin as within such parts of
latitudes 25° to 35° N. and S. as experience the full effect of the
Trade-winds and have no local influence counteracting that effect
We may add that there is a climatic propriety in the love of these
brown-skinned peoples, alike in the summer drought of the Mediter-
ranean area and in the winter drought of the Monsoon area, for
clothing of colours from the low end of the spectrum — e.g., red or
yellow.
(nr*Once inside the normal lower latitudes of the Anti-Trades a
tinge of bleaching yellow naturally invades the brown, and, as red is
so near yellow in the spectrum, the particular tinge may tend towards
yellow or red or olive in response to particular local conditions, the
yellow being always associated with vast desiccating grass-lands.
The northern limit of this yellow zone must have been naturally
about the northern latitudes of China ; but, as Western Asia came
more and more under the influence of drought, the limit in that
direction would be extended polewards at least as far as the edge of
the Siberian forest. Comparing these conditions with their nearest
parallel in the grass-lands of North America, we may fix the natural
frontiers of the yellow skin round such continental parts of 35° to
45° N. as are unforested, and such areas farther north as come
directly under the influence of winter winds from a Pole of cold.
Outside the limits just referred to, within a southern frontier
which may roughly coincide with the southern frontier of Bear-
worshippers, is the actual race-home of the white-skinned. Here
io8 UNIVERSAL RACES CONGRESS
the sun has only power to " tan," and even that power is heavily
discounted by the constant presence of forests and in the normal
path of cyclonic systems. In view, then, of the great importance of
the angle of ray-impact and the thickness of atmosphere passed
through, we may fix the natural limits of the " tanned " white within
such parts of latitudes 45° to 55° N. as are maritime or forested,
whilst the "bleached" white must have come from north of 55° N.,
which is roughly the latitude of Copenhagen.
[Paper submitted in English."]
THE EFFECTS OF RACIAL MISCEGENATION
By Professor EARL FINCH, Wilberforce University, U.S.A.
IT is well known that whenever two races occupy the same
geographical area a mixed population arises ; in fact, such a large
percentage of the world's population has come into existence by race
crossing that the character of the product is as important for social
welfare as it is interesting for the anthropologist and sociologist.
The question gains added importance in the present era of colonial
expansion from the increasing contact of the European with the dark-
skinned populations of the tropics, with whom he has never hesitated
to mingle his blood. The question, however, has been so generally
approached from the side of philosophic doctrine, rather than from
the side of objective study, that there is the greatest possible
divergence between the conclusions of those who presume to speak
with authority. The followers of Gobineau, in France, and Morton,
in America, have maintained that racial inter-mixture has had and
can have only disastrous consequences. At the other extreme are
those who preached the gospel of amalgamation in the United
States, during and after the Civil War, maintaining that intermixture
between races so dissimilar as the whites and negroes would prove
beneficial. It is the object of the writer to present some facts tend-
ing to prove that race blending, especially in the rare instances when
it occurs under favourable circumstances, produces a type superior
in fertility, vitality, and cultural worth to one or both of the parent
stocks.
The superiority of the mixed people to the native stock in
fertility and vitality is shown by their persistence, sometimes in the
very locality in which the native race, in contact with foreigners, has
declined or disappeared. When Tasmania was colonised the native
population was roughly estimated at 7,000. The policy of extermi-
nation pursued by the colonists had reduced the aborigines to 120 in
SECOND SESSION 109
1832. These were removed to Flinder's Island; but although the
locality is healthy they had declined in 1847 to 14 men, 22 women,
and 10 children. These were removed in 1847 to Oyster Cove in
the southern part of Tasmania, but they declined so rapidly that only
three elderly women survived in 1869, the last of whom died in I876.1
The rapid decline of the Maoris and Australians is well known.
The native population of the Hawaiian Islands estimated at 300,000
when Cook discovered the Islands in 1778 had declined to 29,787 in
1900.
It was apparent, however, even in the time of Darwin, that a
cross between the native stock and a civilised race gives rise to a
progeny capable of existing and multiplying in spite of changed con-
ditions. Between 1866 and 1872 the native Hawaiians decreased by
8,08 1, while the half-breeds increased by 847.2 Between 1890 and
1900 the Hawaiians of full blood decreased from 34,436 to 29,787,
while those of mixed blood increased from 6,186 to 7,848.
Quatrefages wrote that "the Polynesian Islanders disappear with
a terrible rapidity, whilst their mixed races, and even pure-blooded
Europeans, show a redoubled fertility." 3 Although the American
Indian tends to decline in the presence of European civilisation, the
products of the blending of Negroes, Spanish, and Portuguese with
the Indian, form a large fraction of the population of the southern
part of the Western hemisphere. The Griquas of South Africa,
descendants of Dutch and Hottentots, have prospered and multiplied,
while the pure Hottentots have rapidly decreased. Even after
making due allowance in all these cases for the increase due to the
birth of half-breeds of the first generation, the superior fertility and
vitality of the mixed population are evident.
Pitcairn Island was settled in 1790 by nine English mutineers, six
Tahitian men, and fifteen Tahitian women. In 1808 only white men
and eight or nine women and children were left. But the first half-
breeds grew up, intermarried, and had numerous children. In 1855
the population had increased to 200. After removing to Norfolk
Island in 1856 they increased so rapidly that, although sixteen
returned to Pitcairn in 1859, they numbered 300 in 1868 ;4 in 1905
the population of Norfolk Island was 1,059, a majority of whom were
descendants of the mutineers. The present population of Pitcairn
Island is flourishing. Emily L. McCoy, a direct descendant of one
of the mutineers, writes : " We have good constitutions, though so
closely related, and we are as healthy and active from childhood to
1 J. Bonwick, The Lost Tasmanian Race.
* Darwin, Descent of Man, vol. i., p. 253.
s Quatrefages, The Human Species, p. 220.
4 Darwin, Descent of Man, vol. i., p. 253. Quatrefages, The Human Species, p. 263.
no UNIVERSAL RACES CONGRESS
old age as a people can well be." x The remarkable increase of the
half-breeds of Pitcairn and Norfolk Islands, more rapid than the
increase of the population of England, is in striking contrast with the
rapid decline of the Tasmanians, Maoris, and Australians.
Facts in favour of the view that mulattoes are not fertile are so
eagerly sought that the large body of evidence, tending to prove the
exact opposite, is ignored. An eminent authority in the United
States argues that the decrease of intercourse between whites and
negroes in the Southern States is causing a decrease in the number
of mulattoes and a perceptible return to the pure African type.2 But
the census shows that there has been a more rapid increase among
mulattoes than among negroes of the purer type, during this very
period of decreasing intercourse.3
Percentage of mulattoes in total negro population : —
''mi890. 18*0.
Continental United States ... ; • •'••^.OMI.J.' 15-2 ... 12
North Atlantic Division ... ,<)'{..•>{'' ••• 23'2 ••• 17'3
South Atlantic Division ... I3'4 •»»[ • 10*4
j ''.
North Central Division ,. .„ . *•* 31 ••• 22'3
South Central Division .i.jlIjiHi b'ji.?.: 14 * ?&"* li'S
Western Division ... > V.7"'J*UJi^ t- .4. 39-2 >*>v.* 35-6
jljiw ly'OiiMiJ ;i>'(. bin; r!.-iru".ru' ^vpv v1! To "nil fto.d >;fj "I*.- alcyhaio
Although it is probable that the decrease of race crossing in the
United States is often over-estimated, there are conditions unfavour-
able to the perpetuation of the mulatto type. There is a tendency for
the mixed population to disappear by marrying into the darker race,
or by identifying themselves with the white. The strenuous attempt
to bar negroes from participation in the privileges of democratic
society leads many of the proscribed class, whose negro blood cannot
be detected, to affiliate with the favoured race by settling in localities
where they are unknown. The rapid increase of mulattoes under
these conditions is strong evidence that they are not inferior in
fertility or virility to either of the parent stocks. The coloured
people in Jamaica persist as a fairly well-marked type, although their
number is hardly one-fourth that of the blacks, while the white popu-
lation is so small that no large number of mixed people can be added
by race crossing. The mulatto class persists in Haiti, although they
form only ten per cent, of the population, and the number of whites is
negligible. The mixed population of Santo Domingo increases
rapidly, although the number born from crossing with any pure stock
is very small.
It is extremely difficult for the mixed class to demonstrate their
cultural worth because of the deplorable conditions under which the
1 The Independent, September 29, 1904.
1 Bruce, The Plantation Negro as Freeman, p. 53.
» Census Bulletin, p. 8 ; Negroes in the United States, p. 16.
SECOND SESSION in
mixed populations come into existence. Most race crossing has
occurred on the outskirts of civilisation, and the half-breeds, despised
by one race and despising the other, have been outcasts from society.
The victims of prejudice and social ostracism are certain to display
some bad qualities ; yet, despite these untoward circumstances, there
is a large body of evidence of the superior energy and mental vigour
produced by the race crossing. The greater number of negroes who
have achieved distinction in the United States have been men of
mixed blood. Many of the purer type have manifested remarkable
intellectual power, yet it is probably more than a coincidence that
Douglas, Washington, and DuBois, who have attained the height of
group leadership, have been mulattoes ; superior, moreover, to both
the white and blacks in their ancestry. The mulattoes of Haiti form
a large percentage of the aristocracy, and are very prominent in com-
merce, in the professions, and in State affairs. The coloured people
of Jamaica constitute a majority of those engaged in the trades and
professions. Sir Sydney Olivier considers that this class of mixed
race is indispensable to any West Indian community, because it saves
the community from the cleavage between white and black, and helps
to form an organic whole. Quatrefages believed that the half-breed
of the negro and European, when placed under normal conditions,
justifies the words of the old traveller, Thevenot : " The mulatto can
do all that the white man can do ; his intelligence is equal to ours." *
If the mulatto is not superior in fertility, the rapidly declining birth-rate
of the white nations may soon give him this significant advantage.
It is not surprising that racial miscegenation often produces an
inferior population. The withholding of social and legal sanction
from inter-racial marriages tends to limit unions to the lower classes,
the offspring of which are like the parents. But the results are likely
to be advantageous if the crossing occurs under favourable conditions.
" The Ainos of Japan, who are vanishing by amalgamation, are a very
different and more primitive type than the Japanese, and both appear
to be benefited by the process of absorption. The Portuguese and
the Dutch have been intermarrying for several centuries in farther
India to the advantage of both races, as is true of the Russians with
the older natives of Siberia. The mixture of Arabs with the North
Africans has produced the Moors ; many crossings of the Turks, the
mixture of the Spaniards and Indians in South America and Mexico,
especially in Chile, which have resulted in Neo-Indian and Neo-Aryan
types, show how favourably the crossing of races may act if differences
are not great and if both sexes of both races marry with each other
instead of only the men of one with the women of the other."2 In
* The Human Species, p. 283.
* G. Stanley Hall, Adolescence, vol. ii., pp. 722-3.
112 UNIVERSAL RACES CONGRESS
the province of Saint Paul, Brazil, Portuguese and inhabitants
of the Azores have intermarried with the native Gayanazes and
Carijos. From the first, unions were regularly contracted among
them, and the offspring were accepted as the equals of the pure
whites. From these unions has sprung a race as noted for remarkable
moral development as for intellectual power and for strength, beauty,
and courage.
Crossing was accomplished under normal conditions in Saint Paul
because of favourable social sentiment ; approximately normal condi-
tions prevailed at Pitcairn, because of geographical isolation. The
Paulists appear to be equal, if not superior, to the most advanced
of the parent stocks, while few will deny that the Pitcairn Islanders
are superior to their Tahitian mothers and their English fathers.
While race blending is not everywhere desirable, yet the crossing
of distinct races, especially when it occurs with social sanction, often
produces a superior type ; certainly such crossing as has occurred
tends to prove absurd the conclusion that the dilution of the blood of
the so-called higher races by that of the so-called lower races will
either set the species on the highway to extinction, or cause a relapse
into barbarism.
[Paper submitted in English.']
THIRD SESSION
CONDITIONS OF PROGRESS (SPECIAL PROBLEMS}
TENDENCIES TOWARDS PARLIAMENTARY
RULE
By Dr. CHR. L. LANGE, Brussels,
General Secretary of the Interparliamentary Union, Norwegian
Member of the Second Hague Conference.
Definition of Terms. — In general the term parliamentary rule
denotes that special form of national self-government which was
founded in Great Britain and Ireland some two hundred years ago,
and of which the special characteristic is the subordination of the
Executive to the Legislature. The Government, or Cabinet, tends to
become a sort of committee chosen from among the party which has
a majority in the more important branch of the Parliament, or
National Representative Assembly.
In this Congress it will be chiefly interesting to examine one
general aspect of the question. It seems to me that here it is natural,
not so much to study the specific tendency toward parliamentary rule,
which is limited to certain countries of highly developed European
civilisation, as to follow the general trend of political evolution
towards self-government, through elected representatives, in national
affairs.
I beg to lay stress on each of the words in this expression.
The word national is used only in opposition to local or provincial.
It will be outside the scope of the present paper to discuss the rather
dubious use of the words nation and national as almost synonymous
with state and political.
The essential point in the question before us is the representative
character of the persons charged with a national mandate, and the
correct title of the paper would therefore perhaps be : " Tendencies
113 i
114 UNIVERSAL RACES CONGRESS
towards a Representative System of Government." In earlier times
this representative character was very often granted by the Central
Government ; the members of the House of Commons in England,
for instance, were often nominated by them.
In our time it is hardly possible to conceive representation
without an elective basis, and owing to the democratic development
this basis tends to become more and more popular in character. In
some States this evolution has already reached its ultimate term, and
the principle of manhood and womanhood suffrage has been estab-
lished.
As a rule democratic development is accompanied by a strong
leaning towards parliamentary ascendancy as against the monarch-
ical or governmental element, though this is not always the case. It
is of no great interest in this connection to distinguish between
despotism and absolutism. In neither case is there an element of a
representative character of any importance in the management of
public affairs. But it is necessary to observe the distinction between
what might be called constitutional government and parliamentary
government proper.
In constitutional government the Sovereign is bound by a Consti-
tution, and some very important functions of the State — legislation
or finance — can only be exercised by a co-operation of the Executive
and the Legislature, the Government and Parliament. This is the
system which prevails in the United States of America and in
Germany. In parliamentary government, as is said above, the
Government is dependent on Parliament to such an extent that,
practically speaking, the Cabinet is only a committee of the parlia-
mentary majority. This is the case in Great Britain, in France, and
in most of the other European countries. There are, of course, a
good many intermediate forms, and it is generally an idle question
to ask to what type of government one or the other State belongs ;
certainly no great light is shed on the problem by such a distinction.
It is cited here only to give completeness to our classification.
What we shall try to trace here, then, is the general tendency
towards the adoption of a representative form of government in national
affairs.
Early Development. — Though it seems that the principle of repre-
sentative government was known in antiquity (provincial assemblies),
its application became of real importance only in the Middle Ages.
Two conditions facilitated this : the States were of a feudal character,
the component parts of each claiming a certain independence within
the general body, and they were large. The first circumstance
implied that the different parts should have a certain share in the
management of common affairs ; the second circumstance made it
THIRD SESSION 115
necessary that only some of the persons inhabiting each component
part could meet in common. Thus the representative system origi-
nated. There is no country in Europe that has passed through the
feudal stage which has not, at some time or other, had a representative
assembly organised in "Orders." In most countries absolutism put
an end to the existence, even the formal existence, of these institu-
tions ; but they survived in a few. In England, in Sweden, and in
the Netherlands the Parliament, or the Orders, or States-General,
have had a continuous, though often very chequered, existence down
to our own time, and as long as the Polish Empire existed the Diet
was the chief expression of Polish national life.
It is from the first of these countries, England, that the repre-
sentative form of government, as the logical and natural expression
of popular liberties, spread throughout the nations of European
civilisation, and in the last few decades also to other countries.; "to
Beginning of Modern Times. — Politically speaking, our age is the
age of Democracy, and the great event opening this chapter in the
world's history is the American Declaration of Independence on-
the 4th of July of the year 1776. In all the thirteen States founded
by this great charter representative rule was firmly established, and
when, in 1789, after thirteen years of experiment and hesitation, the
Confederacy was at length established, the same principle was
applied to the treatment of federal affairs.
The same year which saw the definite establishment of the great
Democracy west of the Atlantic witnessed the opening of the great
drama in European affairs whence the Europe of our own time has
issued.
The birth of Modern Europe was accompanied by violent throes ;
life was sacrificed recklessly to bring forth new life. The great
Revolution and the Napoleonic wars are events of importance in
a larger history than that of France alone. No single European
country had the same features in 1815 as it had had in 1789. Fron-
tiers had changed ; the great principle of national self-government —
one nation, one State — found a more adequate expression at least
than before ; and in countries — such as Italy or Germany — where the
principle was violated after having found some expression, however
imperfect, the national ideals continued to live in the minds and
hearts of the nation, and later proved a vigorous leaven in its life^
pregnant of great changes.
Not only had frontiers and external forms changed : the social
and political conditions of most European nations were also pro-
foundly modified.
To return to our special subject, however. Very few of the
countries of Europe were found, in 1815, after the fall of Napoleon,
ii6 UNIVERSAL RACES CONGRESS
to possess representative institutions. The few were : England — or
rather Great Britain and Ireland — where no modification had taken
place ; Sweden, where the Orders in 1809 had recovered the legisla-
tive and controlling power of which absolutism had robbed them ;
Norway, where the dissolution of the secular Union with Denmark
had given the nation an opportunity of establishing a Constitution
adapted to the democratic social conditions of the people ; France
and the Netherlands, where the restored dynasties found it prudent
to secure their domination through the granting of Constitutions; and
Switzerland, where, in some cantons at least, a representative system
prevailed, while in others the direct popular rule, inherited from an
earlier age, still existed. In Hungary, in Poland, and in Finland
there were Constitutions ; but they existed, practically speaking, only
on paper. The Kingdom of Poland, where the Diet had a semblance
of life from 1815 to 1830, disappeared completely later on, even in
name (1867).
The other European States remained autocratic. Meanwhile the
revolutionary movement in Europe had provoked a great upheaval
in Latin America, where a series of revolutions created a great
number of independent States out of the Spanish and Portuguese
colonies. One of them, the Portuguese colony of Brazil, adopted
a monarchical Constitution, to become a Republic only some decades
later, in 1889. All the Spanish colonies became Republics. In the
chequered history of their careers, all these States have kept the
semblance at least of a representative, and even an advanced demo-
cratic, system of government, though in reality they have very often
been under the despotic sway of a military dictator.
Establishment of European Constitutions, 1815-80. — Autocratic
Europe was not allowed a prolonged rest : succeeding revolutions,
of which it is superfluous to give the details here, destroyed the
fabric of despotism in reiterated shocks. Sometimes, even, con-
stitutional life was established without any revolution at all, as in
several of the States of South Germany in the years from 1816
to 1819. Greece, in 1829, and Belgium, in 1830, won national
independence and subsequently established a representative form
of government. In Spain and in Portugal Constitutions were
granted in the thirties, after military upheavals, while Switzerland,
through a series of changes, arrived at its present democratic regime
in federal as well as cantonal affairs.
For the leading States of Central Europe, the great revolutions
of 1848 were the beginning of profound reforms. When the strong
tide of revolution had subsided in 1851, it seemed, indeed, as if
next to nothing were changed. Germany was still divided ; Austria
had regained its commanding position ; and Italy still consisted
THIRD SESSION 117
of a motley collection of petty principalities, with Austria as the
dominating power. Only in Denmark had autocracy given way
to a democratic Constitution. In two States, however, besides
Denmark, political changes of profound significance had taken place.
In Sardinia a Constitution had been granted, and in Prussia the
King had been forced to make the same concession. These Con-
stitutions became the starting-point of far-reaching developments.
Sardinia took the lead in the struggle for Italian unity, extending
the sway of its representative institutions to the other parts of the
peninsula, as they were added to its own possessions, and at last
became the Kingdom of Italy. Prussia, some years later, followed
this example, and in its struggle with Austria made itself the
champion of representative institutions. And when, in 1866,
Prussia and Sardinia had combined for the final struggle against
Austria, and Austria had been conquered, the first consequence was
the establishment, in the dual Hapsburg monarchy, of a represen-
tative system of government.
The various Christian States which have successively issued
from the Ottoman Empire have followed the same line of develop-
ment : Roumania, Servia, and Bulgaria.
In 1880 there were in Europe only two important States with
autocratic Constitutions — Russia and Turkey. In America there
was not a single State without representative institutions, and in
Asia one State, Japan, had imitated the European States and
established a Constitution in 1889. It should not be forgotten, too,
that a whole series of self-governing British colonies had organised
themselves on a representative basis.
Recent Advances. — Broadly speaking, no profound change took
place in this domain during the twenty-five years between 1880
and 1905. It is true that during this period, as during the preceding
ones, representative institutions assumed a more and more pro-
nounced democratic character : the suffrage was extended to a
greater number of citizens, and the power of popular and represen-
tative institutions became greater as against that of the sovereign
or the aristocracy. But during these twenty-five years no single
state changed its autocratic for a representative regime.
From 1905 begins a new era in this respect, an era which has
its starting-point in the Russo-Japanese War. These developments
are still present in our minds, and the fates of the several countries
concerned will, moreover, form the subject of separate papers in
this Congress. It will therefore be sufficient here to recall the main
points in the evolution considered as a whole.
The Russo-Japanese War influenced in two ways the evolution
which we are endeavouring to trace. It gave a strong impetus to
n8 UNIVERSAL RACES CONGRESS
the movement for reform in Russia itself, and ultimately it provoked
the institution of a representative chamber in that country — a Duma
and a Council of Empire, forming together the Russian Parliament.
On the other hand, the victory of the Japanese over one of the
great Powers of Europe evoked a movement of political reform in
the Asiatic world. In 1906 a revolutionary upheaval forced the
Persian Shah to grant a Constitution, and in 1908 a peaceful
revolution, led by the party of Young Turks, under the inspiration
of the Committee of Union and Progress, made an end of the
despotic rule of the Sultan, and established a constitutional and
parliamentary regime. The last few months have shown how
serious are the forces at work in the Chinese Empire for the same
end, and both in India and Egypt native parties are working in
various ways for the establishment of popular and representative
institutions. In India a small beginning has been made, and the
native population is being initiated to the use of representative
institutions.
j^u^There is little doubt that this movement, which has evidently
a very pronounced character, and asserts itself with growing force
in most of the ancient countries which are generally described as
Oriental, will go on until it reaches its logical conclusion, as it has
done in European countries. It is a development of the profoundest
interest to every student of political problems, and it will perhaps
be desirable to say a few words both of the dangers or risks, and
of the promises, which it contains.
Dangers and Promises. — I think I ought first of all to point out
the seriousness of the special problem with which all these young
movements in favour of representative institutions are confronted.
It is this. They enter on the path of political evolution at a time
when the more progressive nations have led a political life for
generations, perhaps for centuries, and have therefore reached a
highly developed stage in the extension of both popular and par-
liamentary liberties. It is quite natural that the younger nations,
bent on imitating their models, should be disposed to pass at one
single bound to the same advanced stage, neglecting the inter-
mediate steps, and forgetting that political life presents special
difficulties which are only overcome under certain conditions. It
is true that the art of politics is only acquired in the process of
governing, and it is far from the intention of the present writer to
lay down any hard-and-fast rule according to which political
institutions should be granted to a people. On the contrary, I
should be disposed to say that it is precisely the demand for
political liberty which gives the best proof of the need to establish it.
On the other hand, nobody will disagree with the statement
THIRD SESSION 119
that a serious risk will always be involved when a nation passes
from autocracy to a very advanced stage of political liberty, either
as to popular rights — suffrage, liberty of the Press, freedom of
association, &c. — or as to the influence of the representative system
on government and administration.
Especially in the latter respect, i.e., the influence on the adminis-
tration, the difficulties are very great. There is no doubt that
autocracy, if it can be freed from its grave defects, its temptation
to commit capricious and arbitrary acts, presents great advantages
for an efficient and powerful administration. A strong will and a
strong hand are essential here. As a rule a long education will
be necessary to attain the same degree of efficiency under popular
government. 'brpj^f
' m There is yet another great danger or risk which I think should
be pointed out in this connection, a risk which it is natural to dwell
on at such a Congress as this. I am thinking of the strengthening,
the intensification sometimes, of nationalist sentiments and prejudices
which very often follow the creation of representative institutions
within a State.
yrji.This intensification manifests itself in two ways. Most of the
Empires which have adopted representative institutions during the
last few years are far from homogeneous in their ethnic composition.
Russia or Turkey, not to speak of China, embraces several distinct
nationalities. Very often in these countries autocracy alone was
able, or thought itself able, to retain power, by an appeal to
nationalist sentiment, making a pretext of the hatred of foreign
peoples, within or without the frontiers of the Empire, to avert
attention from what was not as it should be in internal affairs. - -i
It seems, unfortunately, that this method has not been abandoned
with the abandonment of autocratic rule. Nay, nationalism even
appears in the new conditions to have a more legitimate character,
because it is backed up by a popular force and is more than the
expression of a despot's whims. Since nationalism is, by its very
definition, a simple and unreflecting sentiment, it appeals to the
least instructed, and it should not be a matter of surprise that it
often arises in the first stages of a new democracy.
It was said above that it manifests itself in two ways. It may
appear as the determination of the ruling caste to subject and
dominate foreign elements within the State, or as a hatred of the
foreigner without. It should be expressly observed that in neither
form is this feeling a new phenomenon, characteristic only of the
empires with which we are now concerned. On the contrary, in this
respect it may be said that such societies are following the standards
•of European civilisation, though not its highest standards. I think
120 UNIVERSAL RACES CONGRESS
it, however, only fair to add that, if Europeans have suffered some-
what from the general hatred of the foreigner that is found in these
Oriental countries, they are only reaping what has been freely sown,
in action and in speech, by themselves or by their ancestors.
But if the prevailing tendency towards popular representation,
or parliamentary rule, is pregnant with grave problems, it is no less
rich in great promise.
There is, firstly, a general aspect of this advance on which I
need only say a very few words. We have seen that the political
progress of our time has chiefly manifested itself among what are
called the Oriental nations. Until recently these nations were re-
garded as evidently inferior, because they were supposed to be
incapable of self-government. The exception of Japan was there
only to confirm the general rule. Otherwise " Asiatic despotism "
used to be words indissolubly linked together. The introduction
of parliamentary institutions, not only in one but in several
Oriental countries, removes this prejudice and bridges the gulf
between East and West.
Next comes the beneficent influence of representative institu-
tions in a nation's life. It may safely be said that parliamentary
rule is of less importance, perhaps, in its direct bearing on the
policy and government of the peoples concerned than in its wider
moral aspect. Parliamentary rule is above all things a great
educational force. Resting on and combined with local autonomy,
or local self-government on a representative basis, it is the most
powerful emancipating agency within our reach — greater than the
school, greater even than the best means of communication. It
is true that national and racial prejudices acquire a great force in
the first stages of political development ; but if the representative
institutions of a country are not exclusively and deliberately based
on the domination of a single nation or caste, if the Constitution
allows also the representatives of the minor nationalities within
the empire to meet and to work in Parliament, there can be no
doubt as to the final outcome.
The first, the elementary, condition of a good understanding is
knowledge. Through co-operation, even through the struggles
within the different parliaments, the representatives of different
nations or races will be led on step by step, though it be through
fear or hate, to mutual respect. Therefore I hold that, more
especially from the point of view which distinguishes this Con-
gress, the present decided tendency towards parliamentary rule is
one of great promise.
There will be a natural desire in this Congress, apart from
political considerations, that all nationalities should have the
THIRD SESSION 121
opportunity of meeting within the parliaments of the States to
which they belong on a footing of perfect equality. No colour-
line, no language or nation-line, can be tolerated, if the object of
this Congress is to be attained — i.e., a fuller understanding, the
most friendly feeling, and a heartier co-operation.
I think this argument may perhaps be carried a little farther.
Parliamentary life seems to work in the long run against national
prejudice, not only within the single State, but also in foreign
affairs. The parliamentarians, as representatives of the people, will
have a stronger sense of their responsibility in the decision and
the control of peace and war ; they will be more anxious than the
autocrat, or his minister, or the clique influencing either, to avoid
international complications. Kant long ago made it a condition
for the establishment of universal peace that the different nations
should have attained self-government. The educative force of
parliamentary institutions will also tend to strengthen the wish to
learn from other nations, and to develop a free interchange of
goods and intercourse with them. All this makes for inter-
nationalisation. European life is already international to a large
extent. With the East coming into line with the West — as I have
shown above — the conditions have been created for a general human
advance which could not have been thought possible before our
time. Even the boldest designs of international organisation had
to face the difficulty that there were certain barbarians, or a " yellow
peril," outside the pale of civilised and organised international
society. It is not the progress of political institutions alone which
now renders a world-wide organisation conceivable ; material pro-
gress, mechanical inventions in industry and in the means of com-
munication, are still more important. What makes this development
so hopeful is that all these forces are working in the same direction.
Tendencies towards Parliamentary Rule in International Affairs.
— In this connection it will be natural to add a few words as to the
tendency of the last twenty or thirty years to apply the representa-
tive system even to a larger area than that of the national
empires. Some of these are, indeed, already of a world-wide
character, uniting within their bounds populations living under very
different conditions. The problem of conciliating autonomy with
unity has in these cases been solved through federation. The
United States of America is the most interesting instance in point,
for they have succeeded in assuring to each of the forty-five States
of which the Union is composed full autonomy in their own affairs
as well as an equal share in the representation in the Senate,
while the differences between the States are controlled by the
composition of the House of Representatives.
122 UNIVERSAL RACES CONGRESS
It is only natural that the idea of organising a wider political
society, embracing all the States of the world, should proceed on
these lines. As yet, however, nothing has been done officially in
this respect. The two Peace Conferences, which met at the
Hague in 1899 and 1907, were composed exclusively of Govern-
ment Delegates, the delegates of all countries possessing equal
votes. Here, then, the principle of popular representation through
election was not recognised at all.
There exists, however, an international institution which contains
the germ of a representative institution, though as yet it has no
official standing. It is the Interparliamentary Union, and some
words on the organisation and aims of this institution may be con-
sidered appropriate in this connection.
The Interparliamentary Union was founded at the World's Fair
in Paris, in 1889, through the initiative of an Englishman, Sir
William Randal Cremer (d. 1908) with the hearty co-operation of
a Frenchman, M. Frederic Passy, the well-known economist and
philanthropist The Union was founded with a rather limited
scope, that of promoting the practice of arbitration in the settle-
ment of international differences. It has held a series of Conferences
in the different European capitals, the last, the sixteenth, being held
at Brussels last summer. The Conferences have gained an increas-
ing number of adhesions, and have sometimes had the character
of great demonstrations in favour of international peace and good-
will. This was especially the case with the Conference in London,
1906, and in Berlin, 1908. At each of these notable gatherings
there met more than six hundred parliamentarians, representing
upwards of twenty different nationalities. --njj
After some years of action, without any definite organisation, the
Union in 1892 organised itself in national groups, with a common
representation in the Interparliamentary Bureau, or Council, as it
was afterwards called. The headquarters were first fixed at Berne,
but in 1909 they were transferred to Brussels. At that time a
great change took place in the position of the Union. Since 1909
it has received subsidies from various Governments, and thus has,
so to speak, won an official position. It should be said, however,
that the Conferences of the Union have no organised representa-
tive character. In some countries the parliamentary groups, or
even Parliament itself, appoints delegates to the sessions of the
Union. This, however, is as yet an exception. Generally the
members of each Conference meet only as private parliamen-
tarians, and on their own account ; but, as they belong to different
political parties, they may be said to represent fairly well the
assemblies of which they are members.
THIRD SESSION 123
The chief aim of the Union is still to promote international
arbitration, besides discussing questions of public International
Law (Statutes, art. i). There can be no doubt as to the great
influence of the Union in this province. It has contributed more
than any other agency to the extensive use of arbitration during
recent years. The code of the Permanent Arbitration Court at
the Hague rests on a plan outlined by one Interparliamentary
Conference, while the calling of the Second Peace Conference at
the Hague is due to the initiative of another.
No existing institution offers such excellent opportunities for
promoting the great object of the present Races Congress. Here
the responsible, elected representatives can meet and exchange
opinions, discuss the large problems which divide them, and try
to arrive at conclusions which may give at least partial satis-
faction. And this will be still more true when, as may be foreseen,
the Union extends its aim and admits the discussion, not only of
problems of a juridical character, but also of other international
questions of general interest. The Conferences will then represent
very nearly an International Parliament, and only its voluntary
organisation will debar it from being really the Parliament of Man.
I do not think that the International Parliament of the future,
which is no doubt coming, will lay down a common law for mankind,
except in certain restricted departments which are really common to all.
This International Parliament will chiefly favour the parallel
development of national legislation and will endeavour to bring
about the unification of law in those respects in which it is feasible
and desirable. I do not see any ideal in international uniformity.
On the contrary, national and racial diversity is in my opinion
a condition of progress and life. The very word international has
the word national as one of its component parts, as an essential
condition of its meaning.
[Paper submitted in English.'] iq/Ii:
CHINA
By Wu TING-FANG, LL.D.,
Late Chinese Minister to United States of America, Mexico, Peru, and
Cuba; ex- Vice- President of Foreign Office, &c., in Peking;
Member of the Hague Court.
IT is an undisputed fact that no existing country in the world has a
more ancient history than China, and that her civilisation dates from
the earliest times. Like other nations, she has her legends, which
purport to have arisen half a million years ago, but from the lack of
124 UNIVERSAL RACES CONGRESS
authentic records little credence can be attached to such claim. The
accession of the Emperor Fuk-Hi, 2953 B-c-> 'ls> however, recorded
in the Chinese annals, and with him begins the period known
amongst the Chinese as " High Antiquity." From that epoch dates
the succession of dynasties down to the present time ; and the names
of the different rulers, their reigns and the principal events happening
in each, are recorded in Chinese history.
Her civilisation may justly be described as the most venerable in
existence. It was founded in the remotest period of antiquity, and
developed under her own peculiar system of ethics, her own social
and moral code, without aid from extraneous sources. This is partly
due to her geographical position, but chiefly to the homogeneity of
her people, all of whom, with a few unimportant exceptions, belong
to the same race, use the same language, have a common religion
and literature, and are governed by practically the same system of
laws, morals, and customs. It is quite beyond the scope of this paper
to discuss in detail the various stages of China's civilisation, but a
general view of it may, perhaps, be obtained from the following four
different points of view.
1. Religious. — From time immemorial the Chinese appear to have
had definite religious beliefs. They had clear ideas of a Godhead, a
supreme being ruling over the universe. He was designated the
" Heavenly King," or " Supreme God," by whose decree the destiny
of every creature or thing was supposed to be fixed. He was repre-
sented as both merciful and just, and, while rewarding the good and
punishing the wicked, he was not indisposed to temper justice with
mercy. Consequently, he was feared, revered, and worshipped by
all, from the Emperor down to the peasant. Other gods were
admitted and worshipped ; but they were regarded as ministers, so
to speak, of the Heavenly King, who appointed them to various
offices, in much the same way as the Emperor appointed his officials
to rule over his empire. This kind of religious belief persists to the
present day, especially among the educated classes, and has exerted
a strong and beneficial influence on the civilisation of China, in spite
of the mystic, and frequently idolatrous, doctrines and creeds intro-
duced by the so-called Taoists and Buddhists during the Middle
Ages of Chinese history.
2. Social and Moral. — The Chinese had their own social and
moral code ages ago, and scores of centuries have passed away
without any material change in it. There are five degrees of relation-
ship recognised by the code, and each degree has its prescribed
duties, responsibilities, and rights. First comes the relationship
between the sovereign and his subjects. The former is charged with
the loving and benevolent care of his people, while the latter are
THIRD SESSION 125
enjoined to obey and serve their king with loyalty and faithfulness.
Parents and children come next. " Honour thy father and thy
mother " was, and is, as much a divine commandment with the
Chinese as with the Hebrews ; and under the heading of " filial
piety " all the offspring of a family are bound by an inflexible law to
yield obedience and love to their progenitors. Parents are not with-
out obligations to their children. They have to cherish, educate, and
maintain them, and to provide for their future welfare. It may be
said that in no other country is the family-tie held more sacred than
in China. The next relationship is that of husbands and wives ; and,
as some misapprehension exists concerning the status of women and
the practice of polygamy in China, it may be well to dwell at greater
length on this relationship. A husband is bound to treat his wife
with great consideration and courtesy, and to cherish and provide for
her, while the wife is required to love and obey her spouse. A man
is permitted by law to have one wife only, and the wife one husband.
It is incorrect to say that the Chinese are polygamous, since the
marriage of more than one wife is treated as an offence in Statute-
law, and is punishable by heavy penalties, and the second marriage
is declared null and void. As a concession to human weakness,
however, and especially for the humane purpose of providing for the
unfortunate issue of unmarried women and securing the continuation
of the family-line on the male side, the law, by a fiction, recognises
the status of children born in concubinage, and admits them to
become members of the families as if they were born in wedlock.
This legal indulgence has, in course of time, led to much abuse, and
has given the impression that a Chinese can have as many wives as
he desires. As a matter of fact, the so-called secondary wife is not
recognised by law, and has no legal status in a Chinese family. As
to the present position of women there is also some misconception.
To those who are well acquainted with the family life of the Chinese,
the position of Chinese women does not seem much lower than that
now attained by the majority of their sisters in the West. Within
the Chinese home their reign is supreme. As Empresses, mothers,
wives, and sisters they usually obtain their due share of honour,
power, homage, affection, and respect. Their education, even in
former times, was not entirely neglected, and, besides literature, they
were early instructed in needlework and household management, in
order to fit them to become effective helpmates of their future
husbands. Since the beginning of the national reform movement
within the last few years many public as well as private schools for
girls have been established. The custom of the seclusion of women
is being gradually abandoned, and they now enjoy as much liberty
and freedom as their Western sisters.
126 UiNIVERSAL RACES CONGRESS
The relationship between the older and younger members of the
family forms the fourth degree, and rules have been framed for the
regulation of their conduct toward each other. The Chinese exact
from the younger members great respect and reverence for their
elders, who, in turn, are enjoined to treat their juniors with kindness
and courtesy. This rule is enforced, not only in families, but in all
the village-communities throughout the empire. Hence in every
hamlet or country-place a council of elders is generally elected to
deal with local affairs, and its decisions on matters referred to it have
usually the force and authority of law. The officials interfere very
little with their findings, and thus a vast amount of time is saved, and
good order maintained, with little expense and trouble to the Govern-
ment. This method of local government by the gentry and elders has
been, and is, of the greatest utility and benefit. It forms the nucleus
of local self-government, and the foundation of parliamentary rule.
The last and fifth degree of relationship is that between friends
and others with whom one associates, and the requirements of the
social code in this respect are cordiality, sincerity, and faithfulness.
Honest dealing in all transactions is secured by this moral law ; very
few Chinese, except those of the lowest order, dare transgress it.
For this reason the commercial integrity of the Chinese is proverbial
and is much appreciated by foreigners and natives alike.
3. Political. — The government of China from the beginning of its
history until now has been patriarchal in character. The theory was
that the Emperor was the sire, having received his appointment from
Heaven, and his various ministers and officers were the responsible
elders and stewards of the various departments, provinces, and
districts. For many centuries the occupant of the Imperial throne
held his high office for life, and at his demise or retirement some
able and virtuous minister was chosen, either by the Emperor himself
or by the people or their representatives, as his successor. As the
government was for the benefit of the people, the Emperor was in
some instances compelled to resign, or was forcibly removed, if his
reign turned to their detriment. The history of China contains
several instances in which these drastic measures were taken to
remove unjust rulers. In 1766 B.C., Ch'eng-t'ang, founder of the
Shang dynasty, banished the wicked ruler Kieh, and in 1122 B.C. Wu
Wang, of the Chow dynasty, deposed the cruel King Chou. The
rare occurrence of such incidents was due to the comparative sound-
ness of the government and wisdom of the rulers, and to the institu-
tion of a peculiar system of strict surveillance and mutual responsi-
bility among all classes of the people, which had the effect of
deterring them from any interference in government affairs that
might involve them and their relations in trouble. Since the advent
THIRD SESSION 127
of foreigners into China, the establishment of foreign consulates in
different ports, and the acquaintance with foreign officials, merchants,
and missionaries, the Chinese have gradually learned the more liberal
systems of government prevalent in Europe and America. As a
consequence, within the last few years, the officials and the people
have shown an eager desire for reform in various directions. This
has led the people to take a more active interest in municipal and
imperial affairs, and in some instances they have not hesitated to
send remonstrances against governmental measures or actions which
they looked upon as unwise and injurious. A few years ago, in com-
pliance with the express wishes of the people, imperial edicts were
issued promising constitutional government and the formation of a
national parliament in ten years. Preparations are being made for
carrying out this promise. Local assemblies, composed of delegates
from different districts, have been formed, and meetings are held
periodically to discuss matters of local or provincial interest. A
senate, composed of nobles, officials, and men of distinction in
science, literature, or commerce, has lately been established in Peking.
The formation of a responsible cabinet has recently been urged by
the public, and the period of ten years fixed [before the inaugura-
tion of a parliament has been considered too long. Yielding to
public opinion and to the representations of a majority of the pro-
vincial Viceroys and Governors, and of the ministers in Peking,
the Government issued an Imperial Edict on November 4, 1910,
changing the date for the establishment of the Parliament to the fifth
year of Hsuant'ung, the year 1913, and decreeing that the official
system be reorganised, a cabinet formed, a code of constitutional law
framed, and the rules and regulations governing Parliament and the
election of members of the Upper and Lower Houses, and other
necessary constitutional reforms, be prepared and put into force
before the assembling of Parliament. Thus it is hoped that in two
years' time a constitutional Government and a Parliament will be in
existence in this ancient empire.
4. Educational. — The instruction of the young had in the earliest
times engaged the attention of Chinese educators. Besides teaching
their youths polite literature and other branches of learning, they
gave them moral training of a high order. The curriculum embraces
mathematics, mechanics, painting, and music, athletic exercises, such
as fencing, horse-riding, driving, archery, &c. As a result the
Chinese led the world in polite literature, in inventive and mechanical
genius, and in fine arts. But in the course of time some of these
useful subjects were neglected, or omitted from the curriculum, and,
instead of improving, the educational system deteriorated consider-
ably. Since the national reform movement, however, the education
128 UNIVERSAL RACES CONGRESS
of the young has engrossed the serious attention of officials and
people, and energetic steps have been taken to improve the educa-
tional system and to train boys and girls in all useful subjects along
modern lines.
Language. — An international language is sadly needed in these
days of free communication and commerce throughout the world. This
want is much more felt by Orientals than Occidentals. A Briton or
an American, after learning one foreign language, such as French,
will be able to travel in Europe or elsewhere, and make himself
understood without difficulty. With the Oriental the case is different.
Besides his own, he has to study at least two languages before he
can make his wishes known when he travels abroad. The task of an
Oriental when learning a European language is also much harder
than that of an Occidental. People of different nations frequently
quarrel because they do not understand each other's feelings and
motives ; if they could converse in one language, many disputes
might be easily settled. This will be appreciated by any one who
has had dealings with foreigners. I would, therefore, strongly urge
the adoption of an international language, which would greatly help
to promote a good understanding between all nations.
In China and other Eastern countries English is more generally
spoken than any other foreign language. There is, however, much
room for improvement in the English language. There are no fixed
rules, or there are many exceptions to the rules, for its pronunciation,
and the irregular and eccentric way of spelling and accentuation is
an almost insuperable difficulty for a foreigner. In order to adapt
it for more general use, the useless and mute letters in words should
be eliminated and the rules of pronunciation and accentuation should
be uniform. I commend this subject to the favourable consideration
of the British and American educators, and others interested in
education, who would confer a great boon if they would reform the
English language. The Spanish, being simpler in construction and
pronunciation, is easier to study, and doubtless it would be welcomed
by many if it were selected as a medium for international communi-
cation. To meet the international difficulty, I would propose that
an international congress, composed of two or three delegates from
each nation in Europe, America, Asia, and Africa, be held, and that
it be authorised to decide by a majority of votes upon one language,
whether living or dead, for universal use.
Inter-racial Marriage. — With regard to the question of inter-
racial marriage, in my opinion the principle is excellent, though I
fear it is not easy to carry out. Broadly speaking, it is proper that
Occidentals and Orientals should inter-marry, as this would be the
best means of diffusing knowledge and creating ties of relationship
THIRD SESSION 129
and friendship. But some of our customs, habits, and modes of
living, though excellent in themselves, are different from those of
Western countries, and may not be agreeable to Occidental people.
Within the last few years the people of China, especially those on
the coast, have been adopting some of the Western habits and ways
of living. It is not impossible that these persons will make good
partners for life with Westerners ; in fact, there are cases of mixed
marriages which have turned out to be happy. I am inclined to the
opinion that when a nation has a large number of its people who
marry with foreigners, it is a sign of progress. It has been proved
that children inherit the traits of their parents, and, as the Chinese
are noted for their patience, perseverance, honesty, and industry,
these characters will naturally be imparted to the eurasian children,
who will have the good points from both sides.
That fair play and mutual consideration should be the guiding
principle of nations as well as individuals is not only recognised in
Europe and America, but is admitted and practised in China also.
Circumstances, it is true, are not the same there as in Europe and
America ; but, making every allowance for the difference, the principle
of justice should not be violated. China had isolated herself for
many centuries, and had little, if any, intercourse with foreign
nations. Her attitude was that her country was large, her people
were industrious, and her soil so rich, that its productions were
sufficient for the support of her people. Thus the Imperial
Government did not encourage the people to go abroad, and the
people, on their part, were content to remain at home. But
China was not allowed to continue in her secluded position. As
the population of Europe rapidly increased, the enterprising spirit
of Europeans naturally led them to seek new fields, and they asked
that the door of China should be opened for them for purposes of
trade. China at that time did not see the justice of their demand,
as she at that time considered that she could do what she pleased
with her own country. But her policy was disregarded. It was
argued that no nation should be allowed to isolate herself. I need
not detail the various collisions and disputes which happened ; it is
sufficient to say that, as a result, force was used to compel China
to admit foreign trade and commerce. China was substantially told
that her national door must be opened to all foreigners to enter for
purposes of trade, religion, and other legitimate business ; her people
must be left free to trade with foreigners, and to embrace any
religion they might choose without let or hindrance. She was also
told that her people could freely trade, reside, and become citizens
abroad. She was therefore compelled to make treaties with foreign
nations, admitting their respective subjects and citizens to come to
K
130 UNIVERSAL RACES CONGRESS
China to reside, trade, and preach the Christian religion ; and,
being ignorant of the tariff laws of foreign countries, she was led
to consent to the levying of a duty on the import and export of
goods to and from China on a uniform scale of 5 per cent, ad valorem.
For many years after the treaties had been concluded, the
Chinese people did not take advantage of the privilege of going
abroad, nor did the Imperial Government encourage them to do so,
as it was considered dangerous to cross the ocean. The Chinese,
however, were known to be honest, steady, patient, and hard-working
people, and immigration officers and agents were sent to the southern
part of China to obtain labourers for those countries which were in
need of workmen. As a result a large number of labourers emigrated
under contract to those countries, and were employed in various
kinds of work, such as cultivating plantations, &c. They were found
to be extremely useful, and so great was the demand that immigra-
tion agents in China were instructed to obtain as many as possible.
High premiums were offered for procuring emigrants ; unfair and
fraudulent means were used by unscrupulous sub-agents ; and many
peasants and others were enticed and kidnapped. These were the
first steps taken to induce Chinese labourers to go to Western
countries. If no such steps had been taken, I feel sure that no
Chinese labourers would have gone so many thousands of miles
in search of work. But the first Chinese workmen in foreign
countries, discovering that there was a great field for their com-
patriots, naturally persuaded their friends and relatives to join
them. This accounts for the number of Chinese labourers going
abroad to seek their fortunes. It should, however, be remembered
that the first Chinese emigrants came from a few districts in the
Canton province only, and that therefore all the Chinese labourers
in Canada, the United States, Mexico, and South America are
natives of the Canton province only. If Chinese labourers were
allowed to go, say, to America, without restriction, which is
unlikely, it may be regarded as certain that no Chinese from other
provinces than that of Canton would emigrate. At the present
moment there is no restrictive law against Chinese labourers coming
to any of the European countries, yet none are found competing
with European workmen, nor is there any danger whatever of
Chinese labourers emigrating to that Continent. This should give
food for reflection to those statesmen and others who are interested
in the question. If my advice were asked, I would suggest that a
commission composed of delegates from the countries interested in
the subject should meet. I feel confident that by impartial investi-
gation and fair discussion, a satisfactory solution of the whole
question would be found. At present the argument of the nations
THIRD SESSION 131
who have changed their policy is practically reduced to this : " It
is true that when we found we needed the services of Chinese
labourers, we did invite them to come ; but now, on account of
the opposition of the labour unions, whose votes we cannot afford
to lose, who are jealous of the patience, perseverance, and indus-
trious and economical habits of the Chinese emigrants, and fear
their competition, we have deemed it advisable to exclude them."
This sort of reasoning is certainly not logical. China, in her
present peculiar position, is physically unable to resist ; but such
a state of things is inconsistent with the laudable object of the
Congress — to encourage good understanding and friendly feelings
between Occidental and Oriental peoples, and as long as it lasts
that object will not be attained.
The acquisition of unexplored territory for cultivation and
development is a praiseworthy object ; but the newly acquired
country should be opened to all. If it is exclusively reserved to
the first settlers, it will not confer a benefit on mankind as a
whole. For some centuries people who called themselves civilised
acquired territory by driving away the natives of the soil and, in
some instances, killing them. In cases where the natives were savages
and cannibals, the use of force might be deemed expedient ; but
where the invaded peoples are described as semi-civilised, or have
a civilisation of a high order — although in the opinion of Occidentals
it may not reach their own standard — the treatment should be
different. To take undue advantage of their ignorance of Western
methods and, under the pretext of some grievance, to annex their
territory, is questionable procedure. It may be true that some wrong
had been done ; but if a little forbearance had been shown and a
proper explanation had been given instead of making dictatorial de-
mands, in many cases the difficulty might have been amicably settled.
In connection with this subject I would refer to the " White
Policy," which, I regret to find, is advocated in some influential
quarters, It is said that some countries should be reserved
exclusively for white people, and that no race of another colour
should be permitted there. When such a doctrine is openly
approved by statesmen in the West, the yellow or coloured race
should in fairness be allowed to act upon it themselves. Patriotism
is an excellent quality ; but to preach the dogma of colour, race,
or nationalism is a matter of grave international importance, and
should not be handled without serious consideration. If such a
doctrine should spread and be generally followed, men would become
more narrow-minded than ever, and would not hesitate to take undue
advantage of peoples of other colour or race whenever an opportunity
occurred. Altruism would certainly disappear. Instead of friendly
132 UNIVERSAL RACES CONGRESS
feelings and hearty co-operation existing between Occidental and
Oriental peoples, there would be feelings of distrust, ill-will, and
animosity towards each other ; constant friction and disputes would
take place, and might ultimately lead to war. I have noticed that
this cry of a " White Policy " has been raised, not by the aborigines,
who might have some excuse, but by the descendants or settlers who
had conquered and, in many cases, killed the aborigines of the
country, which they now want to keep for themselves, and by
politicians who recently migrated to that country. Is this fair or
just? To those who advocate such a policy, and who no doubt
call themselves highly civilised people, I would remark that I prefer
Chinese civilisation. According to the Chinese civilisation, as inter-
preted in the Confucian classics, we are taught that " we should treat
all who are within the four seas as our brothers and sisters ; and that
what you do not want done to yourself you should not do to others."
Until racial and national feeling is eliminated from the minds of
Occidental peoples, it is to be feared genuine friendship and co-
operation between them and Oriental peoples cannot really exist.
I am writing this paper in my unofficial capacity. I wish to state,
however, that China and other Eastern nations do not ask for special
favours at the hands of Occidental peoples ; but they do expect, and have
a right to expect, that their nations and their peoples should be equally
and equitably treated, in the manner accorded to Occidental peoples.
I have no doubt that those attending the Congress will discuss
the various subjects laid before them impartially and with an open
mind. It is by such friendly discussions and personal contact that
people gain a knowledge of real facts and arrive at a right con-
clusion. That this Congress will be productive of good to the
world, and that it will not be the last one but only the precursor
of many others, is my earnest hope and prayer.
[Paper submitted in English.]
JAPAN
By TONGO TAKEBE, Bungaku Hakushi,
Professor of Sociology in the Imperial University of Tokyo, Associt
of the Institut International de Sociologie ;
and TERUAKI KOBAYASHI, Bungaku Shi,
Professor of Pedagogics in the Girls' Higher Normal School of Tokyo,
Lecturer on Sociology in the Imperial University of Tokyo.
I. Introduction. — The Japanese Empire, a small island country,
long maintained a policy of national isolation, and offered no
THIRD SESSION 133
opportunity to other nations to make her acquaintance. However,
when in the year 1853 the American warships suddenly appeared
at Uraga, she decisively changed her three hundred years' policy,
opened her doors to all the world, and began to aim at progress.
She endeavoured to study and to introduce European and American
civilisation, but at the same time to retain her own characteristics,
and by this policy the small island country of the Far East has joined
the company of the Great Powers. At the conclusion of the Chino-
Japanese War, the world finally began to abandon its contemptuous
attitude towards our country. Later, at the time of the Boxer
insurrection, the world saw that Japan was not inferior to European
countries ; and, in the late war with one of the strongest nations in
Europe, the news of the successive victories of our army and navy
surprised every one, and there was abundant praise of our valour
and judgment. By degrees the nations of the West began to
seek some cause of these successes, and thus all eyes turned to the
characteristic civilisation of Japan and the nature of the Japanese
people. Christ said, " The tree is known by its fruit." On that
principle the world at large seeks to understand the secret of the
development of the Japanese Empire of to-day. For the purpose
of elucidating this, we have published The Japanese Nation, a
work in which a scientific account is given of the development of
Japanese society from the sociological point of view. In the present
paper we shall deal with the same theme, though the limits of our
space prevent us from discussing it as fully as in the former work.
The reasons why our country — ruled by the descendants of a
single line of monarchs and forming an island country in an
advanced state of development in the East — has never invaded
other countries, and has never been invaded by them, but had an
independent history for three thousand years, are manifold ; but
we may reduce them to three : firstly, the national constitution at
the establishment of the Empire ; secondly, the influence of geo-
graphical and other natural features ; and thirdly, the character of
the Japanese people. Let us deal with these divisions.
II. The National Constitution at the Establishment of the Empire.
— It is a general rule that the first sovereign of a country has sacred
power, and that this power is destroyed by war as time goes on.
There are few Governments which have been built up without
revolution. Japan, however, is an exception in this point. The
hereditary line of the first sovereign has never lost power, so that
our Emperor has no family name, like the rulers of other countries-
This is really very distinctive of our Empire. When we seek the
cause of this, we may admit that the remarkable bravery and
nobility of character of the first sovereign had a considerable
134 UNIVERSAL RACES CONGRESS
influence ; but the main cause is found in the ancestor worship and
the family system, which have been developed in a high degree in
the small world of Japan. Why they have been so developed will
be explained in the following divisions dealing with the influence of
geographical features, and the assimilation of the constituent races.
,8^, Besides these outward characteristics, there is an unseen power
which accentuated the difference. This is no other than the strong
belief of the nation in its sovereign and in the future of the country.
In the beginning, when our country was first established, Amaterasu-
o-Mikami, giving the Three Sacred Treasures to her grandson, said
to him : " The glory of the sovereign power shall be as boundless
as heaven and earth." This is really a prediction of the three
thousand years of our history, and not even a child ever doubts
the truth of the prophecy. Every nation has its own prophecies.
Even though the greatest of all, perhaps, are those of the Jews,
these are unequal to our prophecy, which refers to all time.
3£i;A prophetic utterance is an ideal, a hope ; it is, in reality, the
expression of a firm faith. The ideal of the Japanese nation has
been created by the great prophecy of the goddess, and it has
become the belief of the nation, rooted deeply in the mind of the
people. In other words, the ancestor worship of the Japanese
nation was strengthened by this firm belief, and the belief in turn
was greatly assisted by ancestor worship. It has found a moral
embodiment in " Shinto " (God's Way), in the national system, the
family system, and the unity of the Church and State. Thus in
ancient Japan morality was religion, and religion was at the same
time politics, so that Japanese society was perfectly harmonised,
and the salutary unity in the minds of the people was emphasised
and strengthened. One may almost regard the result as miraculous.
Pascal, the great French thinker of the seventeenth century, said
of human development : " The formal succession of human beings
throughout the course of the ages must be regarded as a single
individual man, continually living and continually learning." This
has been realised in the Japanese Empire, for the Japanese people
have worshipped their sovereign as a divine being, and regarded
their country as the empire of a god. This faith has had the effect
of -deepening the loyal and patriotic feelings in the minds of the
people ; believing in the eternity of Empire and throne, Japanese
society was solidly built up, with the Imperial family as its centre.
The "Imperial Rescript on Education" and "The Imperial
Edict of ipoSj" which were issued by the present Emperor, most
clearly expound the national constitution, and are the creed of the
Japanese people. We have no reason to doubt that these edicts
will, though the period is so short since they were issued, become
THIRD SESSION 135
increasingly the basis of the people's faith, and be accepted as a
powerful prophecy, just as is that of Amaterasu-6-Mikami.
III. Geographical Conditions. — Our country is an island surrounded
by a vast ocean. Open a map and look at the position of our
country and you will find in its situation, which lies in the farthest
limit of the East, a likeness to that of England, which lies in the
extreme boundary of the West If our country had not been
isolated as it is, the bravery and wisdom of the Emperor Jimmu, the
Empress Jingo, Kublai Khan, Genghis Khan or Toyotomi Hideyoshi
might have given an even more remarkable character to our history,
and put Japan in closer relation with the continent. There may
be some disadvantage in this circumstance, yet this isolation is the
evident reason why Japan is free from those struggles about
boundaries and from the wars which harass an avaricious people.
Intercourse with outsiders on the material side has thus been
prevented, though intellectual intercourse has long been carried on
across the sea ; and the foreign ideas which came into the country
have strengthened the foundation of our civilisation. This, indeed,
may be said to constitute the greatness of the Japanese people, that
they, absorbing the neighbouring civilisations of the East along with
their own, have fused them together and created the civilisation of
the East. Why is Japan, and not India or China, the creator of
this civilisation? There is no other reason except the special
national conditions and the strong beliefs of the people. The
blending of Eastern civilisation was the first step, and our country
is beginning to take the second step, which is the blending of the
civilisation of the East and the West.
The area of our country is not large ; but the length of the
coast-line in proportion to the area is unique. The mountains are
all steep and lofty, and there is a great diversity from the foot to
the summit, so that there are many different kinds of animals and
plants. As there are many volcanoes, earthquakes are frequent ;
yet not only do they do little damage, but, on the contrary, they
contribute to the beauty of the scenery of the mountains and
lakes, the best known of which are Mount Fuji and Lake Biwa. The
rivers, being swift, offer little advantage for traffic ; but the scenery
about them is charming, aquatic products are abundant, the water-
power greatly benefits industry, and the abundance of water offers
facilities for irrigation. Moreover, the plains along the rivers are
generally fertile, and the deltas at the river-mouths are densely
populated. The surrounding seas seldom freeze ; they are rich in
various kinds of marine products, and the currents make the
climate mild. There is, in consequence, abundant rain in Japan,
and this greatly promotes the growth of vegetation. It goes without
136
UNIVERSAL RACES CONGRESS
saying that this vegetation counts for much in the social economy.
In short, these geographical circumstances have influenced the
development of Japanese civilisation, and also made the people
active, and inspired them with a worship of nature. It may be
specially noted that the diversity of the climate, the currents which
cause great humidity, and the many volcanoes and swift rivers,
have made Japanese scenery remarkable for its beauty and grace.
The people of Japan could not help being influenced by such
an environment. It was almost inevitable that they should love
cleanliness, be quick in action, cultivate a peaceful optimism along
with the spirit of expansion, and thus stimulate progress and
courage, and become a practical people.
IV. The Nation. — The question of the origin of the ancestors
of the Yamato race has long been studied, and is not yet settled.
As the difference of race is, however, not a radical difference, the
question is not important. The only point to which special attention
must be paid is the character of the races which actually make up
the Japanese nation, since the chief influence in forming the nation
must be ascribed to the peaceful history and the special geographical
circumstances of our country.
According to the inquiry made by the Japanese Government in
the year 815 A.D., the Japanese people living in Ky5to in those
days were divided into three sections : i. Kobetsu (Royal family),
2. Shinbetsu (prehistoric family), 3. Banbetsu (naturalised subjects).
Kobetsu is the Royal line which descends from the Emperor Jimmu ;
Shinbetsu is the line which descends from the gods before the
Emperor Jimmu's time ; and Banbetsu is the line of those who
immigrated from other countries and were naturalised. This last
class numbered one-third of the whole population of Kyoto. As
this was more than a thousand years ago, Banbetsu must have pros-
pered and increased in the meantime, and people of other nation-
alities may have been naturalised, so that the Japanese people of the
present day are greatly mixed in blood. The Japanese nation may
be analysed briefly as follows : —
1. Yamato race
2. People of the Stone1
Age
Japanese/^. Kumaso Hayato
Tsuchigumo
5. Yezo (Ainu)
6. Naturalised people
from Corea, China,
and other countries
f Kobetsu
'Shinbetsu
(Grandson of Ama-
1 terasu-6-Mikami.
I Gods of Heaven.
'Gods of Earth.
nation \
\ Banbetsu.
THIRD SESSION 137
The question may be raised, why so many races are combined in
the Japanese nation. A close scrutiny will discover that the cause
lies in the firmness of the social structure, which did not permit
immigration to cause any trouble to our early ancestors, and did not
suffer immigrants to feel any inconvenience on the part of the Yamato
race, but assimilated them all. One must also recollect the advan-
tages offered by the geographical and economic conditions of our
country. Moreover, the beneficence and generosity of the successive
Emperors facilitated the assimilation of these naturalised people and
made them genuine subjects of Japan. There is a ballad, sung in
the reign of Emperor Tenchi, which may be roughly translated,
" The fruit of the Tachibana orange grows on different branches, yet
we can thread it on a single strand." This was sung in praise of
the peaceful reign in which the naturalised people from Corea,
though they differed in origin, were treated by the common sovereign
in the same way as the original Japanese people. In later years, the
poet Rai Sanyo sang as follows : " When one sees the charming
spectacle of Miyoshino on a spring morning, where the dawning light
falls on the cherry blossom, no matter whether he be a Chinese or
of the Corean race, the Yamato spirit will be awakened in his heart."
This song clearly expresses the spirit of the Japanese nation. The
number of races in a country has much to do with its unity. If a
country has only one race in it, the unity of the State and society is
complete, as the ideas and customs of the people are all alike. On
the other hand, if there are several races in a country, the foundation
of the State cannot be solid, and the people will find it difficult to
avoid struggles and confusion. In Japan, however, though there have
been several races from the foundation of the country, the dignity and
generosity of the Yamato race and the excellence of the natural
conditions have led to a complete assimilation, and thus produced a
perfect and genuine new race. Thus has arisen in the world a virile
nation destined to play an important part in the history of the world.
In addition to the accession of many immigrants, the population
of Japan has itself greatly increased, and this has done much for the
development of the country. There is an old saying to the effect
that " Heaven favours mankind." This means that the reproductive
power of the race is strong. Though the ancient statistics cannot be
safely relied upon as a general rule, we may yet glance at a few
figures from certain old books, and see the general trend of the
increase of population in ancient, modern, and recent times.
A.D.
610 4,988,842
982 -. 8,476,400
1744 .„ , , , 25,680,000
1872 33,110,000
1908 .„. ., ~
138 UNIVERSAL RACES CONGRESS
ni ,One can easily compare the rate of increase of the population of
Japan with that of other countries by looking into any statistical
year-book, and we shall not, therefore, go further into this subject.
V. Conclusion. — As we have stated, the national constitution, the
geographical conditions, and the nature of the people — which are
the chief points of difference between Japan and other countries —
are the original causes of the peculiar development of Japan. The
political, economic, and educational influences are no more than the
external features of those essential agencies. And the only thing
which explains all this is Japanese history, which is replete with
loyalty and patriotism. The succeeding tides of civilisation came
into our country from China and India, and had a great influence on
the ideas of the Japanese, yet the original spirit of the people has
never been changed, but has only been improved by them, and the
three kinds of civilisation have made up the typical Eastern civili-
sation. Recently, when the tide of European and American civili-
sation poured in and mingled with the old ideal, Japan set herself
the task of framing a new world-civilisation, and the old moral ideas
and the new scientific ideas have already been blended and brought
into harmony. This new civilisation is really the new Japanese
civilisation. The so-called Yamato spirit, or the Bushido, is only
the outcome of the power which has long been growing in the mind
of the people. In analysing the nature of the Japanese people
which has been formed in this way, one may assign the following
elements : —
1. Nationalism. — This may also be called patriotism. Patriotism
and loyalty are the two radiant points in the nature of the Japanese
people, and have really the predominant influence in the country.
In some countries, it would seem, the relation of the sovereign to the
people is a relation of strength to weakness, not a union of affection.
In Japan, on the contrary, the national constitution is no more than
a great family system, so that the relation between the sovereign
and the subjects is just the same as that between father and sons.
What is called individualism has no place in Japan.
2. Ancestor Worship. — Ancestor worship within the family tends
to accentuate the love of the family name, pride of lineage, and hero
worship. This spirit is one of the most essential influences in the
formation of the Empire. Though in other countries ancestor
worship gradually decays as civilisation advances, in Japan we find
just the reverse tendency^
3. Love of Cleanliness. — The Japanese people love not only the
purity of the body, but also that of the heart. This idea is the
pervading principle of Shinto. The love of beauty and glory is
inspired also by this sentiment It is widely known that the
THIRD SESSION 139
Japanese bathe more frequently than the people of other nations,
and that they are remarkable for cleanliness in daily life.
4. Secularism. — The Japanese believe that social happiness and
all good fortune come from the gods. It is therefore the chief
concern of their lives to pray to the gods for their protection.
The practice of ancestor worship comes from this idea, and it also
leads to the worship of the benefactors of the race.
5. Optimism. — While the Japanese adhere to secularism, they are
at the same time optimistic. Their country is fertile, the climate
mild, the scenery everywhere charming, so that there is nothing to
engender the pessimistic feelings which one finds in some other
countries. As a result, the Japanese have a strong sense of humour.
6. Practicalness. — That the Japanese are practical, and dislike
fruitless speculation, may be gathered from the preceding paragraphs.
In a country where there is much natural misfortune or oppression
the people, in order to avoid bodily pain, seek comfort in the
subjective life and indulge in dreamy thoughts. But in a country
like Japan, where Nature is generous with her favours, time is not
wasted in vain fancies ; the people think only of carrying out their
duties of supporting themselves and maintaining order in the country.
7. Love of Nature and Plants. — The love of nature has certainly
been inspired by the beauty of the country. In Japan one sees
many vegetable products used in the making of food, dress, and
dwellings. Most of the designs that are used in dress and other articles
are taken from plants or flowers. The Japanese also love travel.
8. Love of Simplicity. — As the climate of Japan is bright and clear,
one of the characteristics of the Japanese is simplicity. They are
greatly lacking in subtleness and complexity. Their food, dress, and
dwellings are all simple. Most of the people never eat meat, and are
thus better able to cultivate simplicity. The interest of the Japanese
in the tea-room is an excellent illustration of their love of simplicity.
9. Love of Daintiness. — The fact that Japan is a small island may
have something to do with the people's love of small things. In
literature and the fine arts they are very delicate. Their tea-rooms,
gardens, and carvings are all small in design. It is much the same
in all handiwork that is especially suited to the Japanese people.
10. Love of Children. — The climate being gentle, living easy, and
the natural products abundant, the Japanese have many children.
This has been the case from ancient times. A child is said to be a
" treasure " in Japan. And all people, however poor they may be,
bring up their many children with tenderness.
11. The Spirit of Chivalry. — The spirit of chivalry has exercised
a very great influence on the mind of the Japanese ever since the
foundation of the country. In feudal days this spirit was inculcated
140 UNIVERSAL RACES CONGRESS
together with the spirit of loyalty. What is called Bushido is no
other than this spirit of chivalry.
12. Love of Courage. — The Japanese are naturally courageous and
active. This makes the Japanese face death fearlessly in war, and
stand in its presence with calmness and composure. Dr. Baeltz
has said that there is a feeling in every Japanese that makes little of
life. This courage comes down from ancient days, and was fostered
by Buddhism.
13. Evolution. — The Japanese are enamoured of progress, though
they do not entertain the idea of sudden change or revolutions. In
former days, when our ancestors built up the country, they controlled
its development with great prudence.
14. Value of Etiquette. — The Japanese are very polite. There is
a "strict etiquette and special code of behaviour for masters and
servants, parents and children, brothers and sisters, and husbands
and wives. Again, in daily speech and in letters there are many
different titles of honour used. The ceremony of taking tea, or
arranging flowers and other little accomplishments all aim at the
cultivation of politeness.
15. Love of Peace. — The Japanese love gentleness and generosity.
Bushido strongly discountenances forwardness, and forbids one to
show one's courage unless there is some need for self-defence. They
have a saying which means "The undrawn sword is a great
honour." In feudal days the knights wore swords, but they regarded
as cowards those who drew their swords without some grave cause.
The Japanese always loved animals, and in later years, when
Buddhism was introduced, the killing of animals was forbidden.
Deeds akin to those of the Red Cross Society may be found in our
military history of hundreds of years ago. In the battlefield it was
never the main object of the Japanese to kill their enemies. Japanese
history is full of beautiful stories in this connection. The cry of a
Yellow Peril is surely due to ignorance of the national characteristics
of our country.
The above is only a brief account. Western civilisation with all
its dignity and brilliance has still much to do before it can realise
the dream of a perfect humanity ; and we venture to say that what
is lacking in it may to some extent be supplied by the brighter
features of the civilisation which three thousand years of experience
have created in the life of this island nation of the Far East
JAPANESE IMPERIAL RESCRIPT ON EDUCATION.
Issued 1890.
M Know ye, Our subjects :
" Our Imperial Ancestors have founded Our Empire on a basis broad and
everlasting, and have deeply and firmly implanted virtue ; Our subjects ever united in
loyalty and filial piety have from generation to generation illustrated the beauty there-
THIRD SESSION 141
of. This is the glory of the fundamental character of Our Empire, and herein also lies
the source of Our education. Ye, Our subjects, be filial to your parents, affectionate to
your brothers and sisters ; as husbands and wives be harmonious ; as friends true ;
bear yourselves in modesty and moderation ; extend your benevolence to all ; pursue
learning and cultivate arts, and thereby develop intellectual faculties and perfect moral
powers ; furthermore, advance public good and promote common interests ; always
respect the Constitution and observe the laws ; should emergency arise, offer yourselves
courageously to the State ; and thus guard and maintain the prosperity of Our Imperial
Throne, coeval with heaven and earth. So shall ye not only be Our good and faithful
subjects, but render illustrious the best traditions of your forefathers.
" The Way here set forth is indeed the teaching bequeathed by Our Imperial
Ancestors, to be observed alike by Their Descendants and the subjects, infallible for
all ages and true in all places. It is Our wish to lay it to heart in all reverence, in
common with you, Our subjects, that we may all thus attain to the same virtue."
[Paper submitted in English.]
SHINTOISM
By Dr. GENCHI KATO,
Lecturer on the Science of Religion in the Imperial University of
Tokyo.
As is well known, the Indo-European mode of thinking is pantheistic,
both in religion and philosophy, and the idea of naturalistic pantheism
culminates in " Natura sive Deus" to put it in Spinoza's words, and
again, in the noted Buddhistic terminology, " Herbs, trees, and even
minerals, are all to be the very Buddha."
In ancient India, the pantheistic expression of thought was really
traceable in the Vedic hymns dedicated to the gods Puru'sa and
Aditi, and, therefore, also the Mundaka Upanishad says : " Fire is His
head, His eyes sun and moon, His ears the regions of the sky, the
revealed Veda is His voice, the wind His breath, the Universe His
heart, from His feet is the earth."
In Shintoism, the first germ of the pantheistic idea was already
discernible even in its crude form of an animistic philosophy, when
the Nihongi speaks of trees and herbs that have the faculty of speak-
ing like men, and the Kojiki speaks of animals and vegetables all
coming into being from the very body of the Goddess of Great Food ;
for, from what is stated here we can easily get the following equation :
The body of the Food-Goddess = natural beings.
Let us illustrate this point by the following quotation from the
text : " The Princess-of-Great-Food took out all sorts of dainty things
from her nose, her mouth, and her fundament, and made them up
into all sorts of (dishes), which she offered to him. But His-Swift-
Impetuous-Male-Augustness (Susa-no-o-no-mikotoJ watched her pro-
ceedings, considered that she was offering up to him filth, and at once
killed the Deity Princess-of-Great-Food (O-getsu-hime-no-kami). So
142 UNIVERSAL RACES CONGRESS
the things that were born in the body of the Deity who has been
killed were as follows : in her head were born silkworms, in her two
eyes was born millet, in her nose were born small beans, in her lower
parts was born barley, in her fundament were born large beans "
(Chamberlain, Kojiki, p. 70).
We also read from the Nihongi as follows : " So he (Susa-no-o-no-
mikoto) plucked out his beard and scattered it. Thereupon crypto-
merias were produced. Moreover, he plucked out the hairs of his
breast, which became Thuyas. The hairs of his buttocks became
Podocarpi. The hairs of his eyebrows became camphor-trees "
(Aston, Nihongi, vol. i. p. 58).
In the cosmogonic myth of Japan, we find, strictly speaking, no
creation, i.e., no creatio ex nihilo, but simply production or genera-
tion, i.e., procreation or begetting. In the idea of creation, like in the
Genesis of the Old Testament, the creator-deity is more or less higher
than its creatures, and stands aloof from man and the world, just as
the position of the master is somehow or other loftier than that of the
servant or slave. On the contrary, if everything is produced from the
body of God, and the procreator and the procreated are not different
in the last analysis ; in other words, they are not different in kind, but
differ only in degree, to put this in the Spinozistic terminology, God
= natura naturans, the world = natura naturata, and Giordano Bruno
called them implicatio and explicatio respectively. From such a point
of view the procreation or generation of the world and men from the
body of God is nothing but emanation — true, a lower form of emana-
tion in Japanese mythology though it is of a higher philosophical
nature in the emanation-theory of the Neo- Platonic School. So, in
like manner, in the story of Izanagi (male-god) and Izanami's (female
god) begetting of the land, i.e., the world, we can trace an early form
of pantheism in Japanese mythology. The description of the Nihongi
on this point is as follows : " They (the above-mentioned male and
female deities) next produced the sea, then the rivers, and then the
mountains. They then produced kuku-no-chi, the ancestor of the
trees, and kaya-no-hime. After this Izanagi-no-mikoto and Izanami-
no-mikoto consulted together, saying : " We have now produced the
Great-eight-island country, with the mountains, rivers, herbs, and
trees" (Nihongi, vol. i. p. 18). Here we can distinctly see that there
lies no great difference between cosmogony and theogony in such a
naturalism as is embodied in original Shintoism. Moreover, to the
ancient Japanese, serpents, wolves, tigers, crocodiles, and birds, e.g.,
the cormorant, the crow, &c., are all gods ; and men are also among
the number. The Nihongi says : " In that land there were numerous
Deities which shone with a lustre like that of flies, and evil Deities
which buzzed like flies. There were also trees and herbs, all of which
THIRD SESSION 143
could speak " (vol. i. p. 64). Such an animistic view of Nature as that
cultivated among the ancient Japanese easily leads to a crude
naturalistic pantheism ; hence we are little surprised to hear that the
pantheistic Mahayana Buddhism easily conquered Shintoism, and
both religions were at last completely amalgamated with each other
in this land of the Rising Sun ; for, in so far as both religions are of a
pantheistic nature, original Shintoism may be considered as the
aboriginal forerunner of Buddhism at its early stage of nature-religion
in this country, and vice versa the pantheistic Mahayana Buddhism
partly introduced into and partly developed here in Japan the natural
consummation of Shintoism or the way of the Gods, when the general
culture of the people reached the high stage of ethico-spiritualistic
religion. And the completion of such a religious amalgamation is,
in my opinion, due partly to the comprehensive nature of the
Greater Vehicle of Buddhism and partly to the original tolerant
spirit already existing in the naturalistic pantheism of original
Shintoism.
[Paper submitted in English.]
r(1 in
Dr. Eiza Tevfik's Paper on "Turkey" will be found in the
Appendix.
fe*'.*fi>h},b r»fii rmm lib ,nv//>i> vlifiufri^ w
rb MM! '* oa — atfiofatrj Nr
. c;., '.\horf -xll no fjvjovf; lUrk -o/;-^ lK?.it>vinu lo
OJ -..p.
PERSIA
By HADJI MIRZA YAHYA, Teheran.
The sons of Adam are members of one body ;
For they are made of one and the same nature ;
When Fortune brings distress upon one member,
The peace of all the others is destroyed.
O thou, who art careless of thy fellow's grief,
It fits not thou should'st bear the name of man.
* * «-*
SADI.
THE ancient nation which has played so glorious a part on the
stage of the world's history, which for centuries has charmed
humanity by the penetration of its philosophic teaching and the
delicacy of its poetic feeling, which has yielded up the buried records
of its long past to give lustre to the greatest museums in the world
— that nation, I say, now adding new aspirations to its old glories,
comes to-day, strong in its honour and the indisputable right of
antiquity, before a Congress which is one of the most honourable
that the world has ever seen.
144 UNIVERSAL RACES CONGRESS
The gaze of the world's thinkers is focussed to-day upon this
radiating centre, where all the great nations will gather for mutual
understanding. Never before has such a gathering been possible.
Indeed, what greater success could be imagined than that of an
interracial Congress destined to link all thinkers in the strong
bonds of friendship, inviting each nation to transcend its limitations
of national feeling and reach out towards an infinite space whose
limits shall be only those of humanity itself; so that under the
influence of this high teaching the spirit of man may no longer
erect a barrier between Eastern and Western, Asiatic and European,
the nations of the New World and the nations of Africa, but may
realise that the child is equally unable to endure hunger whether
he hail from East or West, that wounds are painful alike to
European and African, that the Asiatic no less than the American
mother is heart-broken by the death of a child. Thus as the
clinging to old customs grows less obstinate and the nations are
cleansed of that fanaticism which is so unnecessary to the human
spirit and so prolific a source of discord, it will be possible to bring
in the radiant era of a new morality which looks on all men as
members of one common body, as an integral part of one single
Whole, as different renderings of one and the same Original : from
affinity of thought and solidarity of international relations a feeling
of oneness will gradually dawn, till from the darkness of our blood-
thirsty customs — so much nearer the brute than the human — the
sun of universal peace shall appear on the horizon of the nations
and the differences which will continue to arise in this world shall
be easily settled before the tribunal of peace-loving consciences.
It is, of course, true that just as the evolution of matter requires
long ages to reach perfection, so the progress of moral principles
will require endless time before the final goal of a universal morality
can be attained. Still the day will certainly arrive when interna-
tional friendship will pave the way for an association of mankind
under simple conditions in which superfluities have no place. And
once this is so, then human nature, beautiful in simplicity and
endowed with a new power of magnetic attraction, will draw the
scattered atoms of humanity together into one single body. And
the final achievement of human thought will be the clear setting
forth of that unity which is at the heart of the universe. How can
this truth admit of doubt ? We know, on the one hand, that the
Whole possesses in itself the properties of its parts ; we see, on the
other, that little children, before they are taught to appreciate the
usefulness of association, act in opposition to each other so that
their intercourse does harm rather than good ; while, later on, under
the beneficial influence of education, their activities furnish them
THIRD SESSION 145
with opportunities of friendly competition. Why, then, should we
not believe that similarly a day will dawn when humanity, governed
by a higher morality than it has yet known, will turn towards this
ideal of a well-regulated and friendly life ?
Why should we not believe that some day those discords, which
are the result of an imperfect moral education, will die out, that
the clouds of ignorance will roll away, and the union of mankind
be consummated in all its brightness and splendour?
And on that day the nations will be members of one and the
same great family and the earth will be their one big home.
Origin of the Persians. — It cannot be made matter of reproach
to the Persian people that they have no exact knowledge of their
national history, for a nation whose historical documents have been
more than once committed to the flames could not know its past
any better than they know theirs. Happily, however, though the
history written on papyrus or parchment has been entirely destroyed,
yet the history engraved upon stones (Takhte" Djemchide, Taghe*
Boustan, &c.) and the evidence obtained through excavations at
Susa, Nineveh, and Babylon are still left to us. The records pre-
served in the Memoirs of the Ancestors were collected in the
eleventh century by Firdousi in his " Book of Kings." And apart
from such references as are found in the Sacred Writings, there
are famous Greek historians, such as Herodotus, Xenophon, and
Ctesias who have left behind them all the valuable documentary
evidence that they could find relating to this epoch.
Still, as historians hold very different opinions concerning the
origin, the branches and the cradle of the Iranian race, we leave the
study of these problems to the investigation of specialists. We can,
however, affirm that it is a race which has played a very important
part in the formation of other races, and if it cannot be regarded as
the mother of them all, it can at least, and with a high degree of
certainty, be looked upon as their sister. We can consider them as
branches of one and the same stock. The Persians of to-day will
therefore be very happy if, after long centuries of separation from
their ancient kinsfolk, they can again cement the broken ties and
strengthen them from day to day.
Customs and Habits of the Persians. — History shows us that the
natural customs of the Persian race were good. " The Persians,"
thus some famous Orientalists have remarked, " imparted their good
customs not only to nations with whom they were at peace, but even
to those who effected the conquest of their country." Still it must
be allowed that various corrupting influences have been at work :
the fusion with other races ; the formation of different kingdoms ;
above all, the invasions to which this country has been subject,
L
i46 UNIVERSAL RACES CONGRESS
whether of foreign foes or of barbarous hordes who ravaged the land
on their way to invade Europe ; and lastly, the semi-feudal system of
government which has been in force for centuries — all these factors
have acted disastrously on the customs of the Persians and prevented
them from concerning themselves, as they might have done, with the
development of their civic responsibilities. Bad government has also
had a nefarious influence. Members of the Court, knowing that they
could only attain their personal ends by sowing discord among the
different sections of the nation, showed unwearying persistence in
the pursuit of this policy, the result of which could not be other than
intestine strife.
1'U:'And yet an attentive survey of Persian customs will soon show
that these evil influences have not really permeated all classes in the
nation, but have acted solely upon those classes which have been
more particularly exposed to them. If, then, during these last cen-
turies in which the light of a new civilisation has been shed abroad
upon the world, the Persians have failed to keep abreast with the
progressive movement and turn it to real advantage, it is because
they had had insufficient opportunities of intercourse with European
nations, and were, consequently, not in a position to familiarise
themselves with European customs. This lack of intercourse was
due to the following causes : —
bn;;I; The despotic Persian Government considered that international
relationships and, consequently, the awakening of the nation to a
knowledge of its lawful rights were prejudicial to Government
interests. Now the Persian religion itself teaches that Government
can only be lawful when it rests its claim on the justice of the
sovereign and the free consent of the nation. Since the despotic
Government did not, as a rule, comply with these two conditions and
was therefore fearful of popular risings and threatened by the opposi-
tion of the true representatives of religion, it found itself in a
somewhat precarious position. This is why it had fostered the
growth of a clerical party with a view to weakening religion and
preventing a general uprising. This party, acting in concert with the
Government, kept the people in a slavish condition of perpetual
degradation and profound ignorance. It further opposed the
establishment of good relations with other nations and the study of
their language and history on the false assumption that these things
were contrary to the teaching of Islam. Islam, in reality, had never
countenanced such views ; but the general public, misled by false
interpretations, were ignorant of the real truths of religion.
2. If the Europeans who visited Persia were official personages,
they contented themselves with the accomplishment of their mission,
and never became intimate with us in a manner calculated to enlist
THIRD SESSION 147
our sympathies. On the contrary, some of them were made so con-
scious of their own power by the weakness of our Government that
their behaviour was such as to excite a general, though smothered,
indignation. If, on the other hand, they were tourists, the religious
considerations referred to above prevented them from entering our
homes and becoming acquainted with our real customs. Thus the
descriptions they afterwards gave of their journey were sometimes
superficial and in many respects very far from true. For the most
part their writings were an indictment brought against the Persian
nation rather than the description of its customs or the story of
its national life ; and so far as any echo of them reached Persia,
it could tend only to increase the hatred already felt and incline
the Persians to believe that all Europeans alike judged them after
the same manner.
3. If the Shah or people of the upper classes travelled in Europe,
they brought considerable pecuniary loss upon their nation, while yet
contributing nothing to the principle of international friendship.
Finally, if the Persians who travelled in Europe belonged to the
student class, then, through lack either of proper guidance or of a
clear vision of their future, they were drawn into the giddy pursuit of
pleasure instead of concentrating themselves on study, and when
they returned to their own country they unhappily behaved in such a
manner as to alienate the sympathy of their countrymen who credited
them with possessing Western habits. There have been, however, a
few ambassadors and important personages of some enlightenment,
and likewise a few students, who have brought back from their
European travels contributions worthy of appreciation : such persons
have understood how to bring the laws of European nations into
touch with the principles of Moslem civilisation, how to spread and
foster among the Persians anything that had seemed to them praise-
worthy in European customs, and finally how to awaken in them the
sense of international relationship.
4. The cause which more than any other has hindered us from
seeking friendly relations with Western peoples is that, wedged in
as we are between two powerful neighbours, our impressions of
European civilisation have often been associated with unpleasant
political experiences, a circumstance which has naturally given rise to
mistrust.
France, however, and the United States have helped, if only
slightly, to diminish, this mistrust, the former by means of books and
papers which have furthered the development of scientific ideas, the
latter by charitable enterprises, such as the foundation of hospitals
and schools and the distribution of help to the needy during times of
famine.
148 UNIVERSAL RACES CONGRESS
The Persians have no natural prejudice against the establishment
of friendship and a good understanding with civilised nations. Nor
is there anything in their customs and habits which would prevent
their taking a part in international affairs ; for their religious prin-
ciples, which have more influence than any other factor in determining
the standpoint of the general public, are all in favour of democracy,
and nullify the advantages of hereditary nobility. " Great and small,
noble and plebeian," said the Prophet, "shall be equals among you."
Religion, moreover, lays stress on the need for developing civic
responsibility : " Let each one of you share in the direction of public
affairs," said Mahomet, " and every one who thus directs is responsible."
It lays down the principle that the Government should be assisted by
a deliberative assembly : " They consulted together regarding their
social affairs " (Koran, Surat 243, verse 36).
The religion of the Persians makes monotheism essentially cos-
mopolitan, and calls for universal peace among its disciples to whatever
nationality they may belong : " O followers of the Scriptures, come
hearken to this one saying : that all may be equal between us and
you, let us agree together to worship only the one God and put naught
else on a level with Him " (Koran, Surat 3, verse 57).
It declares the equality of all men, calling to mind that they
are all children of the same father and the same mother and that only
virtue can give to one man preference over his fellow : " O men, we
have created you of one man and one woman ; we have distributed
you in tribes and families to the end that you may know one
another. The worthiest before God is that man from among you who
is most virtuous" (Koran, Surat , verse 13).
And lastly, it stands for religious freedom : " Let there be no
constraint in religion" (Koran, Surat 2, verse 257). In such prin-
ciples as these there is, then, nothing which could deter men from
entering into international relationships.
And here it may not be irrelevant to mention that the number
of religious sects in Persia was often due to political causes. For
natural conditions, combined with difficulty of communication,
tended to isolate our great thinkers, making intercourse and inter-
change of ideas impossible to them. Thus each propagated his own
ideas separately, without knowing what other people were thinking,
and clothed them moreover in a religious garb, because that is the
form in which ideas always make the widest and most influential
appeal to the Persian people.
Again, with regard to the position of women in Persia : the
fact that they must go about veiled, is no obstacle in the path
of progress. For in this matter one thing is certain : the rule
about veiling applies to parts of the body other than the face and
THIRD SESSION 149
hands. Moreover, in the villages and among the tribes, the women,
far from veiling themselves, go about with face uncovered, live a
simple, natural life, help to bear the burdens of the men, taking their
part even in the hardest toil and engaging in industrial occupations
which often yield very valuable wares, such as carpets, &c. In
the towns, the women, though veiled, are by no means unacquainted
with household routine and the education of children. They also
understand manual occupations which are productive of fine and
costly merchandise. And, above all, a new horizon, has latterly been
opened to them through the establishment of private schools for girls
and special educational classes for women.
To turn to another point of view, the softness and subtlety of the
Persian language may help to develop and strengthen still further
our relations with Western nations. As a matter of fact, Europeans
even have learnt to appreciate Persian literature, alike the works of
our most famous poets and the translations of certain among them,
such as Firdousi, Molevi (Mollahi Roumi), Omar Kayyam, Sadi,
Hafiz, and others, into Western languages. Moreover, as it is impos-
sible to bring out in a translation the literary subtleties of the original,
those Europeans who have had a special bent for Orientalism have
felt the need of a thorough study of Persian literature, and they have
been led to introduce the teaching of Persian into certain European
schools — a fact which has tended to strengthen our relations with
Europe.
At this point I feel compelled to allude to the history of the Per-
sian language and its transformation through the incorporation of
Arabic. After the conquest of Persia by the Arabs, our language was
for more than two centuries almost suppressed by the tongue of the
conquerors, and when at last there was an attempt to free it from this
domination, it was found to be already interspersed with Arabic
words. The Persian scholars rather tended to encourage the ad-
mixture ; for Arabic, as being the language of their religion, was
held in honour and cultivated by them even in preference to their
mother-tongue. This is why they chose the language of the Koran
for many treatises on science and morals which to-day are regarded as
Arabic works. To convince oneself of this, it is only necessary to
read the works of the following authors : Sibeveyh, the author of
Alketab, the best Arabic grammar ; the philosopher Pharabi ; the
medico-philosopher Ibne Sina (Avicenna); the philosopher Abou Ali
Maskoveyh ; the medical doctor Mohamed Zakarya ; the mathema-
tician who was also a philosopher and jurist, Khadj6 Nassir-ed-Din ;
Omar Kayyam ; and others.
Here we may fitly quote some verses by the great poets which
breathe humanitarian and inter-racial sentiments : —
ISO UNIVERSAL RACES CONGRESS
Firdousi. " Cause not suffering to the ant as she drags the grain along ; for
she lives and life is a thing both sweet and fair."
Sadi. " The sons of Adam are members of one body ; for they are made
of one and the same nature; when Fortune brings distress upon one member,
the peace of all the others is destroyed. O thou, who art careless of thy
fellow's grief, it fits not thou shouldst bear the name of man."
Mollahi Roumi. "Solomon, king of the animals, use thy wisdom and thy
divine patience to charm alike all birds, the weak no less than the strong."
Idem. "Thou art sent to preach union — and not to sow discord."
Sanat. " What matter whether the language be Arabic or Syriac, if so be
it express the truth ? What matter whether the place be east or west, if only
God be worshipped there?"1
Hafiz. " Thy beauty united with thy gentleness hath conquered the world.
Of a truth, it is by union that the world can be conquered."
Omar Kayyam. " If there be no rosary, no pray ing- carpet, no Sheikh —
yet the church-bell and the priest's cross would suffice to guide thy con-
science,"
Orft. " So behave towards thy fellow-men, O Orfi, that after thy death the
Mussulman may bathe thee with the holy water of Kaaba and the Hindu
burn thee in his sacred fire."
Achegh. " Thou has read the Koran, Achegh, and thou knowest the verse,
' Eynema tawallou.' a When then the gates of Kaaba are closed, go worship
the Eternal in the Church."
Hatef. "In the Church I said to the fair Christian: 'Thou who delightest
my heart, explain to me the meaning of the Trinity. How can three per-
sonalities (Father, Son, and Holy Ghost) be ascribed to the one God?' She
replied, with a sweet smile : ' Not thus wouldst thou have spoken hadst thou
understood the mystery of Unity. The Eternal has shown His face in three
mirrors. He does not become three if thou callest Him by three names.'
Meantime the bell chimed out. It seemed to say : ' He is unique ; He is
alone ; there is one only God.' "
Again, the attitude of mind observable among the Persians of
to-day would seem to augur well for the future. Conscious of
their own weakness and backwardness as regards modern science
and progress, they feel they must follow in the wake of other
nations and make up, if possible, for time lost. This is undoubtedly
the first step towards progress. With the help, then, of clever
engineers and foreign capital, they will try to remove the natural
obstacles which at present tend to split up their national life ; to
lessen the great distances between their towns by means of rail-
roads ; to utilise wasted sources of water supply (such as the waters
of Avaz) ; to fertilise rich tracts of soil at present uncultivated ;
and to make hives of the villages by means of the nomad tribes
who are a considerable force in the country. Further, they will
develop their intellectual relations with the West by inviting pro-
fessors from Europe and sending students thither, by encouraging
1 Here there is the expression u Djabolsa, Djabolga," two famous mythological
towns in the East.
• " The East and the West belong to God : whithersoever your glance be turned,
you will meet His face" (Koran, Surat 2, verse 109).
THIRD SESSION 151
the translation of books, and by giving lectures on moral and
scientific subjects.
We are in a position to state that of late years — notably since
the change of regime — public education and journalism have made
considerable strides. Let us add that to-day the people are insistently
demanding the aid of advisers from neutral European countries, for
they understand that the realisation of their hopes is dependent, in
large measure, on orderly administration. The careful organisation
of the Customs during the last nine years has been a great help in
developing international commerce. Statistics show that imports
have increased by 50 per cent., and exports by 140 per cent.
Finally, let us say that, sensible of the advantages that will accrue
to us, morally and materially, from commercial relations with Europe
we are pursuing the policy of the " open door," though unhappily the
Russian Government strongly opposes this policy by imposing heavy
duties. There is, however, one little breach in this barrier : I refer to
the system of parcel-post which has sensibly increased the traffic
between Persia and Europe. And if this barrier could be altogether
removed, or even if the duties on traffic could be made less heavy, a
day of happiness would dawn for all Persia, for on the one hand she
would be able to procure better and cheaper wares, and, on the other,
develop her material and moral relations with European countries.
The Change of Regime in Persia and its Causes. — For a long
time all the enlightened members of the Persian nation and those
who favoured reform blamed the bad Government of the country for
its backward state and its powerlessness in the grip of political forces
to the north and south. During this period all who were longing to
see the resurrection of their country devoted themselves to impressing
on the people a real knowledge of their sufferings and their sad
condition, and laboured to secure a progressive evolution of the
governmental system. But their efforts were not crowned with
success, and this for two reasons : in the first place, the despotic
Government had found a powerful ally in the clerical party, who helped
to stifle every attempt at liberal expansion by using religion as a pretext
and treating with suspicion and denunciation all those who showed
themselves accessible to ideas of reform. This policy was still
further encouraged by what proved to be a disastrous event for the
reformers, namely, the appearance of Babism whose adherents were
considered to be worthy of death. For under the arbitrary regime,
few people dared to criticise the proceedings of the Government, and
those who made the venture were accused of Babism. Secondly, the
people, though suffering from the abuses of the Court, had not yet
become so exasperated as to encourage and support the movements
of the reformers. Thus, the Government dragged on a miserable
152 UNIVERSAL RACES CONGRESS
existence under the shelter of its crooked policy : the people, growing
accustomed to their scanty and ever-diminishing resources, continued
in their age-long torpor, and slumbered without thought of the
future.
Such was the condition of affairs when the Imperial Bank (the concession
for which had been granted on January 30, 1889), together with the newly founded
foreign commercial houses, took the commercial and financial market right out
of the hands of the native merchants and bankers, and monopolised it for their
own advantage. The circulation of gold coin diminished ; statistics showed a
great disproportion between exports and imports. Foreign wares lowered the
value of home products, and consequently a number of workmen were thrown
out of employment. While resources were diminishing living became steadily
dearer. Trade was languishing, and, as a crowning misfortune, the peasants
grew poorer daily and the Treasury was empty.
In spite of everything, Nassred-din Chah, who had had a long reign and
enjoyed great personal prestige as well as a wide experience, succeeded in
covering up the true state of affairs with an outer varnish of order and security.
He even succeeded in deceiving his immediate following, pretending that he
had set up a special treasury in his private palace and every now and then
caused small quantities of gold to be added to it. He contrived to spread
abroad the supposition that the State Funds had been removed to the palace.
With the exception of a few favourites, no one knew the real condition of the
private treasury.
Nasser-ed-Din maintained stability in home affairs by sowing discord and
rivalry among the powerful men of the kingdom. He compensated himself for
his lack of money by exacting large sums as presents froji the governors and
seizing a part of the property of rich men who died. He secured his position
with regard to foreign powers by secretly fomenting rivalry between his
northern and southern neighbours and using every possible means to win their
good graces. In a word, the existence of Nasser-ed-Din presented a formidable
obstacle to the realisation of the dearest hopes of the progressive party. Thus,
after his assassination (May i, 1896) there was a general reawakening from
lethargy and a manifestation of tendencies which had till then lain dormant.
His successor, Mozaffer-ed-Din Chah, a man of good-natured disposition and
uncertain health, neither would nor could follow the political example of his
father. Other factors also contributed to bring about a change of policy ; the
instinctive aversion of the new ruler to the encouragement of the so-called
clergy, the pressing needs of the age, the awakening of the national spirit, and
the temporary accession to power of certain progressive dignitaries. Thus,
thanks to the energy of those who were working for reform, the people began to
enjoy educational advantages of which they had been hitherto deprived, and
there was a noteworthy advance in intellectual development. New ideas were
encouraged ; freedom of the press and the right of free speech were in part
secured. On the other hand, as the financial crisis became more acute, two
loans were negotiated in Russia (1900 and 1902) on onerous political conditions.
But by reason of the bad system of government and the carelessness of those
responsible, the money raised by these loans was squandered and spent without
result. Moreover, the Russian Bank for Loans (the concession for which was
granted on May 3, 1890) swallowed up the greater part of the goods of the
population and the credit of the merchants.
This being the state of affairs, the progressive party, convinced though they
had been of the necessity for first training up enlightened men who should be
capable of tackling the work of purifying and reforming the system of govern-
THIRD SESSION 153
ment, now found themselves confronted with exceptional circumstances which
forced their hand and compelled them to act at once, quite contrary to their
original intentions.
The approaching death of Mozaffer-ed-Din Chah, and the prospect of his
being succeeded by Mohamed Ali Chah, whose character and bad administration
were of no good augury — the financial crisis and the general poverty, the depres-
sion of trade, the anxiety of the people about the condition of the State Treasury,
the tyranny of the Court — all these considerations, combined with regard for
tranquillity at home and abroad, were the decisive factors which precipitated
events and caused the new regime to be set up before the ground was ready to
receive it. As the lower classes were not yet sufficiently enlightened to under-
stand the remedy for their own ills, it was consequently the educated people of
the upper class who put themselves at the head of the new movement and
piloted the ship to harbour — the people to the realisation of their desires.
Thus was the system of government changed and the new regime inaugurated
(August 5, 1906), and shortly afterwards Mozaffer-ed-Din Chah died (January 8,
1907).
These events coincided with the reversal of foreign policy in Persia, and she
found herself rid of the inconveniences of her neighbours' rivalry only to be
more harassed by their concerted action.
In a word, as a consequence of the defective equipment of the public authori-
ties and the animosity and ill-will of Mohamed Ali Chah towards the young
Parliament, there ensued a long and painful series of conflicts, culminating in
the bombardment and destruction of this Assembly (June 23, 1908). Nevertheless,
a group of courageous patriots, among whom Sattar Khan was the central heroic
figure, helped by nationalists from every country, kept up a bold resistance to
the despotism. Moreover, the true spiritual leaders of the people, who under
these circumstances judged it necessary to interfere in the political arena, for-
bade the payment of taxes to the Government of Mohamed Ali Chah. At the
cost of great sacrifice, the nationalist forces reassembled, attacked and took
Teheran. Mahomed Ali was dethroned on July 16, 1909, and Sultan Ahmed Chah
succeeded him. Parliament reopened on November 15, 1909.
At this point it becomes necessary for me to recapitulate briefly
the statements I made at the outset, and to emphasise once again the
main purport of this paper. I refer to the alleged xenophobia of
which the Persians are accused in some quarters. The allegation
may be at the same time confirmed and denied. It may be a
confirmation when we observe that the influence and spread of
European civilisation in our country have been tainted with political
implications, and have thus given rise to public suspicion. On the
other hand, a categorical denial may be offered in the sense that
there is not, and never has been, among our people any natural
hostility to Europeans, who are, after all, of one and the same race
with ourselves. And since we are aware that we owe the advent of
the new era to philosophic ideas and that, to possess reality and
fruitfulness, it must have the practical advantages of European life,
such as railways, factories, &c., we are therefore very anxious to avail
ourselves of European help and skill by granting concessions that
may be useful to those States and nations who have no political
designs upon us, allowing them to profit by our resources and the
154 UNIVERSAL RACES CONGRESS
natural riches of our country. We desire to attract foreign capital so
far as it does not imply political interference, to the end that we may
develop and strengthen our country and look forward with confidence
to the future as we enter on that path of happiness and prosperity
which our sister-nations are enjoying.
I may conclude with the statement that the Persians are con-
vinced that there is nothing more profitable for their future welfare
than commerce and contact with other countries and the cementing
of international relations — intellectual, commercial, and economic.
They are, moreover, prepared, by every means in their power, to
welcome the material and moral help of foreign countries, provided
only that it be free from all political implications.
{Paper submitted in Persian and in French.]
THE BAHAI MOVEMENT
[A CONGRESS designed to bring about a fuller understanding between the
peoples of East and West would be incomplete without an account of the
Bahai Movement. In 1844 there appeared at Shiraz, in Persia, a youth, Sayyid
Ali Muhammad by name, who proclaimed himself the herald of a great
spiritual teacher to come. Sayyid Ali Muhammad, known to his followers as the
Bab (Gate), soon became renowned throughout Persia for his eloquence and
zeal. In 1850 he was shot at Tabriz by order of the Government, who regarded
him as a dangerous disturber of the peace. The movement for religious and
social reform initiated by the Bab continued, however, to grow rapidly.
In the early sixties a Persian nobleman, known hereafter as Baha'u'llah,
proclaimed himself to some of his adherents as the Teacher whose appear-
ance had been prophesied by the Bab. His personality attracted multitudes
throughout Persia, including the majority of those who had followed his
forerunner. He wrote that God had made all men as the drops of one sea
and the leaves of one tree, that all races of mankind were pure, and should
work in harmony together. He foresaw a time when unity would be estab-
lished between all races and creeds. " Have noble thoughts, healthy morals,
and hygienic habits," he says. "Be examples to guide all mankind towards
its regeneration, and toward the peace of the whole world ! . . . Let not a
man glory so in this, that he loves his country. Let him rather glory in this,
that he loves his kind ! These ruinous wars, these fruitless strifes must cease ;
and the Most Great Peace shall come."
The followers of this movement underwent a bloody persecution at the
hands of the orthodox Moslems, the martyrs numbering above 20,000.
In 1867 Baha'u'llah sent a letter to the Pope, to Queen Victoria, and to
other crowned heads of Europe, calling upon the nations to put down their
armaments and to cause a conference of the Governments to be held. The
letters are matters of history.
The Persian Government, fearing the effect of Baha'u'llah's growing
influence, exiled him first to Adrianople, and finally, in 1868, by an arrangement
with the Turkish authorities, incarcerated him in the fortress city of Acre on
the Syrian coast During his exile he wrote many books, and his influence as
a spiritual teacher continued to grow. His principal works are Hidden Words
THIRD SESSION 155
and the Kiiab-i-Akdas. Baha'u'llah, before his death in 1892, instructed his
eldest son, Abbas Effendi, to continue his work and expound his writings. He
is widely known by the name of Abdu'l Baha Abbas (i.e., Abbas the Servant of
Baha).1 He remained in confinement at Acre until 1908, when he was released
under the Young Turkish Constitution. Since then 'Abdu'l Baha has lived at
Haifa, on Mount Carmel.
This movement is not to be regarded as a new religion. Rather . is it a
world-wide recognition of the underlying unity of religions and peoples, and of
the ideals of international peace and good-will. It teaches the equality of the
sexes, the duty of every one to serve the community, and the duty of the com-
munity to give opportunity for such service — urging men of all religions to live
out their faith in unity with their fellow-men and show that behind all ex-
pressions of creed there isvone religion and one God.
Abdu'l Baha, now sixty-seven years of age, has written many letters and
tablets explaining the teaching referred to above. The present writer recently
had the privilege of seeing him in Egypt, where he met at his table represen-
tatives of the great world faiths — Christians, Jews, Moslems, Buddhists,
Zoroastrians.
It is estimated that in Persia alone there are at least two million Bahais.
The total number throughout the world must be very considerable (in the
United States alone there are several thousand).
Probably about two-thirds of the avowed Bahais are drawn from the
Mahomedan world, the remaining third belonging to other great world faiths.
Abdu'l Baha sends the following letter, conveying his greetings to the
Congress. It will be noted that the unification of Races is not intended to
mean the suppression of their different characteristics in order that they may
be blended into one, but would imply that these very differences are necessary
to constitute a harmonious whole, and that the duty of this Age is to recognise the
possibilities of development within each race in order that, in a spirit of love, man-
kind the world over may co-operate in working for Universal Peace. — W. T. P.]
bm: '3;i/T.i if<Mlz fjius >.i >fl.N> Jiiaruid yjKfn vt?dj v/ud %m>'r:,;rii :>-:! v ..'H
LETTER FROM ABDU'L BAHA TO THE FIRST UNIVERSAL
RACES CONGRESS
When in travelling about the world we observe an air of
prosperity in any country, we find it to be due to the existence
of love and friendship among the people. If, on the contrary, all
seems depressed and poverty-stricken, we may feel assured that
this is the effect of animosity, and of the absence of union among
the inhabitants.
Notwithstanding that such a state of things is obvious to the
passing traveller, how often the people themselves continue in the
sleep of negligence, or occupy themselves in disputes and differences,
and are even ready to slaughter their fellow-men !
Consider thoughtfully the continual integration and disintegration
of the phenomenal universe. . . . Unification and constructive com-
bination is the cause of Life. Disunion of particles brings about
loss, weakness, dispersion, and decay.
1 Baha (Arabic), "The Ineffable Splendour."
156 UNIVERSAL RACES CONGRESS
Consider the varieties of flowers in a garden. They seem but to
enhance the loveliness of each other. When differences of colour,
ideas, and character are found in the human Kingdom, and come
under the control of the power of Unity, they too show their essential
beauty and perfection.
Rivalry between the different races of mankind was first caused
by the struggle for existence among the wild animals. This struggle
is no longer necessary : nay, rather ! interdependence and co-oper-
ation are seen to produce the highest welfare in nations. The
struggle that now continues is caused by prejudice and bigotry.
To-day nothing but the power of the Divine Word, which
embraces the Reality of all things, can draw together the minds,
hearts, and spirits of the world under the shadow of the heavenly
Tree of Unity.
The Light of the Word is now shining on all horizons. Races
and nations, with their different creeds, are coming under the
influence of the Word of Unity in love and in peace.
The Blessed One, Baha'u'llah, likens the existing world to a
tree, and the people to its fruits, blossoms, and leaves. All
should be fresh and vigorous, the attainment of their beauty and
proportion depending on the love and unity with which they sustain
each other and seek the Life eternal. The friends of God should
become the manifestors in this world of this mercy and love. They
should not dwell on the shortcomings of others. Ceaselessly should
they be thinking how they may benefit others and show service and
co-operation. Thus should they regard every stranger, putting aside
such prejudices and superstitions as might prevent friendly
relations.
To-day the noblest person is he who bestows upon his enemy
the pearl of generosity, and is a beacon -light to the misguided and
the oppressed. This is the command of Baha'u'llah.
O dear friends ! the world is in a warlike condition, and its races
are hostile one to the other. The darkness of difference surrounds
them, and the light of kindness grows dim. The foundations of
society are destroyed and the banners of life and joy are overthrown.
The leaders of the people seem to glory in the shedding of blood —
Friendship, straightness, and truthfulness are despised. . . '..'
The call to arbitration, to peace, to love, and to loyalty is the
call of Baha'u'llah. His standard floats since fifty years, summoning
all of whatever race and creed.
O ye friends of God ! acknowledge this pure light ; direct the
people who are in ignorance, chanting the melodies of the Kingdom
of God, until the dead body of mankind quickens with a new
life.
THIRD SESSION 157
Guide the people of God. Inspire them to emulate the lives of
the holy ones who have gone before. Be ye kind in reality, not
in appearance only. Be ye fathers to the orphans, a remedy to
the sick, a treasury of wealth to the poor, a protector of the
unfortunate.
Where love dwells, there is light ! Where animosity dwells, there
is darkness !
O friends of God ! strive to dissipate the darkness and reveal the
hidden meanings of things, until their Reality becomes clear and
established in the sight of all.
This Congress is one of the greatest of events. It will be for
ever to the glory of England that it was established at her capital.
It is easy to accept a truth ; but it is difficult to be steadfast in it ;
for the tests are many and heavy. It is well seen that the British
are firm, and are not lightly turned aside, being neither ready to
begin a matter for a little while, nor prone to abandon it for a little
reason. Verily, in every undertaking they show firmness.
O ye people ! cause this thing to be not a thing of words, but of
deeds. Some Congresses are held only to increase differences. Let
it not be so with you. Let your effort be to find harmony. Let
Brotherhood be felt and seen among you ; and carry ye its quicken-
ing power throughout the world. It is my prayer that the work of
the Congress will bear great fruit
ABDUL BAHA ABBAS.
[Pafer submitted in Persian and in English."]
EAST AND WEST IN INDIA
By the Hon. G. K. GOKHALE, C.I.E., Poona, India,
Representative of Non-official Members of Bombay Legislature on the
Viceroy's Legislative Council, late President of Indian Congress.
THE object of the Universal Races Congress has been described
by the organisers to be " to discuss, in the light of modern knowledge
and the modern conscience, the general relations subsisting between
the peoples of the West and those of the East, between so-called
white and so-called coloured peoples, with a view to encouraging
between them a fuller understanding, the most friendly feelings and
a heartier co-operation." With the commencement of the twentieth
century the relations between the East and the West may be
158 UNIVERSAL RACES CONGRESS
regarded as having entered on a new phase, and it is, I think, in
accord with the changed spirit of the times that the West should
think of summoning a Congress where the representatives of all races
" with developed types of civilisation " " might meet each other face
to face and might, in friendly rivalry, further the cause of mutual
trust and respect between Occident and Orient." To the people of
the East such a desire on the part of the people of the West is
naturally a matter of profound interest and of far-reaching signifi-
cance. The traditional view, so well expressed by the poet, of the
changeless and unresisting East, beholding with awe the legions of
the West as they thundered past her, bowing low before the storm
while the storm lasted and plunging back again in thought when the
storm was over, seemed for centuries to encourage — almost invite —
unchecked aggression by Western nations in Eastern lands, in utter
disregard of the rights or feelings of Eastern peoples. Such aggres-
sion, however, could not go on for ever, and the protest of the
Eastern world against it, as evidenced by the steady growth of a
feeling of national self-respect in different Eastern lands, has now
gathered sufficient strength and volume to render its continuance on
old lines extremely improbable, if not altogether impossible. The
victories of Japan over Russia, the entry of Turkey among constitu-
tionally governed countries, the awakening of China, the spread of
the national movement in India, Persia, and Egypt — all point to the
necessity of the West revising her conception of the East, revising
also the standards by which she has sought in the past to regulate
her relations with the East. East and West may now meet on more
equal terms than was hitherto possible, and as a first step towards
such meeting the value of the Universal Races Congress cannot be
over-estimated.
The problem — how to ensure " a fuller understanding, the most
friendly feelings and a heartier co-operation " between the East and
the West — so difficult everywhere, is nowhere else so difficult and so
delicate as it is in India. In the case of other countries the contact
of the West with the East is largely external only; in India the
West has, so to say, entered into the very bone and marrow of the
East For a hundred years now, more or less, India has been under
the political sway of England, and the industrial domination of the
country has been no less complete than the political. This peculiar
relationship introduces into the problem factors of great complexity,
and the conflict of interests which it involves has to be harmonised
before attempts, made with the object which the Congress has in
view, can possess any enduring value or produce solid results.
It is recognised on all sides that the relations between Europeans
and Indians in India have grown greatly strained during the last
THIRD SESSION 159
quarter of a century. And yet Englishmen started with uncommon
advantages in India. Owing to India's peculiar development the
establishment of British rule, so far from being resented, was actually
regarded with feelings of satisfaction, if not enthusiasm, by the
people over the greater part of the country. It is true that England
never conquered India in the sense in which the word "conquer" is
ordinarily used. She did not come to the country as an invader, nor
did she fight her battles, when she had to fight them, with armies
composed of her own people. The establishment and consolidation
of her rule, which undoubtedly is one of the most wonderful pheno-
mena of modern times, was entirely the result of her superior powers
of organisation, her superior patriotism, and her superior capacity for
government applied to the conditions that prevailed in India during
the second half of the eighteenth and the first half of the nineteenth
century. And, strange as it may seem to many, the new rule was
accepted by the mass of the people as bringing them welcome relief
from a, more or less, chronic state of disorder, and conferring on them
advantages outweighing all considerations on the other side. This
was due to the fact that with all her contribution to human progress
in many fields — religion, philosophy, literature, science, art — a con-
tribution which the world is coming to recognise more and more every
day and of which Indians may well remain proud for all time — India
did not develop the national idea or the idea of political freedom as
developed in the West. Who exercised the sovereign authority was
to her people a minor matter as long as it was well exercised and did
not seriously interfere with their religious, social, or communal life.
And it cannot be denied that in many essential respects the standards
of government of the new rulers compared favourably with those of
the indigenous powers that were then struggling for supremacy in
the land. The advantageous start thus secured was further improved
by the declarations of wise and far-seeing statesmen, made from time
to time in those early days, as regards the policy in accordance with
which the affairs of this country were to be administered. India,
they declared, was to them a trust, and was therefore to be governed
in the spirit of a trust. Not England's profit, but India's moral and
material well-being, was to be the object of the rule ; Englishmen
were not to form a governing caste in the country ; the people of
India were to be helped to advance steadily to a position of equality
with them, so that they might in due course acquire the capacity to
govern themselves in accordance with the higher standards of the
West. To fit the youth of the country for their new responsibilities
institutions were started for imparting to them Western education,
and the class thus trained in the ideas of the West was expected to
act as interpreter between the Government and the people, bringing
160 UNIVERSAL RACES CONGRESS
its active goodwill to the support of the former. The establishment
of the universities and Queen Victoria's noble Proclamation, addressed
to the princes and people of India on the morrow of the Mutiny, set
the final seal on this large-hearted policy.
It is necessary to bear these facts in mind to understand clearly
the estrangement that has taken place, as observed above, during the
last quarter of a century between Englishmen and Indians, especially
that class among the Indians which has come, directly or indirectly
under the influence of the education of the West. Numerically this
class still constitutes but a small proportion of the whole population,
but it is undoubtedly the brain of the country, doing its thinking for
it and determining its public opinion. For several years this class
was keenly appreciative of England's work in India, and its attitude
towards Englishmen on the whole was that of pupils to their teachers
— an attitude of respect, confidence, even of affection. The first
effect of Western teaching on those who received it was to incline
them strongly in favour of the Western way of looking at things,
and, under this influence, they bent their energies, in the first instance,
to a re-examination of the whole of their ancient civilisation — their
social usages and institutions, their religious beliefs, their literature,
their science, their art ; in fact, their entire conception and realisa-
tion of life. This brought them into violent collision with their own
society, but that very collision drove them closer to the Englishmen
in the country, to whom they felt deeply grateful for introducing into
India the liberal thought of the West, with its protest against caste
or sex disabilities and its recognition of man's dignity as man — a
teaching which they regarded as of the highest value in serving both
as a corrective and a stimulant to their old civilisation. On one
point they entertained no doubt whatever in their minds. They
firmly believed that it was England's settled policy to raise steadily
their political status till at last they fully participated in the posses-
sion of those free institutions which it is the glory of the English
race to have evolved. This belief, so strong at one time, began,
however, gradually to weaken when it was seen that English adminis-
trators were not in practice as ready to advance along lines of con-
stitutional development as had been hoped, and that the bulk of
Englishmen in the country were far from friendly, even to the most
reasonable aspirations of Indians in political matters. With the rise
of the new Imperialism in England during the last quarter of a
century new and clearer signs became visible of a disinclination on
the part of the ruling nation to carry into effect the policy to which
it stood committed. Then, indeed, the faith of Indian reformers in
the character and purpose of British rule, already tried by a feeling
of suspicion, began definitely to give way. Suspicion was followed
THIRD SESSION 161
by surprise, by disappointment, by anger, and these inevitably pro-
duced a rapidly rising anti-English feeling, which specially affected
the younger minds throughout the country. Things now came to be
regarded in a new light The old readiness to acknowledge freely
and gratefully the benefits which India had derived from the British
connection gave way to a tendency to indulge in bitter and fault-
finding criticism, directed indiscriminately against everything done
by Englishmen. " Wrong in the one thing rare," what mattered it
to the Indians what Englishmen did, or how they conducted them-
selves in other respects ? While this development was taking place
within the borders of India the whole East was already being driven
by those mysterious forces which shape great events to a new life, in
which a longing to enjoy the solid advantages of a constitutional
government and realise the dignity of nationhood was combined
with a new pride in the special culture and civilisation of the East, a
new impatience of Western aggression and Western domination, and
a new faith in the destiny of Eastern peoples. India could not but
be affected by these thought-currents with the rest of Asia, and the
influences at work naturally received a powerful stimulus when Japan
astonished the world with her victories over Russia. The steady
growth of the anti-English feeling in the country was recognised by
all thoughtful persons to be fraught with a serious menace to the
cause of peaceful progress, and the outlook was undoubtedly very
dark, when English statesmanship came to the rescue and by grant-
ing to the country a measure of constitutional reform sufficiently
substantial to meet the more pressing requirements of the day helped
largely to ease the tension and restore a more friendly feeling
between the two sides.
There is no doubt whatever that the reform measures of two
years ago arrested the growing estrangement between Europeans
and Indians in India, and since then the situation has undergone
a steady and continuous change for the better. So marked is this
change over the greater part of the country that there are men who
hold that the desire to understand each other and respect each
other's feelings and susceptibilities was never so great as it is at the
present moment. For how long these relations will thus continue
to improve, and whether they will again tend to grow worse, and
if so, when, are questions more difficult to answer. It is well to
remember that certain causes are constantly at work to produce
misunderstandings and make harmonious relations between the two
sides a matter of considerable difficulty. Thus the differences in
temperament, the natural predisposition to look at questions from
different standpoints, the tone habitually adopted by a section of
the Press, both English and Indian — these make a demand on the
M
1 62
patience of either side which it is not always easy to meet. Then
there are those cases of personal ill-treatment — happily rarer now
than before— which from time to time attract public attention and
cause infinite mischief, cases in which Indians are found to suffer
insult and even violence at the hands of individual Englishmen for
no other reason than that they are Indians. These are, so to say,
among the standing factors of the situation, and they must, I fear, be
accepted as inevitable — at any rate, in the present circumstances of
the country. Were these the only elements tending to give rise
to misunderstanding and friction the matter would be comparatively
simple : for the interests which depend on the two communities
working together with a sufficient degree of harmony are so vast,
and of such paramount importance to both, that it would not be
a very difficult task to keep within reasonable limits such misunder-
standing and friction whenever it arose. But the real sources of
trouble which invest the future with uncertainty lie much deeper.
Is British rule to remain a rigidly foreign rule, as long as it lasts, or
will it conform more and more to standards which alone may be
accepted in these days as compatible with the self-respect of civilised
people? What is to be the objective of England's policy in India?
How is the conflict of interests between the two communities to
be reconciled, and what sacrifices may be reasonably expected from
either side to render such reconciliation a living and potent reality?
These and other allied questions, which really go to the root of
England's connection with India, have to be answered before any
prediction about the probable future of the relations between
Englishmen and Indians in India can be hazarded. The opinion
is often expressed that if only Indians and Europeans mix more
largely socially, or Indians participate in the games and sports of
Englishmen in greater numbers, a better understanding between the
two sides will be established, resulting in better relations generally.
There is, of course, a certain amount of truth in this, and it is neces-
sary to acknowledge that earnest efforts, very recently made in
several places by prominent members of the two communities to
provide facilities for a better social intercourse, have contributed
their share to the improvement in the situation that has taken place.
But apart from the fact that such freer intercourse, unless it is
restricted to individuals on either side who are anxious to see each
other's good points and are tolerant to each other's weaknesses, may
produce difficulties of its own, I am firmly persuaded that as long
as the consciousness of political inequality continues to be behind
such intercourse, it cannot carry us far. I have no doubt that there
are Englishmen in India who put away from them all thought of
such inequality in their dealings with Indians, and there are also
THIRD SESSION 163
Indians who are not influenced by this consideration in their rela-
tions with Englishmen. But when this admission is made the fact
remains that as things are to-day the humblest Englishman in the
country goes about with the prestige of the whole Empire behind
him, whereas the proudest and most distinguished Indian cannot
shake off from himself a certain sense that he belongs to a subject
race. The soul of social friendship is mutual appreciation and
respect, which ordinarily is not found to co-exist with a conscious-
ness of inequality. This does not mean that where equality does
not exist the relations are necessarily unfriendly. It is not an
uncommon thing for a party which is in what may be called a state
of subordinate dependence on another to be warmly attached to that
other party. But such relations are possible only if the subordinate
party — assuming, of course, that its sense of self-respect is properly
developed — is enabled to feel that its dependent state is necessary
in its own interest, and that the other party is taking no undue
advantage of it for other ends. And this, I think, is roughly the
position, as between India and England. It must be admitted that
the present inequality between Englishmen and Indians, as regards
their political status, can only be reduced by degrees, and that a
considerable period must elapse before it is removed altogether.
Meanwhile Indians must be content to continue in a position of
subordinate dependence, and the extent to which "a fuller under-
standing, the most friendly feelings and a heartier co-operation " can
be promoted between them and Englishmen must depend upon how
they are enabled to realise that British rule is necessary for their own
progress, and that British policy in India has no other aim than their
advancement. Any doubt on this point in the Indian mind will
mean the weakening of the tie which binds the two countries, and
will not fail, in the end, to nullify the results of the most beneficent
administrative measures. Assured on this point, on the other hand,
Indians will not allow even serious administrative mistakes to
alienate them in feeling or sympathy from the country under whose
sway they find themselves placed, and with whose guidance they
hope to advance to their appointed destiny.
It may appear to some that too much stress is being laid in this
paper on what may be termed the political development of the
people of India, and that no attempt is being made to discuss how,
leaving political considerations alone, Europeans and Indians may
be helped to acquire a deeper and more sympathetic understanding
of each other's special culture and civilisation, and how a heartier
co-operation may be established between them in the pursuit of
knowledge or the service of humanity — " for the greater glory of God
and the relief of man's estate." So far as the understanding of
164 UNIVERSAL RACES CONGRESS
Europe by India is concerned, the work is being carried on with
great vigour under the auspices of the Indian Universities, which
have now been in existence for more than fifty years. The very
object of these universities is to promote Western learning in the
land, and successive generations of Indian students have been and
are being introduced by them to a study of Western literature and
history, Western philosophy, and Western sciences. And various
missionary bodies have been presenting, for a century and more, the
religion of the West to the people of India. Through these agencies
a knowledge of Western society — of its traditions, its standards, its
achievements, its ideals, its outlook on life and its problems, its
methods of realising itself — has been rapidly spreading in the
country, and the insight thus acquired is, on the whole, sympathetic
and marked by deep and genuine appreciation. It is to be regretted
that, on the English side, there is no corresponding attempt to study
and understand India. It is true that individual Englishmen have
done monumental work in interpreting India to the West, but
neither in England nor among Englishmen in this country is there
any systematic study of Indian culture and civilisation, with the
result that very few Englishmen, in spite of a fairly prolonged stay
in this land, acquire any real insight into them. It is a curious fact,
and one of no small significance, that in this matter Germany is far
ahead of England, and even America bids fair to go beyond her.
It is obvious that there is great room for improvement here, and if
one result of the present Congress will be to stimulate among
Englishmen a study of Indian culture and civilisation in a sympa-
thetic spirit, the Congress will have rendered a great service to
India. But while it is undoubted that such study, especially if it
leads to increased respect for India by Englishmen, will contribute
materially to improve relations between the two sides, there is no
getting away from the fact that, as the contact between England
and India at present is predominantly political, it is on the attitude
of Englishmen towards the political advancement of India that the
future of these relations will mainly turn. The question, therefore,
how to promote " the most friendly feelings " between the East and
West in India resolves itself largely into how England may assist
India's political advancement.
The political evolution to which Indian reformers look forward
is representative government on a democratic basis. The course
of this evolution must necessarily be slow in India, though it need
not be as slow as some people imagine. It is true, as Lord Morley
pointed out three years ago, that a long time must elapse before
India takes those countless, weary steps that are necessary to
develop a strong political personality. But a beginning has been
THIRD SESSION 165
made, and the movement can only be forward and not backward.
The difficulties that tend to retard the movement are undoubtedly
great, and at times they threaten to prove quite overwhelming.
But every day the forces that urge us on grow stronger, and in
the end the difficulties will be overcome. It is unnecessary to
say that it is largely in England's power to hasten or delay this
evolution. If England wants to play her part nobly in this
mysterious and wonderful drama, her resolve to help forward this
advance must be firm and irrevocable, and not dependent on the
views, predilections, or sympathies of individual administrators, whom
she may from time to time charge with the direction of Indian
affairs. I think the time has come when a definite pronouncement
on this subject should be made by the highest authority, entitled
to speak in the name of England, and the British Government
in India should keep such pronouncement constantly in view in
all its actions. There is a class of thinkers and writers among
Englishmen, with whom it is an axiom that Oriental people have
no desire, at any rate, no capacity for representative institutions.
This cool and convenient assumption is not standing the test
of experience, and, in any case, no self-respecting Indian will
accept it ; and it is astonishing that these men, who thus seek
to shut the door in the face of Indian aspirations, do not realise
how thereby they turn the Indian mind against those very interests,
for whose support they probably evolve their theories. The first
requisite, then, of improved relations on an enduring basis between
Englishmen and Indians is an unequivocal declaration on England's
part of her resolve to help forward the growth of representative
institutions in India and a determination to stand by this policy
in spite of all temptations or difficulties. The second requisite
is that Indians should be enabled to feel that the Government
under which they live, whatever its personnel, is largely and in an
ever-increasing measure, national in spirit and sentiment and in
its devotion to the moral and material interests of the country.
Thus, outside India, Indians should feel the protecting arm of the
British Government behind them, ready to help them in resisting
oppression and injustice. The monstrous indignities and ill-treat-
ment to which the people of this country are being subjected in
South Africa, have aroused the bitterest resentment throughout the
land. On the other hand, the recent action of the Government
of India in prohibiting the supply of indentured labour from this
country to Natal, has evoked a feeling of deep and widespread
satisfaction which cannot fail to have its effect on the general
relations between Europeans and Indians in the country. Among
matters bearing on the moral and material well-being of the people,
166 UNIVERSAL RACES CONGRESS
the Government should lose no more time now in dealing with
Education in all its branches in a national spirit — especially with
mass education and technical education. It is a humiliating reflec-
tion that while in most other civilised countries universal elementary
education has long been accepted as one of the first duties of
the State, and while within the borders of India itself, the Feudatory
State of Baroda has found it practicable to introduce a system
of free and compulsory primary education for both boys and girls,
in India seven children out of eight are still allowed to grow up
in ignorance and darkness and four villages out of five are without
a school ! And as regards technical education, while our engineer-
ing colleges, which were started as far back as fifty years ago,
are still training only subordinates for the Public Works Department
of the Government, Japan starting much later, has already provided
herself with a complete system of technical education in all its
grades. The third requisite on which it is necessary to insist, is
that England should send out to India less and less of those who
are not of her best. From the best Englishmen, Indians have
yet to learn a great deal, and their presence in the country will
strengthen and not weaken India's appreciation of what she owes
to England. But it should be realised that though the Indian
average is still inferior to the English average and will continue
to be so for some time, individual Indians are to be found in
all parts of the country who, in character, capacity, and attainments,
will be able to hold their own anywhere. And when Englishmen,
inferior to such men, are introduced into the country and placed
in higher positions, a sense of unfairness and injustice comes to
pervade the whole Indian community, which is very prejudicial
to the cultivation or maintenance of good feeling. Fewer and
better men, sent out from England, better paid if necessary, will
prevent England's prestige from being lowered in India, and this,
in present circumstances, is a consideration of great importance.
The fourth and last requisite that I would like to mention is the
extreme necessity of such Englishmen as come out to this country
realising the profound wisdom of the advice, urged on them some
time ago by Lord Morley, that while bad manners are a fault
everywhere, they are in India a " crime." I think Englishmen in
India cannot be too careful in this respect.
The only safe thing that any one can say about the future
of India is that it is still enveloped in obscurity. But I believe
whole-heartedly in a great destiny for the people of this land.
We still retain many of those characteristics which once placed us
in the van of the world's civilisation — the depth of our spirituality,
our serene outlook on life, our conceptions of domestic and social
THIRD SESSION 167
duty. And other races that have from time to time come to make
their home here have brought their own treasures into the common
stock. The India of the future will be compounded of all these
elements, reinforcing one another ; but a long process of discipline
and purification and readjustment is necessary, before she gathers
again the strength required for her allotted task. In this work
of preparation it has been given to a great Western nation to guide
and help her. And if craven or selfish counsels are not allowed
to prevail, England will have played the noblest international part
that has yet fallen to the lot of humanity. When the men and
women of India begin again to grow to the full height of their
stature and proclaim to the world the mission that shall be theirs,
a great stream of moral and spiritual energy, long lost to view,
will have returned to its channel, and East and West — white and
dark and yellow and brown — will all have cause alike to rejoice.
[Paper Submitted in English.]
Jm>$Ulaini • n;; o;>d mitf it-jfiJ ni hrtp .u^uu^nfif '.>flj "'•> vtel'duK e»f} hris
T?/~\/'DT>
JtiLr Y r 1
By MOH. SOUROUR BEY, Barrister, Cairo.
I CANNOT sufficiently thank the promoters of this Congress for
giving me the opportunity to address you on the subject of my
country — Egypt.
These four days — the 26th, 2/th, 28th, and 2Qth of July — will
never be forgotten by any of us. They will not only record in our
memories this sympathetic manifestation of good understanding and
of friendly feeling, but they will also remind us of the serene dignity
of the reception accorded by the noble representatives of the West to
the representatives of the East. They will inscribe names in our
hearts that will henceforward be dear to us. There is another
reason, too, why these four days deserve to be remembered. They
will give expression to the intimate solidarity that binds us together,
and the real character of our universal brotherhood. We belong to
very different countries, and in a few days we shall be scattered
over the world ; but this matters little if our thoughts are united in a
common sentiment that knows no frontiers — the consciousness of
the greatness of the aim of this Congress. Let us, from the depths
of our hearts, make some acknowledgment of our gratitude to the
initiators of this noble cause of universal peace, and thank them
for giving us this happy opportunity to draw closer, by our presence,
the links that attach to each other the different members of all races.
Part I. The Sociological Situation. — A. Language. — Being a
cosmopolitan centre, Egypt is a veritable focus of languages.
i68 UNIVERSAL RACES CONGRESS
AH kinds of dialects meet in it. The preponderant and maternal
tongue of the country is Arabic. It is the principal subject of
instruction in the public schools of the State and in the private
national schools. In foreign scholastic institutions, which are not
less numerous, the teaching of Arabic forms part of the pro-
gramme arranged, but is an auxiliary and optional language. It
has made an important advance among the foreign colonies, and
we are pleased to be able to record the material progress made
among the majority of them. The Egyptian State is careful to
maintain the language and to see that it is constantly improving.
It makes every effort to render it popular and useful.
El-Azhar at Cairo, an ancient foundation, is the chief university
of the world in the teaching of Arabic literature. It attracts a vast
number of students from all parts of the Eastern world. The in-
struction that is given in it is rich, sound, learned, and profound.
The graduates who issue from it are fully penetrated with the spirit
and the subtlety of the language, and in their turn become intelligent
and able teachers.
The auxiliary languages that are chiefly used in Egypt are
French, English, Italian, Greek, and Turkish. The English language
owes its influence to its introduction into the State schools and its
adoption as the official language of the administration. This indi-
cates the limit of its influence. French remains the more popular
tongue, in spite of its exclusion from governmental institutions.
It is the diplomatic, administrative, and commercial language — the
language of business and all secular matters.
B. Rsligion. — The religion of the Egyptian people is Islam ; but
all other religions — such as Jacobite Christianity, which is peculiar
to the native Christians, Latin Christianity, Greek Orthodoxy, and
Judaism — are admitted and practised.
According to the last census (1907) we find : —
Total. Men. Women.
Mussulmans 10,269,445 5,145,114 5>I24'33r
[Orthodox 667,036 336,630 330,006
Copts | Catholic 14>5?6 7>5&) 6,987
'Protestant 24,710 131078 11,632
Protestants 12,736 8,706 4»°3O
Roman Catholics ... 57,744 28,235 29,509
Greek Orthodoxy ... 76,953 43,384 33>5^9
Orientals 27,937 I4.52° I3»4I7
Jews ... w> 38,635 19,730 18,905
Other religions ... 206 154 52
Total 11,287,359
The Koran is the code of precepts and laws which our prophet
Mohammed communicated to us. It is also a work of pure morality
THIRD SESSION 169
and of positive and rational philosophy. In it we find, side by side
with the wisest rules of conduct, remarkable sociological and legislative
dispositions. One may even say that the latter comprise almost the
whole work, and that the purely theological part is small. It was
by means of his eloquent language and lofty intelligence that the
Prophet made a strong and disciplined nation out of a savage people.
A good Mussulman must have Faith and Islam — the one is internal
belief, the other the external proof of this belief by religious acts.
Unfortunately, the Egyptians are charged with fanaticism ; but the
censure has little foundation, is hasty, and is not impartial. One
must understand the situation. Every religion has a certain fanati-
cism, because it is always essentially exclusive, and the very principle
of the creed confers on the faithful the privilege of the one true way
of salvation. The Egyptians are naturally liberal and tolerant ; but
they allow none to trample on their dignity and to treat them as
inferiors. Is there a single Mussulman who has ever broken off his
relations with a foreigner, or discharged a Christian servant, because
he held a different religion ? There is not.
The real feeling that one finds among all Mussulman peoples
is one of affection and mutual sympathy.
C. Present Position of Women. — The Egyptian woman is the
most resigned of her sex in the whole world to-day. Though she
is not usually well-educated, she nevertheless directs her household
with good-will, and sacrifices herself with absolute self-denial to
the welfare and happiness of the family. Her education still leaves
much to be desired. To understand properly her social condition,
one must distinguish between wealthy women, comfortably situated
women, and the poor or fellahas.
The wealthy woman is usually well educated and fairly cultured,
has broad interests, and follows the intellectual movement. She is
intelligent and charitable. She is modest, affectionate in speech,
and absolutely devoted to her husband. She can read and write
several languages : Arabic, Turkish, French, and English. Some
have even taken degrees or medical diplomas. They like music
and singing, and, like other women, they have a passion for jewels.
They take their part in progress and civilisation, and take advantage
of all scientific and literary functions.
The middle-class have more modest attainments, but are occu-
pied with cooking, sewing, and domestic duties. They do their
own shopping, and are deeply interested in their homes. The chief
reproach that is justly brought against them is their unpardonable
neglect of the elementary training of their children. This negli-
gence is innate, and has a bad effect on the character of the children.
Badly cared for and watched over, these poor little creatures suffer
i;o UNIVERSAL RACES CONGRESS
from an apathetic neglect which deprives them of the most necessary
hygienic services and of a good intellectual direction.
The fellaha, or poor woman, is merely ignorant. She helps
her husband in the fields.
It is quite inaccurate to say generally that the Egyptian woman
is confined to the house. All women go out, at any hour of the
day or night, as men do. They walk alone or with friends, con-
stantly pay or receive visits, go to the shops to make purchases,
wander about in the markets, frequent the chief walking-places,
and sometimes travel alone.
The woman of the East takes no part either in politics or
society generally, and has no influence whatever abroad. Her
domain is the house. In it she is absolute mistress.
D. Marriage between Different Races. — Many Egyptians — though
the number is not great — marry wives of foreign races, but unfor-
tunately it must be said, in a general way, that the majority of
these unions are not happy. The reason is simple : it is owing
to the difference in ways, customs, characters, cast of mind, &c.
There are, nevertheless, some of these families who live in perfect
harmony, thanks to the mutual concessions of the tolerant partners.
History records that men who became famous — such as Mr.
Rikards (who became Abdalla Pacha Il-Inglisi), General Menou,
and Colonel le Seves (Soliman Pacha), converts to Islam — married
Egyptian Mussulman women, and that, on the other hand, many
Egyptians married wives of other races. The children born of
these marriages have predominantly an Egyptian character.
From the legal point of view the marriage of a Mussulman
with a Christian or Jewish woman is permitted, which shows the
great toleration of the Mussulman religion. The Mussulman
woman marries only a Mussulman ; if she unites herself to a non-
Mussulman, the marriage is declared radically null and void. The
children of both sexes that are born of these marriages follow
the religion of their father. Difference of religion takes away
the right of succession, either of the husband to the wife or the
wife to the husband.
E. Differences of Habits and Ways. — In Egypt tradition has
its followers, and even its devotees. The Egyptian people, strictly
so called, have a strong attachment to the old ways, but are not
refractory to such progress as evolution demands. This observation
must be interpreted in the sense that will be explained later. The
introduction of Europeans into Egypt goes back to the time of
Mohammed Aly. The most ancient colony is that of the Greeks,
which to-day numbers about 62,974 members. They live in perfect
harmony with the natives, and speak the indigenous tongue ; many
THIRD SESSION i;t
of them have in course of time become subjects of the country.
The other foreign colonies number — Italians, 34,926 ; British, 20,653 ;
French, 14,891 ; Austrians, 7,705 ; Germans, 1,847; Russians, 2,410;
Swiss, 636; Belgians, 340 ; Dutch, 185 ; Spanish, 797; other European
nationalities, 157; Persians, 1,385 ; other Asiatic nations, 191 ; other
African nationalities, 1,425 ; Americans, 521 ; other nationalities, 671.
The outcome of their contact with the natives is not altogether
good, as it is not the cream of European society that is willing
to expatriate itself and settle in a foreign land.
The relations of these foreigners to each other, as regards
personal affairs, are not subject to the local authorities, but, in virtue
of the capitulations, to the consular jurisdictions. Litigation between
foreigners of different nationalities, or between natives and foreigners,
belongs to mixed tribunals set up by the reform of 1875, and
depending on the Mixed Court of Appeal at Alexandria.
Egyptian society differs materially from that of Europe.
All relations or contact between the masculine and the feminine
elements are forbidden. The Egyptian, properly so-called, dreads
Western familiarity, which gives rise to temptation and may wreck
the most harmonious home. For him marriage is generally a be-
ginning, whereas for the European it is almost always the end.
In regard to moral ideas he holds somewhat different opinions from
others, and he regards life under another aspect. He never places
his happiness in this life. Whoever he may be, he always has some
chimera of which he constantly dreams, which he caresses and
prefers to the most seductive reality. As a rule, he is indifferent to
all that tempts and captivates the European. He is distinguished
by a quality of the heart, which is in his very blood — devotion. His
love of his neighbours is a thing to admire. Equally with the
genuine Arab, he has a high regard for honesty and generosity.
The exquisite kindliness which people show to each other in Egypt
must be seen to be appreciated. A man is linked to another, not
because of some possible utility, but from pure affection and reci-
procal friendship. Pride has no place amongst us. Those who are
highest in the social scale would not shrink from receiving in their
homes the poorest of workers. Each man is understood to be the
child of his works, the artisan of his own fortune. The man who
starts in the humblest position may reach the highest, without any
formal etiquette creating a barrier between the two phases of his
life.
.\B- Sincerity and impartiality compel us to admit that the Egyptian
has his defects, as well as his fine and rare qualities. Though honest
by temperament, he is inexact in fulfilling his engagements. He
keeps his promise, but he is slow in doing so. It is due rather to
i;2 UNIVERSAL RACES CONGRESS
carelessness than to ill-will. May we put it that he wishes to
disclaim any pretence that he is perfect ?
F. Intellectual Standing and Progress. — The science which
flourished in the early days of Islam, at Bagdad, Corfu, Kairwan,
Basra, and Cufa, during their brilliant prosperity, are now cultivated
only in the city of Cairo. Egypt is unquestionably the part of the
world in which Mussulman university centres are most numerous
and richest in students. It is the scientific and intellectual centre
of the East Round each of the pillars of El-Azhar, and under the
roof of most of the mosques in the various quarters of Cairo, of
which it is the centre, you will find students from Morocco, Tunis,
Tripoli, the Sudan, Syria, Turkey, Arabia, Afghanistan, India, and
Java, from early dawn until late at night, receiving the instruction
that is given them by several hundred professors of the various
sciences.
In December, 1908, the nation, conscious of the future of its
children and anxious to raise the intellectual level, founded the
Egyptian University. Its establishment is due to private initiative,
to the generosity of large-hearted men, and the sympathy of those
who love progress and science. At once the Council of the
University, encouraged by the spontaneous liberality it experienced
on every side, set to work to realise the most pressing part of the
programme, and sent to all the different intellectual centres of
Europe a number of young students for the pursuit of science.
While applauding this resurrection of science, we earnestly
desire that the intellectuals who will control the destiny of our
studious young generation will spare no effort to form their char-
acters, inflame them with a zeal for scientific discovery, and train
them in the struggle of intellectual life.
Let us not forget that it is more important to train character
than to train intelligence, and that a really great university should
devote itself more ardently to the development of qualities of
character than to the training of the mind.
We have at the present time more than six hundred students in
Europe and America, and the number is increasing. More than
three hundred of them are in France.
Part II. The Politico-Economic Situation. — Egypt owes its
economic importance to two circumstances, which have had influence
in the past, as they have to-day. The first is the situation of Egypt :
it is at the crossing of the great commercial routes between Southern
Europe, North Africa, the Sudan, Arabia, and the East in general.
The second is the fertility of the soil, which is due no less to its
excellent character, to the stability of its sub-tropical climate, and to
the regular and abundant supply of water.
THIRD SESSION 173
It is an essentially agricultural country, and its richness has
always been proverbial, but, on the other hand, there are hardly any
industries, apart from those that have been introduced, and are now
prosperous — the sugar and rice industries. The manufacture of
sugar employs a number of factories in Upper Egypt ; the decortica-
tion of rice is chiefly confined to the neighbourhood of Damietta.
The making of cigarettes with tobacco, which is imported and then
exported, has grown to such an extent that for the year 1909 we have
to record an importation of £839,185 (English), and an exportation
of £365,801 (English). The real wealth of the country consists in
the cultivation of cotton. Numbers of factories for picking it are
scattered over Upper as well as Lower Egypt. The enormous growth
of foreign commerce is due entirely to the increased cultivation of
cotton and to the rise in price of that commodity. I need only say
that during the last twenty-five years the receipts, in spite of constant
strikes, have risen from about £9,000,000 (English) to more than
£15,402,872 (English) ; I that the total of imports and exports, which
in 1880 was £19,500,000 (English) has increased to about £42,000,000
(English) ; that the cultivated area has increased by more than a
million feddens ; and that the cotton crop, which in 1880 was about
2,250,000 kantars, now usually varies between 6,000,000 and 6,500,000
kantars. There could, moreover, be no better proof of the develop-
ment of our commercial activity than that afforded by the remarkable
growth of credit-establishments. There are various kinds of joint-
stock banks established ; some are deposit and clearance banks, others
lend money on mortgages and securities. Foreign capital flows in
constantly with perfect confidence, and has had the happy effect
of substituting, in a large measure, banks for the local usurers for pro-
viding funds for the proprietary class and the fellahs. The above
figures indicate a prosperity that is on the increase, and show that
Egypt is much richer to-day than it was twenty-five years ago, and
that its productive power has been developed.
G. Political Conditions. — Egypt is a vassal country of Turkey.
The form of government is theoretically absolute, but with certain
modifications which will be explained later. It was recognised by
the Convention signed at London on July 15, 1840, and agreed upon
between the Courts of Austria, Great Britain, Prussia, and Russia on
the one hand, and the Ottoman Sublime Porte on the other. The
chief firman or hatti-Cherif Q{ June I, 1841, appointed Mehemet Aly
Pacha the Governor of Egypt, and awarded the hereditary govern-
ment to his descendants.
Ismail Pacha was the first to receive the title of Khedive, and in
1866 succeeded in obtaining material concessions from the Sublime
1 Supplement to the Official Journal, No. 31, March 16, 1910.
174 UNIVERSAL RACES CONGRESS
Porte, especially the firman, which establishes : (i) the transmission
of the Khedivate in order of primogeniture from one eldest son to
another, and (2) that all revenue should be received in the name of the
Sultan.
After 1882, when the events connected with Arabi Pacha
occurred — events that are still painful in our memories — Great
Britain intervened for the purpose of restoring order and establish-
ing H.H. the Khedive on his throne ; it has remained since then
in the country, taking part in all Egyptian affairs and occupying
the country with military force. This occupation is not judicially
recognised, except by the Convention of April 18, 1904, in regard
to the finances of the country, in which Turkey (the Suzerain
Power) took no part. The actual Government has at its head
H.H. the Khedive Abbas II., who received his investiture by
firman dated March 27, I892.1
He governs with the aid of a Ministry that is in some sense
responsible to him. This Ministry is composed of seven Ministers
and six Under-Secretaries of State. Besides this purely native
Government there exists another power since the occupation, that
of the Plenipotentiary Britannic Minister, in whose hands is the
preponderant influence both in politics and administration.
According to Lord Granville's circular of 1883, and Lord
Rosebery's dispatch of 1892, the native authorities are obliged, in
all matters of importance, to follow the advice given them by the
Government of Great Britain, under penalty of losing their positions.
The British Agent exercises his control by means of Advisers
attached to each Ministry, except those of Foreign Affairs and
1 "The Khedive, to whom the civil, financial, and judicial administration is
confided, will have the power to make all regulations and internal laws necessary
to that end. The Khedive will be authorised to conclude and to renew, without
prejudice to the political treaties of my Imperial Government or to its sovereign
rights over the country, conventions with the agents of Foreign Powers in regard
to customs and commerce, and all transactions with foreigners concerning internal
affairs. The conventions will be communicated to my Sublime Porte before they are
promulgated by the Khedive. The Khedive will have full and entire control of the
financial affairs of the country, but he will not have the right to contract loans,
except as concerns exclusively the regulation of the present financial situation, and
in complete accord with its present creditors or delegates officially charged with their
interests. The Khedive cannot devolve upon others, in whole or in part, the privileges
accorded to Egypt, which are entrusted to him, and which form part of the rights
inherent to a sovereign power, nor sacrifice any part of the territory. . . . Regular
payment of the annual tribute of 750,000 L.T. The coinage will be minted
in the name of the Sultan. The Egyptian Army is fixed at 18,000 men in time
of peace. Nevertheless, as the Egyptian land and sea forces are 'also intended for
the service of the Sultan, in the event of the Sublime Porte finding itself at war,
the number may be increased in such proportion as is thought fit. The flags and
the grade-marks of officers will be the same as in the Ottoman Army. The Khedive
will have the right to confer on officers of the land and sea forces up to the rank
of colonel exclusively, and on civil officers up to the rank of sanieh exclusively."
THIRD SESSION 175
War, which he controls directly, and by means of inspectors in
each moudirieh or province. The English Advisers are appointed
by H.H. the Khedive, but proposed by the English Diplomatic
Agent, to whom they are really responsible.
The nation does not, in the parliamentary or representative sense,
really take part in the making of laws, and does not see that they are
executed. It is represented by : —
( I ) A Legislative Council, one half of whose members are appointed
for life by the Government, and the other half elected on a system of
two-graded suffrage — a very defective system, which does not meet
the wish of the nation, and gives only a semblance of representation.
This Council has only a consultative voice, and, when it rejects
or modifies a law, the Government may disregard it, sending it a
note explaining the reasons why its advice has not been followed,
and the Council has no right to reply to, or even to discuss, this note.
(2) A General Assembly, of which the members of the Legislative
Council and the Ministers form part. This Assembly must be
convoked at least once in two years. It also has only a consultative
voice, except when there is a question of raising new taxes. In
this case alone its voice is deliberative and decisive.
The sittings of these two elected, bodies were formerly private ;
only last year did they become public. On the other hand, the
Legislative Council is granted the right to put questions to the
ministers according to certain rules, without being able to discuss
their replies. This reform has not been introduced by decree ;
it was recognised in the Council by a letter from the President
of the Council of Ministers. These few insignificant reforms have,
nevertheless, added some strength and authority to the Councils,
which were too much neglected, and consulted only as a matter
of form.
In the third place, and beside each moudir or prefect, there
are provincial councils, the competency of which has been recently
enlarged. They have now a deliberative voice in part of the local
affairs, and much is hoped of their new organisation. They have
devoted nearly the whole of their budget to public instruction,
and make every effort to spread education in the country. Here
also we must recognise the local commissions that exist in all
the provinces, and the mixed municipalities at Alexandria,
Mansourah, Port-Said, and Heluan. The establishment of these
was excellent, as it indicates the first step toward self-government.
Egypt, like all civilised countries, demands reforms for the
purpose of remedying its actual defects. This very legitimate
claim justifies the French proverb that observes, with much subtlety :
" To govern is to dissatisfy." It is in this spirit, and not in a
176 UNIVERSAL RACES CONGRESS
critical mood, that I venture to make myself the spokesman of
my country in formulating the following claims : —
Elections. — The system actually in use is wholly defective, as
it in no wise expresses the will of the nation. It is also advisable
to extend the powers of the Legislative Council and the General
Assembly in order that the natives may have a real share in the
government.
Justice. — The same observation may be made in regard to justice,
either mixed or native. An early use should be made of some
means to make it more expeditious and economical, as one of its
great defects is the complicated character of the procedure, which
causes long and useless delays, always injurious to the parties
interested, and the enormous expense of having recourse to it. It
is also to be hoped that certain necessary, if not important, amend-
ments will be made in the law.
Education. — The Government ought to apply itself seriously to
enforcing obligatory instruction and return to the system in vogue
before the English occupation — to make education gratuitous in all
elementary schools. It is necessary to draw up new programmes for
the training of our youth, and make it capable of furnishing a supply
of skilful engineers, doctors, jurisconsults, &c., so that they may
take their part in the progressive development of the country.
Above all things, the authorities must take up the subject of moral
instruction, which is so important an element among Europeans,
making them good parents and good citizens.
Agriculture. — More delicate, and more vital to the economic
interest of the country, is the question of agriculture. It is necessary
to face at once the eventuality of the results of the cotton-crop
not coming up to expectation. In order to remedy this evil, and
avoid an inevitable crisis and imminent misfortune, it is necessary to
ensure and increase the productivity of the valley of the Nile by
a more varied and intensive culture and by bringing out its latent
resources ; for instance, to increase the cultivation of the sugar-
cane and permit the cultivation of tobacco, and the results will
be excellent both for the Government and the cultivators ; also
to encourage the creation of model farms, the rearing of poultry,
&c. These are so many material means of which the Egyptian
producer is at present deprived.
Another reform that is equally pressing is the improvement of
the lot of the fellah by providing him with the means of enlarg-
ing his activity and resources. At the present time the majority
of the fellahs hire a plot of land, which they work themselves, and
with the produce they are barely able to pay the rent (often
exorbitant) and the taxes, and provide for themselves for a year
THIRD SESSION 177
out of the little that remains. On this account it is impossible
for them to save anything, still less to have the satisfaction of
acquiring a kirat of land. The Government ought, like a benevo-
lent parent, to offer them every facility. It could, for instance,
with every regard for their age-old inexperience and improvidence,
either let land to them on a long lease, with the prospect of some
day becoming the owners of it (by paying with the rent an
additional sum towards the price of the land), or grant them per-
petual leases in consideration of the regular payment of the rent.
We must not forget, too, that the fellah still uses the ploughing
instruments of ages ago, which entail a good deal of labour and time
and do not yield a proportionate result. The Department of Agricul-
ture will do a good and useful work if it suggests to the large land-
owners to form unions to buy and hire out improved tools. It is
wrong to suppose that the fellah is devoted to the ancient methods ;
on the contrary, he will accept gladly and gratefully any improve-
ment that means a practical saving to him.
The action of the State would be still more fruitful if it
encouraged and increased the formation of agricultural unions,
co-operative societies, provident and productive associations.
Industry. — A word now on the working population. This poor
class of society, which has not yet learned modern methods and
industrial organisation, is at the mercy of its employers. The price
of food has doubled in recent years, but wages have not increased in
proportion, so that the labourer and the worker are relatively poorer
than ever. Ought not the competent authority to encourage trade
unions in order to remove their grievances ? The best way would be
to endeavour to make agriculture so prosperous as to check the fatal
tendency to rural emigration.
Public Assistance^ &c. — Turning to a different order of ideas, we
may say that our country is also wanting in establishments of Public
Assistance, instituted by the Municipalities and the Provincial
Councils ; also in retreats for the aged and infirm, such as we see in
Europe, especially in England. These establishments would be
compelled (instead of doing it out of charity) to house and feed every
indigent and his family of any nationality or creed whatever. Such
an organisation would do important humane and moral service, par-
ticularly in protecting children, as child-mortality is increasing fright-
fully. The statistics of 1909 show 417 deaths per thousand at Cairo,
and 33*1 per thousand at Alexandria. If we compare this with
European capitals, we find that London, with its 5,000,000 inhabi-
tants, has only 14 deaths per thousand ; Berlin, with a population of
2,106,513 has only 15-1 per thousand; Paris, with 2,760,033 inhabi-
tants has 17*4 deaths per thousand. It is a sad disproportion,
N
UNIVERSAL RACES CONGRESS
especially when we reflect that the climate of these cities is much
more unhealthy than ours. From all this we may conclude that
sanitary reform leaves a good deal to be desired. We must fight
against this alarming loss of infant life in our large towns.
Another pressing duty is to make the houses of the working
classes healthier; at present they are entirely wanting in the
elementary principles of hygiene.;} "to
-it^To resume : Egypt claims certain reforms in order to maintain
its prestige and its moral dignity. It may be objected that we lack
the means to realise them. To that we may confidently reply that
the progressive wealth of the country can sustain the burden of these
expenses. Who, moreover, presses the Government to undertake
them all at once? A beginning could be made with the urgent
reforms, and the work might continue gradually until the expressed
wishes of the nation have been satisfied.
-avJn conclusion, we may say that it would be wrong to regard the
mental status of the Egyptian as permanent or not susceptible of
modification under the pressure of influences in his environment.
On the contrary, the present situation leads us to predict with
confidence that changes in the system of education and in public
opinion, due in a great measure to constant and increasing contact
with the West, will transform and improve this mental aptitude at no
distant date. Egypt, the cradle of the most ancient civilisation in
the world, will, thanks to the generous support of our Beloved and
August Sovereign, H.H. the Khedive Abbas II., continue to make
giant strides toward the conquest of civilisation and progress. The
future smiles on us, and I may conclude in the words of the sublime
poet Milton : —
" Methinks I see in my mind a noble and puissant nation rousing herself like
a strong man after sleep, and shaking her invincible locks : Methinks I see her
as an eagle mewing her mighty youth, and kindling her undazzled eyes at the
full midday beam ; purging and unsealing her long-abused sight at the fountain
itself of heavenly radiance."
[Paper submitted in French.]
oJ "{Infifo Ju<> * ^;no.» o
SOME GENERAL CONSIDERATIONS ON THE
PEOPLE AND THE GOVERNMENT OF HAITI
rL-.^iTt i vJiiirfl ,fran ojo?q r.i .rji)
By GENERAL LEOTIME,
Former President of the Republic of Haiti.
-it»,;iiiti OOOXJGO,; fill rUiv/ .nubfuxl jjjrif L-ru? r; v h./iq&i tifioqoiwH
THE Haitian nation dates back to yesterday, as it were, and its
clumsy gropings towards the light should cause, therefore, no aston-
ishment From 1804, the year of its independence, to 1843, the year
THIRD SESSION 179
of the revolution, its political education and its social organisation
were bound to be very imperfect. Yet many illusions have been
cherished in regard to this people through mistaking surface appear-
ances for the reality. The memory of its former colonial prosperity
and the favourable position of the island led many to conceive the
Republic of Haiti as a Garden of Eden. Is not the azure sea which
lies around it the reservoir from which the Gulf Stream derives the
tropical heat which is borne onward until its influence is felt even on
the shores of England ?
But, however stimulating the climate of the Antilles may be, it
could not succeed alone, and with such rapidity, in forming a society.
It needs the support of other agencies, and we are therefore com-
pelled, in studying the progress of the people of Haiti, to examine
the influence of the external forces which have co-operated, or acted
infelicitously, in modifying the situation.
In 1843 nearly twenty years had passed since the Black Republic
had been convulsed by a revolution ; but the government of the
Republic, which might be regarded as the most regular power that ,
had held sway over it since its independence, rested, nevertheless, on
an insecure foundation. At that time power was concentrated in the
hands of the single personality at the head of the State. It was a
government of the older European type. The ideal of the revolution
was bound to be very different from this, a government divided
into three great branches (legislature, executive, and judiciary),
thoroughly civil and representative. It was an attractive ideal ; but
was such a government possible in the then condition of Haiti, which
was feudal rather than mediaeval ?
History has given a negative answer to the question. In 1843,
however, the Haitians were no less eager for liberty than in 1804,
and not in the least more opposed to progress. What above all
things they desired and demanded, from a lively consciousness of
their moral and material needs, was prosperity. They were confident
that this was the best means for attaining complete emancipation and
the highest possible degree of civilisation. As far as the people were
concerned, President Boyer would not have fallen from power if
agriculture, commerce, and industry had not been threatened under
his administration. Prosperity in these three things was precisely
what the deputies of the Commons had in view, and the lack of
it formed the burden of their complaints in their representations to
the President of the Republic. Ought they not to have adhered to
that programme when they had organised a ministry, and incor-
porated it as a part of the government of the country?
A political revolution is a blind force, and, unfortunately, one that
cannot be controlled. If, like the English Revolution, it is conducted
i8o UNIVERSAL RACES CONGRESS
only in relation to existing institutions and for the purpose of realis-
ing conservative ideas, it will never be able to do much good. The
revolution of 1843, however, was useful in proving once more the
danger of Caesarism or personal government. Caesarism, which
anarchy always involves, cannot, any more than a dictatorship, be
a permanent form of government. In the life of a people there is
always a moment when the sword must give place to the law. Not
that the law is infallible ! It often contains many evils in the folds
of its long robe ; but, while the sword only represents force, the law
stands for peace and justice.
Born in troublous times, Haiti is essentially a military State,
and, though he cannot entertain ideas of conquest, its head must,
nevertheless, retain the character of a noble gendarme, the guardian
of its institutions. But this gendarme, who must be surrounded with
the light of knowledge, must have a counterpoise, and that can be
found only in communal institutions and in a Parliament. There
are, however, many kinds of such institutions and Parliaments ; every-
thing depends on the form they assume.
By a commune we understand a city, rivtfas, a civic community
with its own organs and its characteristic life. By Parliament
we understand the representation of the communes and of all the
centres of social activity that are created in a country. Both institu-
tions are of very ancient origin. They existed in Europe long before
feudalism, and even before the Roman Empire.
However much Parliaments have evolved in their form and their
functions in the course of history, we seem to find them, in a rudi-
mentary condition, in the palavers that are still held in great regard
in many a tribe. The Parliament controls, discusses, and, in that
way, relieves the responsibility of the Government. The idea of this
institution is assuredly one of those that have not suffered in the
disappointment of Haiti's early illusions ; but, in order that it may
be realised effectively, it needs to obtain a deeper consciousness, to
sink deeper into and take root in the mind of the people.
* * .'*:i,' * * *
The Parliament of Haiti before 1843 ^a<^ more than once
mutilated itself in deference to the wish of " the august person
of the first Magistrate of the Republic," as in the case of the
expulsion of the Senator Pierre-Andre1. Many times since then
an effort has been made to infuse new blood into it ; but the
antagonism of the various parties is so determined that, as public
opinion vacillates, the scale sinks on either side alternately, some-
times on the side of the Parliament, sometimes on that of the
Government.
When, then, may we hope to see established between the various
THIRD SESSION 181
branches of power in Haiti that harmony and stability which will
inspire confidence, strengthen its institutions, and permit a great
current of sympathy to flow through its various social strata? How-
ever, far from normal as the political regime of Haiti still is, it has
brought about certain improvements in the public service, and, at
the same time, some useful work has been done on private initiative.
We may enumerate them as follows : —
Public Instruction. — The development of education was not effec-
tively undertaken in Haiti until the time of the Geffrard Govern-
ment (1859-67). Schools were multiplied, and instruction of all
grades was given, except in the higher grade, in which educational
work was restricted to a school of medicine and a school of law.
Both before and after the time of Geffrard many young Haitians
used to go to Europe to complete their studies, and a number of
them were very successful. We may recall, for instance, that
M. L£on Audain, formerly a physician in the hospitals of Paris,
established a laboratory of bacteriology and parasitology at Port-
au-Prince ; M. Doret, a civil engineer, and M. Eth6art founded the
" Free School of Applied Science," and, finally, Dr. Jeanty established
a maternity hospital and an asylum for the insane. Before the Free
School of Applied Science, which is engaged in the training of
engineers, architects, and agriculturists, was opened, the Government
had laid the foundation of two schools of arts and crafts. The first,
which is known as the "Central House," goes back to 1846, under
the administration of Riche". The young people who were detained
in it to learn a trade were also taught to read and write, if their
education had been neglected. The establishment owed its chief
importance to the fact that the making of paper and soap was
included in the subjects that were taught. The soap works of the
Central House received little encouragement ; but its paper works
provided, until the end of 1858, all the material that the administra-
tion needed for the supply of its offices.
National Foundry^ &c. — The second school created by Geffrard
was equally successful in metallurgy. It also included a number
of schools for teaching wood-carving. We must also refer to the
sectarian schools which, since 1860, have assisted in spreading the
light and in teaching girls the various occupations suitable for them.
Religion. — The majority of the people are Catholics. On account
of the War of Independence, however, the Catholic clergy was not
officially organised until 1860, when a Concordat was signed with
the Holy See at Rome. Other religions are freely practised in the
country.
Communication. — Haiti entered the Postal Union in 1881, under
the government of General Salomon, and communicates with foreign
i82 UNIVERSAL RACES CONGRESS
countries by telegraphic connection and shipping. The various
towns of the country are connected by the post, by coasting vessels,
and by the telephone and telegraph. There are four lines of railway
in Haiti at the present time : (i) The Cul-de-Sac line ; (2) the line
from the Cap to Grande- Riviere ; (3) the line from Gonai'ves to
Ennery ; (4) the line from Port-au-Prince to L^ogane. These lines
are still in a poor state of development.
Agriculture, Commerce, and Industry. — From the time of Boyer to
the present day production has increased five-fold, or even six-fold,
in proportion to the growth of the population of Haiti. Yet the
economic situation is still the great stumbling-block which brings to
its fall the majority of Ministries. Agriculture, commerce, and
industry, which focus the energy of a country and form its "vital
tripod," so to say, are exhausted and ruined in Haiti under the
burden of taxes and paper-money to which the various Governments
have usually had recourse to fill up the deficit of the year.
******
No other cause need be sought for the debility and the function-
aryism of Haiti. It is not a racial question, but simply a problem of
political economy. This is proved by the fact that wherever paper-
money and excessive taxation drain the national reserves, no capital
can be accumulated. Private initiative cannot take action, and
national industry is paralysed.
One must not, however, on this account despair of the future of
the people of Haiti. Whatever may be said to the contrary, it seems
to be an energetic and vigorous people. In order to understand its
temperament and appreciate its worth, one must leave the towns,
where society is in a state of disaggregation, and penetrate far into
the country. There, in the midst of a luxuriant vegetation, will be
found an almost primitive population, professing a jealous love of its
soil. They work, but without method, without guidance, and without
capital. They have no resources. In order to sell their produce and
buy the smallest thing that they need, they have to walk long
distances and cross the mountains to reach the markets in the urban
centres.
In an age when the produce of the soil has lost a good deal of its
exchange-value, life in the country is full of hardship. What people
would be able to prosper in such circumstances ? Our peasants feel
the truth of this, and they endeavour to escape by emigrating in
groups, during the last ten years, to Cuba, Panama, Colon, and other
parts of Central America in search of work.
In the case of the Haitian, who suffers from no lack of land, sun-
shine and rain, this emigration would seem strange if we did not know
its causes. It may be asked if the emigrants will not be found
THIRD SESSION 183
inferior to their rivals, the other workers in the distant land. That
is far from being the case. M. Magoon, at one time Governor of
Cuba, highly praised them in a report which he made to his Govern-
ment Others have since expressed themselves in the same sense.
Knowing this, we may conclude that the people of Haiti are perse-
vering, active, and very adaptable ; that, if they had been always
encouraged and well directed, they would by this time have reached
a high pitch of prosperity and civilisation.
It may be objected, however, that the Haitians are fetichistic,
and the very general prejudice against the "blacks" disposes people
to believe this. Now, it is true that we can discover in Haiti certain
traces of African fanaticism; but this is only a lingering relic of
ancestral traits which a people does not easily suppress : witness the
Greeks, the Romans, the Gauls, the Germans, and the Scandinavians.
M. Maxime du Camp says, in one of his works, that there are still
people in France who believe in Lilith and Naema, as was the case
in the time of the Albigenses.1 " At the summer solstice certain
individuals meet, before the rising of the sun, on one of the hills
round Paris; their foreheads are swathed in strips of cloth, like
Egyptian sphinxes, and they invoke Apollo Epicurius, and chant the
hymn of Orpheus."
It is not surprising that something of the kind should be wit-
nessed on the mountains of Haiti, in a region where the people
have always been left to themselves. But the Africans were not all
fetichists. Some of them were Mohammedans, and some even
Christians ; but the latter are never taken into account. Moreau
de St.-Meiy, in speaking of the African dances that were introduced
into San Domingo, refers to the Vaudoux (Voud'houn) with which
are connected, he says, certain institutions in which superstition and
eccentric practices play a great part.2 The Vaudoux was at that
time danced in public, like all the others ; but in order to carry out
the rites connected with it, the members of the sect used to meet at
night in an enclosed place, a forest, far from the eyes of the
profane.
In regard to these matters the authorities did not show any
severity until the governments of Toussaint-Louverture and
Dessalines, both of whom were blacks. The offenders were arrested
and prosecuted, and their dance-meetings were regarded as centres
of sedition.3 They were not spared under the succeeding govern-
1 Pan's, sa Vie, ses Organes, by Maxime du Camp.
3 Moreau de St.-Mery, vol. ii. p. 54.
3 Jacques Nicolas Leger. " Fully convinced that the leaders of these dances (Vaudoux)
have no other aim than to disturb the public order . . . and impart to their hearers
principles that are quite opposed to those that should be held by a man who loves his
country and is jealous of the honour of his fellow-citizens ; desiring to destroy the
184 UNIVERSAL RACES CONGRESS
ments. In 1846 President Rich6, whenever he heard the suspicious
beat of a drum during the night, used to go himself to track and
surprise the dancers in their retreat The unfortunate offenders lived
in perpetual and salutary fear, and shuddered at the mere sight of a
policeman's uniform in the distance.
In fine, what is this Vaudouism, as an excellent Protestant
minister, Mr. Bird, called it? What is it in the life of a people
whose last African ancestors were still living in 1870? Fanaticism
is assuredly an evil ; but we must not exaggerate its importance.
The prolonged weakness and evident incompetence of a State to
govern itself may bring about the death of that State, as Bluntschli
observed ; but a nation or a race is not doomed to destruction
because superstition has not been entirely destroyed in its midst.
There is every reason for hope. Vaudouism, with its drums, its
bells, its howling dervishes, its sorcerers and wizards, will disappear
from Haiti just as paganism and druidism disappeared from Europe.
tin Nil desperandum ! Haiti has immense natural wealth. If its
Government makes a methodical effort to develop it, with an eye to
the welfare and the independence of the nation and the union of
families, it will advance as the Argentine Republic, Mexico and
Chile have advanced, after a long succession of political revolutions.
Let us hope that it will do so, for the honour of the black race, the
progress of humanity, and, as Dessalines used to say, for the mani-
festation of the glory and power of God. Surget et ambula.
[Paper submitted in French.]
HUNGARY
THEORY OF THE HOLY CROWN, OR THE DEVELOP-
MENT AND SIGNIFICANCE OF THE CONCEPTION
OF PUBLIC RIGHTS OF THE HOLY CROWN IN
THE CONSTITUTION'
By AKOS DE TIMON,
Professor of Law in the University of Budapest.
THE Hungarian people who, in the last decade of the ninth
century, effected the conquest of the territory which, on the banks
roots of the incalculable evils that the propagation of so noxious a doctrine would bring
in its train, &c., I enact as follows : All nocturnal dances and meetings are prohibited,"
&c. — Decree of Toussaint-Louverture, January 4, 1800.
1 Compare also in general with the author's Ungarischc Verfassun^s- und
Rechisgexhichte, translated by Felix Schiller. Second Edition. Berlin, 1909,
Puttkaminer & Muhlbrecht.
THIRD SESSION 185
of the Danube and the Tisza, is bounded by the Carpathians, are
the descendants of the Turanian and Uro- Altaic races. They belong,
however, neither to the North-Western group nor to the Finn-Ugric
branch, nor yet to the South-Eastern group, i.e., the Turko-
Tartars. Both by language and ethnology they belong to a third
branch springing from between the two mentioned, the same to which
the Huns, Avars, Volga-Bulgarians, Petchenegs, and Rumanians
also belong. The strong public spirit of the Hungarian nation* —
which differentiates it in a marked degree from the German races,
which display an individualistic tendency — is probably an inheritance
from their Turanian ancestors. In the midst of the culture of
Western Europe this public spirit of the Hungarian people mani-
fested itself, as a reaction against the influence of West European
ideas and tendencies of law and administration, in the magnificent
system of government known to us as The Laws of the Holy Crown.
The Hungarian nation regards the Crown, which is the crown
of St Stephen, as holy. In this respect she stands alone among
the peoples who acknowledge a monarchical form of govern-
ment.
The Hungarian Constitution is a historic fact, the result of
more than a thousand years of gradual development. For its roots
and fundamental principles we must go back to the original home
of the Magyars on the western slopes of the Ural mountains.
No other Continental State can look back on such a long and
uniform development of its constitution, which has permanently
secured to the free members of the nation the right of participation
in public affairs.
National alliance formed the basis of the primitive Hungarian
State, which was built up on the union of the tribes. A public
and not a private alliance, it concerned itself not with individual
will or with any private treaty, but existed as a necessity, by
virtue of a higher maxim of law binding on the whole members
of the nation. We must, therefore, in accordance with modern
theories, pronounce the primitive Hungarian State to have been
a legally constituted body. Otherwise we could only speak of it
as a rabble drawn together for fighting purposes and held together
by sentiments of fidelity and loyalty towards the chief. Thanks
to the national alliance, the primitive Hungarian State possessed
in a decidedly superior form a legal public character, unlike the
feudal states of the Middle Ages, whose feudal basis bound the
individual in a relationship, not to the whole community, but to
a person more powerful than himself.
According to the trustworthy reports of the Greek emperors
(Emperor Leo the Wise's 7a£//£and Konstantinos Porphyrogennetos's
186 UNIVERSAL RACES CONGRESS
work De administrando imperio I), the primitive state enjoined two
public duties : common defence and obedience to the laws, binding
on all recognised free members of the community. Every man
belonging to the nation capable of bearing arms was obliged to
appear at the National Assembly, which was at once a military
and a judicial body. On the national alliance rested the national
authority, or, as we should term it to-day, the highest executive
power. It was represented by the people politically organised,
ijt.t the nation. The sovereignty was therefore the sovereignty of
the people, resembling in this respect the first beginnings of the
German Constitution. moil
The first political or national organisation of the Hungarians
took place therefore in accordance with the forms of public law.
The Hungarian army is a national army, not a private fighting
force. Arpad and his successors, in their ducal character, were
not private war-lords, but public officials of the nation — elected
generals who, by the authority invested in them, commanded and-
led the army.rr:
The primitive Hungarian State did not recognise the feudal
institution known as "retainers," upon which the maintenance of
private troops was founded. This is the essential difference between
the original Hungarian and German polity.
The political life and political organisation of the Hungarian
people did not, even in the later course of mediaeval development,
lose their legal character, notwithstanding the influence of feudal
political ideas and provisions. The kingdom did not content
itself with feudal lordship, but developed more and more in the
direction of constitutional power upon the basis of public law. The
strong public spirit and collectivist ideas, brought by the Hungarian
people from their original home, prevented the feudal system, based
upon distinctly individualistic principles, from taking the place of the
common union.
The King was kept in check in a very important way by material
limitations of his power, in spite of the fact that for the first two
centuries he had enjoyed absolute power, as the inheritor of the
supreme rights formerly possessed by the National Assembly, which
were from the beginning of a public character.
The royal power could not pronounce an absolute decision on
matters concerning the free members of the nation. The King had
no absolute jurisdiction either over the army or the nobles, nor could
he claim the property of the latter by way of taxation. At the very
time when the English wrested Magna Charta from their King the
Hungarians received from King Andrew II., in the Golden Bull
1 See de Timon's Ungarischt Vcrfauungs- und Rechtsgeschichtt, p. 22 ff.
THIRD SESSION 187
(1222), the title-deeds of their rights. In the mind of the Hungarian,
the love of freedom for the nation stands far superior to the claims of
individual freedom.
As a consequence of the penetration of the feudal political ideas
of the West in the course of the thirteenth century, beside the royal
power arose other oligarchical powers which invariably claimed the
greater share in the exercise of public rights. The administration of
justice, as well as of military and financial affairs, ceased to be exclu-
sively a royal prerogative. But as the danger became imminent that
the public life of the Hungarian nation would fall under Western
influences, and thus become established on the basis of private law —
upon the principle of absolute monarchy, which is the negation of the
true state idea — the strong public spirit of the Hungarians developed
the idea which had taken root in the nation, the idea, namely, of a
common power belonging jointly to King and Nation.
The idea of a common power, as opposed to the personal power
of the King, assumes concrete form in the conception of the public
rights of the Holy Crown, and produces as a logical sequence the
theory of the Holy Crown, that is to say, the system of State law
depending upon the personification of the Holy Crown.
The conception of the State as a living organism, as a personality,
is the fundamental principle of modern statecraft. The mediaeval
conception overlooked this, and especially the idea of the State in
the abstract. Even later, the nations of the Middle Ages, influenced
by the principles of law that prevailed in ancient Rome, did not
attain to a proper idea of State administration, and thereby to a
correct notion of the transferred common power. On the other hand,
through the personification of the Holy Crown, the Hungarian nation
grasped these ideas before any of the nations of the West.
The Hungarian nation saw the State embodied as an organic
whole in the Holy Crown, in the interests of organised society.
They regarded the Holy Crown as a mark and symbol of the
sovereignty of Hungary, expressing the international independence
of the Hungarian nation, even though to outside States it seemed in
opposition to sovereignty. On the other hand, it personified it as the
custodian of the common power, having its roots in the people,
though in the political sense indebted to both. This is present as a
mystery in the Holy Crown.1
The acceptance of this interpretation of public law began to set
in at the end of the twelfth century, advancing slowly and gradually,
and can only be considered to have reached its final stage in the
period of King Sigismund. The personality of the Holy Crown ere
1 I first met the word mystery in this sense in the Manifesto of the Hungarian Diet
of 1440, Kovachich, Vestigia Comitiorum, p. 235 ff.
i88 UNIVERSAL RACES CONGRESS
long forms the foundation of the Constitution. Every factor of the
State life comes directly into relationship therewith, and receives
therefrom its function. The highest common power is not a power
bound up with the personality of the ruler, but is the authority of the
Holy Crown (iurisdictio Sacra regni Corona) ; the high rights of the
State are no longer the rights of the royal majesty, but of the Holy
Crown — rights due to the Holy Crown as an ideal personality, and
passed on to the King through it.
The dominion of the State is the territory of the Holy Crown, the
royal revenues are the revenues of the Holy Crown (bona vel peculia
Sacra regni Corona] ; and so long as the constitutional law of owner-
ship, the so-called "Avitizitat" of King Louis the Great, existed,
every right of free ownership was derived from the Holy Crown as its
root (radix omnium possessionum\ and reverted to the Holy Crown
after the extinction of the lineal descendants. The Hungarian
donational system was therefore based, contrary to Western feudal
constitutional ownership, not upon private but upon public law. The
donation was exclusively an act of public law enacted by the royal
wearer of the Holy Crown.
From the mystery of the Holy Crown proceeds the theory that
in it the nation is one with the King. All who derive their inheri-
tance from the Crown were once members of the Holy Crown
{membra Sacra regni Corona), and as such participated in the exer-
cise of the public powers belonging to it ; but to-day, since the laws
of 1848 have decreed the equality of the citizenship of the whole
Hungarian people, all who inhabit the territory of the Holy Crown
form, in union with the royal wearer thereof, that united whole in
public law, that living organism called in mediaeval documents " the
whole body of the Holy Crown" (totum corpus Sacra regni Corona),
but which to-day we call the State.
This theory is by no means derived from clerical representations ;
it does not demonstrate the mediaeval Mystery of Christ, nor does it
bear any genetic relation thereto. Here we have to do with a real
construction of State law. It is the peculiar creation of the con-
stitutional development of the Hungarian people, and even to-day
forms the central point of Hungarian State law.
The idea and the nature of the transferred common power have
already been clearly and definitely formulated by Verboczy in his
Tripartitum (tit. 3, § 6, p. i), accepted by the Diet in 1514, as it had
never before that time been recognised in Western Europe, not even
in England. The State Constitution founded on the theory of the
Holy Crown stands, by virtue of its legal basis and forms, much
nearer to the constitutions of modern States than to the feudal
constitution of the Middle Ages proper, and to the absolute
THIRD SESSION 189
patrimonial constitution of later periods, both of which are based on
the rules and forms of private law. It could therefore withstand the
invasion of the newer ideas of State longer than the feudal and
absolute constitutions of the West. Even the transformation which
the Constitution underwent in 1848, when the equality of all citizens
before the law was recognised, was in reality but an extension of its
fundamental principles.
Every function of State authority obtains a legal character and
constitutional form. Thus the legislative power appears beside it as
a constitutional power shared alike by King and Nation.
Already in the reign of King Sigismund the fundamental prin-
ciple of law was laid down that a law, to be valid, could only be
created by King and Parliament acting in concert. Only when the
whole body of the Hungarian Crown (to turn corpus Sacra regni
Corona}, that is to say, the crowned King and the members of the
Holy Crown were present in legislation, could laws be made. This
important principle of State law is very precisely formulated by
Verboczy in his Tripartitum. In this way the exact difference
between law and ordinance was established.
The individual will of the King cannot create a law. A law is
the unanimously expressed will of King and Parliament, i.e., the will
of the Holy Crown, which can never be re-enacted by royal decree,
neither can it be nullified. Decisions issued without the consent of
Parliament — for instance, the ordinances of the Great Council — are
ordinances only, and not laws. Whence it follows that the royal
ordinances may be revised or abolished at any time, in short, by the
one party only ; while the laws can only be altered or abrogated by
the mutual consent of King and Parliament, since the law (according
to Verboczy) binds the King also.
Under the rule of the Habsburgs the right of Parliament to
share in the making of laws has never been questioned, notwith-
standing the strenuous absolutist endeavours made from time to
time.
The best proof of this is furnished by the history of Act XXII. of
1604, which was added arbitrarily by King Rudolph to the decrees
of Parliament. After the successful insurrection of Stephen Bocskay,
it was declared in Article I. of the Peace of Vienna that the Act
referred to should be abolished, having been entered without the
consent of the Diet.
The competence of Parliament extends without restriction and
exception to all affairs of State ; no kind of State affairs appertaining
to Parliament can be withdrawn from its competence. There are no
absolute prerogatives or reserved rights over which Parliament has
not a restrictive influence. The constitutional character of the
190 UNIVERSAL RACES CONGRESS
transferred sovereign rights excludes entirely the idea of any such
reserved rights. The royal prerogatives are constituted and limited
by the Legislature. This conception of State law is expressed in
Act XI. of 1741 : " The Queen at Court will avail herself of the sup-
port and advice of her faithful Hungarian subjects on all matters
proceeding from the supreme power, in accordance with her discretion
and royal position."
From the Golden Bull to the present time our laws consist of
innumerable decisions in which the royal prerogatives are fixed and
the exercise thereof limited. As with the legislative power, so also
with the executive ; especially in matters pertaining to War, Finance,
and Judicature, which are divided between the wearer of the Holy
Crown and the members thereof. This division probably came about
through feudal influences and provisions which outweighed the
principles of individuality, and thus detracted from the principle
of sovereignty, representing State interests. But it never went
the length of annihilating the unity of the State embodied in the
idea of the Holy Crown. That would be to put in its place the
dualism of sovereign rights and legislative rights, after the example
of the patrimonial monarchies of the West.
The development of the State law theory of the Holy Crown
brought about important changes, especially in so far as the exercise
of financial power was concerned. The royal domains and revenues
are now the property of the Holy Crown, of which the King can no
longer dispose freely and absolutely. In this way the theory of
inalienable Crown lands was developed. Further, without the consent
of the Diet the King can only claim the ancient revenues of the
Royal Treasury, to which from time immemorial belong the revenues
from the mint and the technically designated " Portal Duty " (lucrum
camera;}. In the event of an exceptional or war tax (contributio,
dica, or subsidium\ this rule of law has been held valid from the
beginning — that the King can neither impose nor collect taxes
without the consent of the Diet. King and Parliament together — •
that is to say, the totum corpus Sacra regni Corona — must determine
the object of the tax, the amount thereof and exemptions therefrom,
and frequently the mode of levying the tax. Article I. of the Decree
of 1504 surrounds with a special guarantee this highly important
right of the Diet, which to-day is the foundation of the so-called
Budget Law. Should a county consent to the King levying any
taxes not sanctioned by the Diet, the nobles of that county would be
excluded in perpetuity from the community of the nobles. The
right of the Diet to vote taxes has since that time never been
questioned.
As regards the administration of justice and government, too,
THIRD SESSION 191
the longer they last the more thoroughly does the character of an
exclusively royal administration vanish. The members of the Holy
Crown participate therein in an ever-increasing measure. The
members of the Privy and restricted Royal Council and the Royal
Courts of Justice owe their position, attained by degrees, not only
to the King's confidence, but to their appointment by the Diet.
The first Government official, the Palatine, who receives his office
from the united will of the King and the Diet, is especially the official
of the Holy Crown, whence he derives his power and authority to
defend equally the rights of the wearer and members of the Holy
Crown, and — as opposed to the King — to represent the nation. The
election of the Palatine is the natural consequence of the theory of
the Holy Crown. The same observation applies equally to the
Crown Guards, also officials of the Holy Crown, and who are also
appointed by the common will of King and Diet. This peculiar
institution has no counterpart in the States of the West. nom arIT
The history of the Hungarian Constitution in the Middle Ages
tells us, further, of an evolution which was most appropriate, in that it
afforded the most comprehensive influence over the Executive. Ac-
cording to Article XXIII. of the Decree of 1298 (King Andrew III.'s
so-called Council Law), the King is obliged to maintain at court
two bishops alternately for three months at a time, together with an
equal number of nobles elected by the Diet to the Council. Should
the King fail to comply with this provision, all he might decide upon
in the absence of the aforesaid Council, with regard to large dona-
tions or appointments to office, would be treated as non-obligatory,
nv/ This Council Law of Andrew III. cannot in any sense be
regarded as imitating the Council Laws of Western Europe. It
approaches far more nearly to the idea of ministerial responsibility
than it resembles the institutions of West European States for the
introduction of elected Council Boards — such States, for example, as
England, Aragon, and Castile. We do not find in any of them the
principle laid down that the validity of the royal enactments
depended upon the co-operation of the Council, tnnic-
The Hungarian nation was the first to discover a method of
controlling the royal power, which method forms the basis of the
representative ministerial government of later times.
The other principle of this kind of government, viz., that the
King's counsellors can be called to account, not only for remissness
in the performance of their official duties — if in violation of the law,
but also politically, if the act be against the welfare of the country
—finally and completely succeeded only after the lapse of two
centuries, when it was enacted by the Council Law of King Wladis-
laus II. (Decree of 1507). ui juonnrj-jvo^ linJn
UNIVERSAL RACES CONGRESS
In England the same evolution took place under more favourable
circumstances ; the Privy (or continual] Council being chosen from
the responsible ministry, thereby forming the parliamentary system
of government, which is based upon the principle of ministerial
responsibility. The evolution of the English Constitution is doubt-
less the more complete, as before Edward III. the English kings
opposed a constant and successful resistance to the demands for the
election of the royal counsellors and public functionaries. In
Hungary the greater acquisition of the Diet, the right of election
(or at least co-election) of the royal counsellors, turned out to be
mischievous, since it signified the weakening of the royal authority
and subordinated the King to the supremacy of factions in the
Diet.
But after the disaster of Mohdcs the Royal Council ceased
altogether to be the restricting factor in the King's executive power.
The more emphatically was expressed the requirement of the theory
of the Holy Crown in the Palatinate — especially in the r61e of the
Palatine as the necessary representative of the King during his
absence abroad — that the nation, i.e., the entire members of the
Holy Crown, should act as the executive power and thus prevent
the arbitrary use of the Crown.
The influence of this ancient Hungarian constitutional establish-
ment was evidenced also in the setting up of a responsible ministry,
as provided by Act TIL, 1848, § 2. "In the absence of His
Majesty from the country, the Palatine and Royal Lieutenant
(Statthalter) exercises with plenary authority the executive power
in Hungary and its provinces, by warrant of the unity of Crown
and Realm."
In 1867 the appointment of the Palatine was suspended for an
indefinite period.
Another highly important provision of the Hungarian Con-
stitution, intended to limit the executive power of the King, is the
self-government and autonomy of the counties. The idea also of
the County Commons (universitas nobilium) was developed on the
basis of the authority of the Holy Crown. The County Commons,
equal in rights to the English counties, on the one hand, perform
their functions as Noble Commons, on the basis of the State's
transference of the executive power, within their own boundaries,
independently, through their own members ; on the other hand,
they conduct their own affairs, independently, within the limits of
the law ; and this constitutes true autonomy.
The self-government of the counties reached the climax of its
constitutional importance when they deemed it their right and duty
to control the central government in regard to the legal use of the
THIRD SESSION 193
Constitution, and to decline the execution of unconstitutional State
ordinances. The counties claimed the " Right of Remonstrance "
on the basis of Act XXXIII. of 1545, found among other principles
of State law, in opposition to the illegal royal ordinances. If this
had failed of the desired result, they would then have taken refuge
in another remedy — vis inertia, or passive resistance — thereby
delaying the execution of the unsatisfactory ordinance.
Every county, as a Noble Common, as a Common of the
members of the Holy Crown, with the Lord-Lieutenant (the King's
representative) at its head, represents the whole body of the Holy
Crown — figuratively speaking, the State in miniature. It shares in
the power, and as a complete organism, it shares also in an
independent manner in the life of the Holy Crown.
The fulfilment of the theory of the public rights of the Holy
Crown, and the right of possession connected therewith, procured
for the towns of Hungary an immense legal importance, in securing
to them the rights and privileges of a state of the Realm.
On the ground of their rights of free possession, the towns be-
came noble personalities — members of the Holy Crown — and as
such shared in the exercise of the public power pertaining to the
Holy Crown. Since the reign of King Sigismund they have, in fact,
been permanently represented in the Diet. They remain, indeed,
more dependent upon the Holy Crown than the other nobles. This
greater dependence has been especially expressed in the payment
of certain property-taxes in favour of the royal power, which could
not be levied on the other nobles. The Royal Free Towns are the
property of the Holy Crown : bona et peculia Sacrce regni Corona.
Upon membership of the Holy Crown — i.e., upon the collective
nobility of the town — is also based the legal position as to citizen-
ship in a town. The ordinary citizen is not an immediate member
of the Holy Crown, nor a noble, nor does he participate in the
freedom of the nobility, except of a particular town or free citizen-
ship. This development also has no analogy in the evolution of the
constitutions of Western States.
Since the Hungarian nation regarded the Holy Crown as the
symbol of the State, and saw personified in it the supreme power of
the State, the legal axiom must have obtained that the coronation
necessarily implied the constitutional ownership of the royal power.
A law prescribing the coronation was quite unnecessary. Any
such law was substituted in an efficient manner by the active national
comprehension of law that considered the legality of the royal power
to be dependent upon the coronation. By the Decree of 1687 and
the Pragmatic Sanction of 1723, the Hungarian nation, indeed,
waived its right to the election of the King in favour of the
o
194 UNIVERSAL RACES CONGRESS
primogenitive succession of the House of Habsburg. Nevertheless
the heir-apparent derives his power in law only through the Holy
Crown. Act II. of 1687, as well as the Pragmatic Sanction, contain
the clearly expressed provision that the King must be crowned before
he can execute diplomas of guarantee or take the oath of fidelity to
the Constitution.
Without the coronation there is no legitimate Sovereign, no
legal authority, for (according to Verboczy) there is no binding
allegiance, as the perfectly free members of the Nation, the nobles,
are only bound to the power of a legally crowned King (rex legitime
coronatus),
This primitive political conception, which is also expressed
in Act III. of 1790, declares that the coronation must take place,
without opposition (tnomtssi), within six months of the King's
accession to the throne.
During this interval the hereditary King (hareditarius rex) is
only permitted to exercise a circumscribed governing power. The
conferring of privileges, under which — according to an ancient
Hungarian law — is comprehended the sanctioning of laws, is the
prerogative only of a legally crowned monarch. If the interval,
as prescribed by law, for the coronation, be allowed to expire, the
continuity of law is broken ; the deeds and ordinances of the
hereditary King become null and void from the point of view of
public law. He has therefore no authority to sanction laws, neither
can he exercise the supreme power in any legal manner.
With the institution of the coronation two important constitu-
tional guarantees are closely connected : the Oath of Fidelity to
the Constitution and the Diploma of Guarantee ; the one repre-
senting the religious and the other the documentary guarantee of
the constitutional jurisdiction of the Hungarian State.
The coronation must take place at the Diet convoked for that
purpose. Moreover, a fundamental principle of Hungarian law
enjoins that, at the coronation, the Holy Crown of St. Stephen
must be used. According to the national consciousness the mystery,
*>., the constitutional effect, of the coronation, is bound up with
the Holy Crown. This is proved satisfactorily enough by the
history of the coronation of Andrew III., Charles Robert, Wladrs-
laus I., and Matthias I.
In the Holy Crown is embodied the political unity of the Realm
of St. Stephen, embracing also the adjacent lands, for those, too,
are members of the Holy Crown.
Just as there is only one crown, the symbol of the supreme
power and personifying its possessor, so there is but one uniform
royal power. The coronation, the coronation oath, the diploma
THIRD SESSION [VlMU 195
of guarantee, all are uniform for the whole Hungarian realm, just
as the citizenship of the Hungarian State is also uniform*., m orfJ teo'//
The thousand years' existence of the Hungarian nation as an
organised political state is bound up indissolubly with the Holy
Crown ; and the constitutional and international independence of
the Hungarian nation stands or falls with the Holy Crown. From
the general public consciousness of this relationship may be ex-
plained the strong monarchical sentiments of the Hungarian people,
which is without doubt manifested so vividly in no other European
nation. The Hungarian nation beholds in the Holy Crown her
greatest guarantee — the palladium of her constitutional life and
liberty.
[Pajxr submitted in English.-}. ^ rfqoanfirfq
•m ibni arl} bnjj ,9'iutR>? io jsnwrtofitHlq wli (bh'»v/ If.
!>n; -,'i>: rr.ixprf ?.}} bus ,f.vo( eJi ,<<wonpfe «Ji rijiw ••^.•xiv.vobe
THE R6LE OF RUSSIA IN THE MUTUALoob
APPROACH OF THE WEST AND THE EAST
:TX>JJ ad oiom ou HAJD bhow sldir.rj fstn srlT .!u<v. jutivjl vvr/9
By Dr. ALEXANDER YASTCHENKO,; -j^Bi\m K n«rii
Professor of Law at the University of Dorpat, Russia.
rifi-*/ Jtf^nias^.pw} 3r-r3f{j to yrlqoc irlq yrfT .vJh«rfD l/^ittvit'iu
THE long struggle of the Western and Eastern worlds, which we
trace throughout history, is not a mere expression of animosity
between two races ; it represents the collision of two different
standards of life, two systems of thought. In spite of all that we
do to bring together the East and the West, we see that they always
contain something foreign to each other, something profoundly
opposed and frequently hostile.
This difference is due to the mental complexion of the races,
the disposition of their minds. Nations organise their life and
compose their social relations according to the way in which they
grasp the meaning of their existence. No doubt, the general lines
of human psychology are the same everywhere and common to all
races ; our assurance of the ultimate pacification and unification of
humanity is based precisely on that fact. All nations are sociable,
and are in quest of happiness ; but they understand it in different
ways. The contrast between the East and the West is seen best
in the exalted province of their ideology, their latest effort to under-
stand their life and the existence of the world. But when we pass
the limits of this lofty spiritual life, the province of the most perfect
expressions of the mind of the race, and descend to the lower sphere
of the material life, we find a very slight difference between them,
and this difference is often accidental, a difference of details, external,
196 UNIVERSAL RACES CONGRESS
not internal and essential. We find in the East as well as in the
West the mass of the people living the semi-conscious life of a sensual
and almost animal nature. We see that there is no essential differ-
ence between the sceptical materialism of Europe and the positivism
of China; between the atheistic free-thought and irreligion that
exist in the West and the indifference of the Chinese masses to
questions of faith, and their equal readiness to accept the most diverse
religions.
If, however, we turn to the province of the highest productions of
the mind, we at once detect in the East the ancient tendency towards
a negative universalism of the moral conscience. At the very dawn
of the Eastern civilisation we meet two systems of pessimistic
philosophy, the systems of Sakya-mouni and of Lao-tse. The ex-
ternal world, the phenomena of nature, and the individual con-
sciousness with its sorrows, its joys, and its hopes, are illusory and
deceptive ; all divisions of men are imaginary ; nothing is real but
the love, the sympathy, and the universal compassion, which inspires
every living soul. The real visible world can no more be accepted
than a mirage ; the very foundations of material life are rejected.
From that principle we get asceticism and the preaching of
universal chanty. The philosophy of these two pessimists was
embodied in the religious systems of Buddhism and Taoism.
While the negative universalism of the Buddhist is peculiar to
the East in the province of the purely religious consciousness, the
idea of order, as the ideal of social arrangement, is familiar
to it in the field of social convictions. Society is conceived,
not as something fluid, changing, and evolving, but as an unchangeable
equilibrium, as a certain order confined within eternal limits. This
exaggeration of the idea of order, as if it were a foundation of
society, is in China associated with an exclusive cult of the past.
This cult of the past becomes in Confucianism the real cult of the
gods. And when all the social relations are established once for
all, and the dead ancestors dominate the actual life, the individual
disappears in the species, and the social principle triumphs definitively
over the individual principle. The too narrow adoration of the past
leads to a contempt of the present and, necessarily, to the denial of
the future.
The fundamental and general character of the Oriental mind is
seen in its detachment from life and in its leaning towards a purely
mystical conception of the world.
Differently from the East, the West, with its Aryan race, has
leaned from immemorial time toward the pagan spirit, the cult of the
living forces of external nature. To accept the world is just as
characteristic of the West as to reject it is of the East. The Aryan
THIRD SESSION 197
delights in the varying world of natural phenomena ; he does not
mortify, but loves and adorns, the flesh. He has a simple belief
in the reality of this resplendent world, with its brilliant colours and
its harmonious sounds. He lives in the present, and knows not the
cult of the past His eye is always toward the present Hence his
victories over the forces of nature, the marvels of his technical
skill, the so-called advantages of civilisation.
Not only the present in the narrow sense of the word, but also
that further expression of it the future, attracts the man of the West
His mind is steeped with the idea of progress, development, evolution.
Everything is open to improvement, and therefore capable of reform
and destruction. This progress is brought about by the action of
individual forces. The social order is not a rigid mechanism, but
an organic body, in which there is a constant dynamic evolution.
The collective principle does not destroy individuality ; the per-
sonality seeks always to affirm its power* >kifjj;
The mind of Europe, and of the West generally, is characterised
by its realism and its tendency to positivism. In its knowledge of
the world it trusts especially to the senses and its reasoning faculty.
It is therefore, in philosophy, inclined to rationalism and empiricism.
Even in religion it leads toward a rationalistic explanation of the
ineffable divine mysteries, and it even tries in Protestantism to obtain
a rational understanding of mystical Christianity.
The mystic life is not, however, wholly inaccessible to the Aryan
world. It has more than once admitted the mystic creations of the
East ; but, in harmony with its practical and vital character, it
endeavours to introduce even into mysticism the utmost clearness of
mind, precision, and arrangement Catholic Christianity is a similar
Aryan elaboration of the religious mysticism of the East.
Even to-day, in spite of the return to the old pagan spirit, we still
find in Europe a vital struggle of mediaeval Christianity against the
pagan renascence.
In the last century we can detect a movement in the direction of
the Buddhist spirit of the East, not in the express shape of the
Buddhist religion, which is itself far removed from the profoundly
detached spirit of its founder, but in the shape of a spread of those
pessimistic convictions which are responsible for the success of the
philosophies of Schopenhauer, Nietzsche, and Guyau. In this new
note we have a rejection of the old princely and overpowering
joyfulness of the Aryan.
II.
The decree of fate has placed Russia at the junction of the East
and the West. In that circumstance we must seek the conditions of
198 UNIVERSAL RACES CONGRESS
its history. It is a situation that imposes on it grave duties and a
great mission. All the sufferings, the miserable discords, the trouble,
and the constant efforts which run through the whole life of the
Russian people are, just as much as its achievements and its
conquests, the outcome of its intermediate situation. In the great
conflict between the genius of the East and that of the West, the
part of reconciler naturally fell to Russia. This synthetic action of
Russia is based on its twofold nature, its profound dualism. The
two hostile elements — the Mongol element of the East and the Aryan
element of the West — are blended in Russia. It is the real two-faced
Janus. Europe and Asia conduct their age-long quarrel within its
confines, and its Imperial emblem, the two-headed eagle, is a perfect
symbol of this duplication of the political principle of Russia. And
this very emblem bears, on the breast of the eagle, the symbol of the
final triumph over this dualism : Saint George destroying the
dragon (the ancient emblem of Muscovy).
' -From the first the history of Russia is full of the struggle of the
East and the West. The Russian tribes had continually to deal
with the peoples of the East, the Huns and the Avars, even at a
time when the Russian State was not yet constituted— from the
fourth to the seventh century. Then came the Khosars and the
Petchenegs. St. Vladimir, who introduced Christianity, built
fortresses on the western frontier against the peoples of Asia.
After the time of Jaroslav the Wise, the Polvetz made their
appearance, and assailed the Russian territory for two centuries. At
length, in the middle of the thirteenth century, there is a furious
encounter, and the domination of the Tartars is established for two
centuries. From the time of the Muscovite Tsar Ivan III., we find a
pronounced movement in the opposite direction, a movement of
Russia toward the peoples of Asia. The steppe is unbounded ; its
fringes are lost in the infinite horizon. The frontiers of Russia
advance farther and farther until the moment when, at length, the
Russian Cossacks make their appearance on the shores of the great
ocean. In the eighteenth century the Crimea and New Russia are
conquered. In the nineteenth, the Caucasus and Turkestan. The
whole thousand years of Russian history have been spent in heavy
and constant warfare against the nomadic peoples and the States of
the East. This long intercourse on the field of battle involuntarily
gives a certain Oriental impress to Russia ; a large number of
Oriental peoples have become subject to it ; its political frontiers
largely coincide with those of Turkey, Persia, and China.
But at the same time the whole aspiration of Russia is toward
Europe. It has adopted the Byzantine form of Christianity, and
•for a long time it maintained a commerce with the Hanseatic free
THIRD SESSION 199
towns. Since the reforms of Peter the Great it has resolutely
undertaken its complete Europeanisation. Constitutional and
administrative reforms are carried out in the spirit of European
politics, and great efforts are made to assimilate the science of the.
West. Its art, flourishing luxuriantly in its popular inspiration,
passes completely on to the lines of European aesthetics, and takes
part in the general advance of the artistic history of the West. AH
the scientific, philosophical, political, and social movements of the
West have a pronounced echo in Russia, and the story of , its
civilisation cannot be detached from that of Europe generally.-, iobrioJ
These two antagonistic principles are the causes of the painful
moral and political struggle which characterises the recent history of
Russia. On the one hand is the really Asiatic principle of an
unchangeable political order — order at any cost. That is the
reactionary movement. Theorists set forth the pure Oriental ideal
of an absolute State, in which the monarch is not merely the
dispenser of power by divine right, but is himself a viceregent of
God. The autocratic doctrine of these theorists entirely resembles
the Chinese theory of an unchangeable celestial empire, in which
the emperor is regarded as the Son of Heaven. The state, the
political organisation, has an ecclesiastical complexion ; it is, in other
words, regarded as divine — which is blasphemous from the Christian
point of view. Society is, in conformity with Oriental ideas,
conceived as a rigid and definitive equilibrium of certain given
relations. Everything must be regulated, as in a hive of bees ; order
must reign throughout ; the generations which succeed each other
must be merely so many stereotyped proofs of those that preceded.
The complete denial and dread of progress, and the unlimited political
absolutism, are merely a striking expression of the Oriental element..
Religion itself is, in this case, a blind, traditional religion, almost
more polytheistic than Christian ; because the saints, the icons, and
the ceremonies lose their meaning as symbols and means, and
become idols and ends.
0^ As a complementary colour to this divinisation of the actual we
then find a radically opposed and irreconcilably hostile movement —
though from the same source and, on the whole, of the same spirit —
the Nihilist movement. The Nihilist movement keeps pace with
absolutism like a shrill note of accompaniment. In its nature it is
purely Eastern, and entirely alien to the Aryan spirit of the West.
This denial of all absolute values, this tendency to destroy everything
and reject all authority, is really Buddhistic. Our imperfect world,
with all its illusory conventions, and its complex social and psychic
combinations, is reviled with a fervour that is Oriental, mystic,
sombre, and obscure. This Buddhistic- Nihilist rejection of the
200 UNIVERSAL RACES CONGRESS
world is imperfectly expressed in numbers of mystic popular sects.
It made its appearance, without recognising its own true nature, in
revolutionary Anarchism ; it even made an impression on such
representatives of the intellectual world, if not of genius, as Leo
Tolstoi.
We have expounded the two most expressive theoretical
indications of the Eastern element in the Russian nature which are
completely alien to the Western world. But the Western element is
also found in the Russian character. If the Mongolian absolutist
tendency and the Buddhist tendency to Nihilism have found their
place especially in the Government and in the people, the middle and
so-called " intellectual class " betrays an exaggerated leaning to the
most characteristic Western principles — the denial of religious faith
and of mystic knowledge, the exclusive acceptance of science, belief
in progress, positivism and rationalism, and the limitation of men's
aims to the realisation of the Kingdom of God on this earth only.
This tendency may very well be described as the religion of
humanity, the apotheosis of man.
This Western tendency, excluding every divine principle from the
life of man, seems to be profoundly atheistic. Religion is a prejudice
in its view ; there is no mystic insight into the hidden things of the
world ; power is a thing created by men themselves. From that we
get the democratic principle of the sovereignty of the people and
the ethic of utilitarianism, or the consecration of egoism. From that
also we get the idea of class-war and of social egoism, the contempt
of tradition, of every established habit of life, and, in fine, an exclusive
tendency toward a purely intellectual education.
The Western tendency, however, starting from the opposite
direction to that of Orientalism — if we may give that name to
Absolutism and Nihilism — and making the complete circuit of
evolution, has reached the same result : the denial of the meaning of
life. The existence of the world is, when we exclude a divine
purpose, absurd. The existence of man, that fortuitous, temporal,
and mortal phenomenon, is equally absurd, because it has no
foundation. Society itself is absurd, because it is doomed to
disappear like each individual thing, and, like everything in a world
predestined to eternal destruction, and destitute of any divine
inspiration, it has within it no eternal and intrinsic value.
Thus the Western and Eastern tendencies meet in their final and
extreme consequences ; but the result is purely negative. It leads to
the destruction of the meaning of life, and we do not find in it the
synthesis we seek.
The synthesis is to be found, nevertheless. It has been made more
than once, and we often find traces of it in the history of the Russian
THIRD SESSION 201
spirit. The Slavophiles were inspired by it. As a rule, the Slavo-
philes are opposed to the " Occidentals " (as the champions of Western
civilisation are called in Russia), and quite wrongly, in my opinion.
The real struggle is between the absolutists and the democrats, the
reactionaries and the radical intellectual class. These two parties are
in agreement in principle. The doctrine of the Slavophiles is engaged
from the start in a double combat, against the relative falseness of
these two tendencies. It is profoundly dualistic, and at the same
time synthetic in its fundamental principle.
A certain exclusivism may, no doubt, be found in the Slavophiles.
They had a good deal of natural pride. They had, perhaps, the
correct point of view in regard to the great part to be played by Russia ;
but they were not sufficiently conscious of the synthetic character of
that part.
The correct procedure is to oppose, not the West to Russia (as the
Slavophiles did), but the West to the East ; to regard Russia as at the
same time alien from and identical with the Eastern element and the
Western element in their abstract principles. The mistake of the
Slavophiles was to make an abyss where there was no such thing, and
ought not to be. They were wrong in maintaining that the European
spirit is exclusively characterised by a positivistic, materialistic, and
destructive tendency. They understood the destiny of Russia to be
the realisation of the Christian ideal ; but they forgot that the great
synthesis of Christianity was effected by Europe, and that, if the
Europe of to-day begins to dissociate itself from it, in a narrow
development of its older principles — the principles of the Renaissance,
the Aryan, and the Pagan — it has not entirely forgotten it, and still
bears within it the living God of Christianity.
But the Slavophiles, especially their deepest representative,
W. Solovien, rightly understood that the great synthesis of universal
realisations is to be found in a regenerated Christianity. We have in
Christianity a universalism that is positive, not negative. Christianity,
like Buddhism, recognises no absolute value except in eternal life, and
places the moral ideal only in universal love ; but, in harmony with
the Aryan spirit, it denies neither the material and temporal world nor
the labour of man. The Aryan idea of progress and of self-assertion
is seen in the conception of the Kingdom of God (the domain of the
real and eternal life), not as an established fact, but as the great goal
of the collective work of humanity, of the action of the universal
Church. The ideal of universal charity is also conceived as an ideal
of active love, realised in the historical efforts of the whole of
humanity in their successive social forms. Christianity teaches the
means to attain the eternal goal in this temporal life. It is a belief,
not only in the immortality of the soul, but also in the resurrection of
202 UNIVERSAL. RACES CONGRESS
the flesh. Matter and mind are reconciled in its synthesis. The
history of the human race and the Kingdom of God are not two
opposite things ; they are interdependent and closely united. History
is an advance, from the Christian point of view. The Christian
philosophy is evolutionary, but with this great difference from the
" evolutionary theory," in the strict sense of the word, that it perceives
the final goal of this evolution, and seeks to guide it. IIR&.
The genius of Russia, in its highest synthetic manifestations, has
always reconciled the East and the West ; witness Peter the Great in?
politics, Puchkine in poetry, Solovien in philosophy, and Tolstoi in
religion and morals!
Leo Tolstoi, especially, was a very typical example of the dual
character of the Russian soul, with its union of East and West. The
doctrines of not resisting evil by force, universal charity, and the
rejection of external goods, have an Oriental complexion ; while his
Christianity, belief in immortality, and active efforts for the improve-
ment of humanity, are Western in their nature. The spiritual world
of Tolstoi, with its imperfect equilibrium, is generally characteristic
of Russian life.
fit vrtov//
. TO t
dijeivhifcoq r. TO t>3?.hMDir»urb ^it»vi?.j/bx» fei '•
If, however, the work of Russia in the mutual approach of East
and West is carried on chiefly within its own confines by the difficult
construction of the higher synthesis of life, it is not wholly confined to
the internal life of Russia, but goes beyond its frontiers. And the first
problem we have to face is to determine what attitude Russia ought
to adopt in regard to the yellow races, Japan and, especially, China.
Japan never was, either in its history or in its national character—-
an enterprising, progressive, chivalrous, and warlike character — -a dis-
tinctively Oriental country ; which shows that the spirit of the East
does not depend so much on racial elements as on a whole series of
historical conditions. Japan has, by its rapid Europeanisation, its
grasp and penetration of the spirit of the West, proved that racial
Differences will not prevent the white and yellow peoples from drawing
together, when we have discovered the common ground for their
mutual approach.
Now that Japan has resolutely gone over to the side of the West,
the feeling of dread of the East, in which the Westerner, by some
atavistic influence, sees something menacing and hostile, is concen,-
trated upon China, It is, assuredly, a world in itself; some hundreds
of millions of men of different origin, having in common a peculiar
civilisation, a special tradition, and a different cast of mind. China is
the centre of the great problem of " Panmongolism," and of ti>£
*' Yellow Peril." ,{j nj Ofc| , jon
THIRD SESSION 203
Before we decide what ought to be the attitude of Russia in regard
to this problem, we must first understand the real nature of the yellow
peril.
The yellow peril may, first of all, be conceived as a danger arising,
not on the part of the yellow races, but on account of them. Even in
the time of Marco Polo, China was famous for its fabulous wealth,
and later exploration and study have not merely failed to destroy the
ancient legends, but actually shown, them to fall short of the truth.
The extraordinary fertility of the soil and the abundance of flowing
water yield the richest harvests of cotton, tea, rice, and silk ; the
treasures buried in the bowels of the earth are still richer, as coal,
copper, lead, and iron are found in immense quantities. At the same
time the axis of the world, which was previously shifted from the
Mediterranean to the Atlantic, is now gradually shifting to the
Pacific. It is surrounded by populous nations, and a rich and new
life is developing in its innumerable archipelagos. When the
Panama Canal is completed, and the western shores of North
and South America and the Polynesian Islands have a denser
population, the centre of gravity of the globe will necessarily
be shifted to the Pacific. It is natural that certain of the Western
Powers should seek to take up preponderant positions in that region,
and this gives rise to rivalry and hostility. The yellow peril and the
question of the Far East may in the end become a real peril, a
menace of struggles and wars between the Powers of the West for a
predominant influence in the Far East. That would be a grave
danger, seeing that a European war might, in the present circum-
stances, lead to a great enfeeblement of the Aryan race and put it
at the mercy of the united Mongols. In this regard the place of
Russia is to prevent a European war with all its strength, by means
of alliances and good understandings. Russia, as the nearest Power
to the East, and therefore the most sensible of the importance and
gravity of the problem, should seek first of all to establish an
equilibrium of the white peoples, in order to prevent them from
losing their strength in such a struggle, and so giving the necessary
counterpoise to the peoples of the East. It ought, in fine, to establish
a world-wide equilibrium of the white and yellow peoples.
.3!< But the yellow peril is usually understood to mean the danger of
a direct attack of the yellow races upon the peoples of the West.
This is the peril with which our literature and press constantly deal,
and on which our politicians reflect with a certain anxiety. It often
rises as a threatening spectre on the far political horizon. This
concern is not wholly without foundation. Who knows what changes
may not take place in the relation of the various forces of the world
when millions of new men enter the arena of its commerce ? What
204 UNIVERSAL RACES CONGRESS
will happen when these masses of people are armed in accordance
with the latest demands of military technics? What will be the
effect on general civilisation of this introduction of nations with a
different civilisation and entirely different principles of life?
On reflection, however, we must recognise that the dread of the
yellow peril is greatly exaggerated and, if a wise policy be adopted,
misplaced. The military peril naturally seems to be very great. But
we must not estimate the military strength of nations by their number
only. Wars are not ballots, conducted on the principle of universal
suffrage, and the victory is not always on the side of the majority.
The chief importance in military struggles lies in the psychological
forces and the way in which they are organised.
From what we know of the psychological qualities of the Chinese
population, as distinguished from the Japanese, the warlike spirit
has no roots in them. The contrast to Japan is explained by the
profound difference in the history of the two States. The psycho-
logical character, and the warlike spirit in particular, take centuries to
form, and it is difficult to imagine that the character of a people can
easily change. The other military factor is a solid organisation of
the available forces. In this organisation the most important part is
played by the general political cohesion, the financial and other
material resources, the ardour for the war, the harmony of the action
of the rulers, etc. Now, the State-organisation in Western civilisation
is incomparably stronger than it is in the East, and in order to attain
it China would have completely to transform and reform itself on the
European model. But a reformed China will no longer be alien. It
will approach the West, enter into international commerce, and be
compelled to submit to the general laws of the equilibrium of the
world. Humanity is always most closely drawn together by the
bonds of solidarity. The great development in our own time of
alliances and treaties between different States enables us to foresee,
not as a dream, but as a reality, the international organisation of
humanity in one political and federated body. China will be com-
pelled to enter this union, or else it will have to deal with the rest of
the human race ; and in that case it will face the unbroken ranks of
the human army.
The economic peril on the part of China is still less inevitable.
People dread the immigration of Chinese workers, fear that wages
will be lowered in the countries to which they migrate, and are con-
cerned about the commercial and industrial competition they may
experience from a reformed China. The United States, Australia,
Canada, and other countries have already closed their doors against
the Chinese worker.
We will not enter here upon an examination of the economic laws
THIRD SESSION 205
which, we think, show the fallacy of the economic peril of China.
China has not so dense a population that its workers cannot, with
the progress of its own industries, find a market for their labour in
their own country. The population of England is three times as
dense as the population of China. If the industrialisation of China
and the exploitation of its resources increase production, there will
be a corresponding increase of consumption. If it sells more, the
country will purchase more. Its budget will be larger. With the
results of the new economic form, China will experience new
demands.
There remains the moral "yellow peril." We do not see any
absolute error even in the idea of an immutable social order, the cult
of ancestors, or the negative universalism of Buddhism, but merely
sound elements of a larger truth. These ideas indeed are an
excellent antidote to the one-sidedness of European ways of think-
ing. There is a greater peril in the gross positivism and practical
materialism of the great mass of the people of China, but that is a
danger everywhere. The crude animal contentment of the average
small mind in Europe is just as real a menace to the future of the
West. There is a real danger that the materialistic spirit of China
may animate the world, when humanity is united, and the era of
universal peace has been established. The ideals of religion and
morality will then have to combat the meanness of the human
mind.
IV.
If, however, the yellow peril is usually much exaggerated, we
must beware of concluding that it does not exist, and that there is no
question of the Far East to confront. In political questions, especially
questions of international politics, it is ridiculous and dangerous to
adopt a purely sentimental attitude and, with naive kindliness,
declare that the goal has already been reached. We must not hastily
infer from the theoretical principle of the equality and fraternity of
races that they are actually equal at the present time and entertain
fraternal feelings in their relations with each other. To say that
would be to run counter to the indisputable facts of the situation. It
would be an unpardonable levity on the part of any sincere friend of
humanity to fail to see the wide distance that there actually is
between the yellow and the white races, and the possibility of
struggles and hostility between them on that account
It seems to us that the admission of the radical pacifist principle
of general disarmament does not solve the racial problem.
Not that we agree with the opinions of those who believe in the
absolute value of warfare, and find in it the mysterious and mystic
206 UNIVERSAL RACES CONGRESS
character which satisfies the desire of sacrifice and redemption that is
so deeply rooted in human nature ; but because we believe that, when
there is question of safeguarding things of great value, war is neces-
sary and divine, and to refuse to enter upon it in such cases would be
a piece of unworthy pusillanimity and cowardice.
But wars and the struggles of races are abnormal things and must
be avoided. That may be done, not by radically abolishing them,
but by gradually making them useless. The relations of race to race
must be regulated and organised, and the various races must enter as
organic members into the life-unity of the whole of humanity-.
International commerce unites men and races more closely every
year. The fusion of races is inevitable, whether we desire it or
no ; yet we must do all in our power to realise it as quickly as
possible.
The East is characterised by the exaggerated cult of the past, the
denial of the world, and the idea of Nirvana ; the West by a no less
exaggerated cult of the future, and the acceptance of the world as it
presents itself to us. The equilibrium is destroyed on both sides.
The failure to recognise the rights of progress in the East leads
to stagnation, decadence, decomposition, and, in the end, contempt
for the past itself; because the past has to be reconstructed inces-
santly by the living toil of new generations. The failure to recognise
the rights of the past in the West leads to a situation in which life
loses the cohesive quality of organic evolution and becomes a mirage
of the onward flow of time, an aimless pilgrimage in the endless space
of history.
ow The part of Russia, as it is understood by the majority of
thoughtful Russians, and as it is reflected in the political and philo-
sophical works of Russian thinkers, is to maintain an equilibrium in
this antagonistic process. Russia, strong in its Christian creed, is
conscious that it possesses a lofty moral ideal. The Kingdom of
God is to be attained, not on the earth, but by the work here below
of collective humanity ; not as a humanity-God, but as God in
humanity ; not by the destructive action of scepticism, but by the
scientific realisation of ideal aims. Normal society should be con-
structed, not for the animal existence of small contented souls, but
for divine ends ; because the normal life is a creative evolution of
divine character.
The policy of Russia is determined by its Oriental-Occidental
situation. Its historical action is always to promote civilisation by
the assimilation on the part of Asiatic races of European culture.
Each of the great European races has a mission to spread settle--
ments over the earth ; first, the Anglo-Saxons, then the Spaniards,
and finally the Germans and the French. Russia fulfils its mission
THIRD SESSION 207
within its own frontiers, transforming the Eastern and the Western
elements in its territory.
We shall not attempt to determine the particular details of a
practical policy, which might assist Russia in playing its historical
part in reconciling the East and the West, because that is the task of
its natural self-realisation in its whole range. Only in pursuing that
aim will it fulfil its general historic destiny. Russia will only succeed
in showing the world how to reconcile the East and the West if it
reveals the presence in it of a living God. In effecting the synthesis
of religion and science, it will supply what is lacking both to the
East and the West
As regards its special relations with the East, the understanding
of Russia and Japan is natural, and is not only in their own interests,
but also in the interest of the harmony of the world. The Russo-
Japanese war was an enormous blunder, though it may have been
necessary from the historical point of view. Its good results are
already apparent in the mutual understanding of the two countries,
and the mutual approach of the Japanese and Russian people. Its
evil effect was to close against Russia the outlet toward the warm sea
of the Gulf of Pechili, that had menaced nobody, and had answered
the vital interests of Russia, since it gave an outlet to the broad
tracts of Siberia.
The first task that Russia has to undertake in its Eastern policy
is a close approach to China by means of the active colonisation of its
Asiatic provinces and the construction in Siberia of routes into China.
The Oriental civilisation has long been studied in Russia, and the
study must be prosecuted with the greatest energy. It is necessary
to examine and understand the soul of the East and its secret ideals.
But, while conducting this study, Russia must spread its own
doctrines. Every possible effort must be made to extend the
scientific education of Europe among the Mongols. The preaching
of Christianity, especially, must be pressed, not in the form of a
commercial enterprise, but as an act of faith and enthusiasm. This
propaganda would be more effective if the dream of many great
thinkers — the union of the Christian Churches — could be realised.
Many a painful experience still awaits humanity on the hard way
to the City of God, to which we aspire. The sacred enthusiasm,
which has more than once fired humanity to glorious deeds in the
age-long struggle of the East and the West, should fill our hearts
to-day !
[Paper submitted in French.']
" ili v/aiv V,< 'Jnioq 1110 movl
FOURTH SESSION
(FIRST PART)
SPECIAL PROBLEMS IN INTER-RACIAL ECONOMICS
!'•''• .(* '* 'K;^ '}ff'' I *"!'*"•{!','}• l'-i'i ?f:J(' y(JMfrft< >'"••» no ••fo - i"«/ • »«*<-i< ;»t?T
INVESTMENTS AND LOANS
By Dr. AKOS VON NAVRATIL,
Professor of Political Economy in the University of Kolossvdr,
Hungary.
OF all the economic relations between different peoples and nations
the possibility of transferring capital from one nation or people
into the economic system of another is by far the most important
and pregnant with results. Among the productive factors of
economic life none is now so important as capital, the creative
activity of which is characterised by the law of increasing produc-
tivity. It is capital, moreover, that is found to be the most
mobile of the productive factors in modern processes of exchange,
and the most varied forms of its transference from one economic
system to another. The soil is associated permanently with an
economic system as its natural foundation. Labour is, as has long
been recognised, a very difficult thing to transport. Capital, if it
find no obstacle in its way, flows over the frontiers of countries,
and even across the ocean, to wherever it will be most useful to
the economic system and to its possessor, the capitalist.
The aim of these few lines is to impress the great importance
of this internationalism — in the highest sense of the word — of
capital on the first Universal Races Congress, and briefly to point
out its consequences.
From our point of view the transfer of capital is not regarded
so much between the various national economic systems as between
different races.
aos
FOURTH SESSION 209
Every transfer of capital is an enrichment of some economic
system of a lower economic culture by one that has risen to a
higher stage of economic culture. In that sense the country that
is poor in capital seeks the aid of one that is richer. The latter,
however, uses the opportunity to obtain a good interest on its
idle capital. A race that is economically inferior to another, and
the peoples of that race, seek the productive factors they lack
— capital — from peoples that are richer in capital, and this means,
practically, from economically higher races. The economically
higher race willingly comes to their support with its capital, even
across the seas, in order to obtain the utmost advantage from its
superfluous productive factors. It is a very clear expression of
the internationalism of the economic life on the largest scale.
With the establishment of over-sea relations on the part of the
chief countries of Europe — in other words, with the earliest efforts
at colonisation — we have the first transfer of capital from one race
to others.
It would take us too far to enter fully into the question of
colonisation in this brief survey, even from the single point of
view of the transfer of capital involved in it. We shall be content
to state, as an undeniable fact, that the economic relations that
have been set up permanently between races that stand higher in
regard to intensive economic culture and such as are at a lower
stage — relations which we call colonisation, in the widest sense of
the word — always imply a considerable transfer of the productive
factors which are superfluous at home. Superior economic culture
is precisely characterised by this wealth in accumulated productive
factors. And among the productive factors which seem to accu-
mulate in superabundance at home, and seek a better application
abroad, the first place is taken by capital. Transfers of capital
from one race to another, especially from a Western to an Eastern
race, to the advantage of both, are, as history shows, only possible
when their relations become the object of a certain regulation
having the character of public law, and thus the stability of the
economic relations is better assured. I will only refer to the well-
known fact of the indebtedness of India to England, that is to
say, to the transfers of capital, generally for late repayment, by
England to its British- Indian interests, mainly for the construction
of railways in former times, but now, since the opening up of the
country by modern means of communication, for use in the trade,
industry, and agriculture of India. (See Anton Arnold, Das
Indische Geldwesen unter besonderer Beriicksichtigung seiner
Reformen sett 1893, Jena, 1906; especially pp. 77 and the
following.)
210 UNIVERSAL RACES CONGRESS
need no further proof that the influx of capital from abroad
into an economic system that is at a lower stage of economic culture,
and is therefore poorer in capitalistic productive factors, is of great
importance. By this influx it acquires what it lacks at home, and
without which it finds it impossible to maintain its economic life
and ascend to a higher stage of economic culture. Whether the
influx of foreign capital takes place in the form of an international
loan, in which the indebted State recognises its legal character, and
the international relations between the debtor State and that from
whose economic system the transferred capital comes remain equal,
or some alteration in the legal relations of the two States is implied
in the transfer of capital, is simply a question of public law, and
therefore of minor interest from our point of view. We need only
point out very briefly that in transfers of capital from one race to
another such modifications of the politico-legal relations will pro-
bably occur ; that is to say, the closer connection of the economic
interests of the two races in the shape of colonisation will involve
the influx of capital from the economically more advanced race to
the less advanced. But whether the transfer of capital is effected in
one form or another, it remains an undeniable fact that it enriches
and beneficially influences the economic system, which has now
gained in productive factors.
Even the warmest adherents of the theory of protective tariffs,
who contend that home production is encouraged in all its branches
by their economic policy, and who make it their final and highest
aim to render their own economic system entirely independent of
the foreigner, will freely admit that the economic isolation of their
country should not be carried out to the exclusion of foreign capital.
On the contrary, the influx of foreign capital promotes home produc-
tion in the most favourable and healthy way, by providing it with
the most valuable productive factor, and therefore with the means of
developing the national forces.
What we have said in regard to different countries of higher and
lower economic culture, applies in even greater measure where there
is a racial difference of economic culture, since we may confidently
assume an even greater lack of capital on the part of the economi-
cally lower race than on the part of a people of less advanced
economic development, but of the same race.
According to the ideas of the old Liberal orthodox economic
theory this concern is unfounded, and the question is, in any case,
superfluous. The Liberal school is a faithful adherent of economic
internationalism. It teaches that each national economy merely
forms part of the international economic system of the world, and
should not, therefore, cut itself off from other countries. It would
FOURTH SESSION VI V! 211
have the accumulated capital of the national wealth invested in those
branches of production in which the economic system in question
is strongest, and can therefore do the most productive work. Pro-
ducts belonging to other departments may be imported from abroad,
^ey Though this principle of the old economic Liberalism may be
opposed by perfectly valid objections by the protective tariff system
— or, as it would be better to call it, the system of the protection of
home labour — I cannot doubt, nevertheless, that all of us will regard
as sound the following principle, which is likewise due to economic
Liberalism. The principle is : Capital only goes abroad in search of
an opportunity to produce when it cannot find such opportunity at
home. Capital always remains where it is of the greatest economic
public use, and where, consequently, it will be of the greatest use to
its owner, or of the greatest private use by bringing him the highest
possible interest.
I must be content with a brief reference to this principle ; if
seems to me superfluous to prove the correctness of it before the
members of this Congress. I will merely add that they will find, in
the October number of the Financial Review of Reviews for 1910, an
excellent little article on the subject, with the title " Foreign Invest-
ments and Home Employments," from the pen of Mr. J. A. Hobson,
which deals thoroughly and very strikingly, as far as British con-
ditions are concerned, with the reasons that might be alleged against
foreign investment The arguments of the distinguished author may
be commended to the opponents of foreign investments.
I trust that the First International Races Congress will express
the greatest sympathy in regard to foreign investments, for longer
or shorter periods, recognising in them one of the most powerful
means of peaceful economic co-operation between races of different
economic level. It is also trusted that the Congress would like to see
States so regulate their economic situations, which are directly or indi-
rectly connected with the international movement of capital, as to afford
the greatest freedom for a sound international movement of capital.
[Paper submitted in German,'}
:.';: '; iJ n ' .-.'. "/ . .'.:;!,Df,"t ! .'"IlAifl1 ,1 • I'!'-
WAGES AND IMMIGRATION
By FRED C. CROXTON, Expert at the Bureau of Labour, Washing-
ton, and Prof. W. JETT LAUCK, Chief Examiner at the Tariff
Board, Washington.
Source and Industrial Character of Immigrants. — In order to note
the effect of immigration on wages in the United States it will be
212
UNIVERSAL RACES CONGRESS
necessary to take into consideration the country of origin of immi-
grants arriving in the United States, and particularly to refer to the
striking change in the type of immigrants arriving.
The countries of Southern and Eastern Europe furnish more than
70 per cent, of the immigrants now coming to the United States,
while two decades ago the same countries furnished less than 20 per
cent. The countries of Northern and Western Europe at the present
time furnish about 20 per cent, of the immigrants, and two decades
ago they furnished more than 70 per cent. These figures do not
fully indicate the extent of the change, for the reason that the
volume of immigration has increased remarkably, the average number
of immigrants arriving per year having just about doubled during the
two decades.
The number of immigrants arriving during each decade since
1820, and the proportion from each specified locality, are shown in
the following table : —
IMMIGRATION TO THE UNITED STATES BY DECADES, 1820 TO 1910.
(Compiled from the Reports of the United States Immigration Commission.)
PER CENT. FROM—
Year ending
Total Number of
June soth.
Immigrants.
Northern and
Southern and
Other Specified
Western Europe.
Eastern Europe.
Countries.
1820-1830
124,640
86-5
3'4
IO'I
1831-1840
528,721
92-3
1*2
6'5
1841-1850
1,604,805
95'9
0'4
37
1851-1860
2,648,912
94-6
0-9
4'4
1861-1870
2,369,878
89-2
r6
9-2
1871-1880
2,812,191
737
r1
19-2
I88I-I800
5,246,613
72'O
18-3
97 r:t.m
1891-1900
3.687.564
44-8
52-8
2'5
I9OI-I9IO
8,795,386
21-8
71-9
6'3
A very large proportion of the immigrants coming to the United
States prior to 1890 were either from the United Kingdom or from
Germany. In the late seventies Norway and Sweden also began
contributing considerable numbers. Practically all of the immigrants
from Germany, Norway, Sweden, and the United Kingdom came
with the intention of making the United States their permanent
home, and, with the exception of the Irish, they were largely
attracted by the agricultural possibilities. They engaged generally
in cultivating the soil, and were an important factor in developing
the agricultural wealth of the country. The small proportion entering
industrial pursuits were trained and experienced in the particular
line of factory work in which they engaged.
FOURTH SESSION 213
With the shifting of the source of immigration has come a
marked change in the industrial character of the immigrants. Prior
to 1890 the French Canadians were practically the only immigrants,
aside from the Irish and a few trained workers of the nationalities
above mentioned, who entered wage-earning occupations in any
considerable numbers. The newer immigration — that from Southern
and Eastern Europe — however, almost exclusively enters industrial
occupations and competes, to a greater or less extent, with native-
born workers and workers belonging to races of earlier immigration.
They are also, with the exception of the Russian Hebrews, to a
considerable degree transient residents. They are practically all
untrained workers and possessed of but meagre financial means,
and therefore are compelled to accept any wage offered and to work
under such conditions as to hours, sanitation, and mechanical
equipment as they may find.
The increase in the proportion of immigrants coming from certain
countries of Southern and Eastern Europe has been remarkable. In
1907, the year of largest immigration, 883,126 persons, or almost
70 per cent, of the 1,285,349 immigrants, were from the three
countries, Austria-Hungary, Italy, and Russia. The number of
immigrants from these three countries combined did not reach
50,000 in any year until 1882, and did not reach 100,000 in any year
until 1887.
Extent of Employment of Immigrants. — The United States
Immigration Commission in its studies of the immigration problem
secured detailed information concerning 619,595 employees in the
principal industries of the country east of the Rocky Mountains.
Of that number of employees, 346,203, or 55*9 per cent., were
foreign-born.
Of the employees in twenty of the most important industries
information concerning length of residence in the United States was
secured for 290,923 foreign-born persons, and of that number
116,466, or 40 per cent., had been in the United States less than
five years. Of the total number belonging to races coming from
Northern and Western Europe and Canada, only 17*4 per cent
had been in the United States less than five years, while of the
employees of other races — almost entirely from Southern and
Eastern Europe — 51'! per cent, had been in the United States less
than five years. Slightly more than one-third of the total number
of foreign-born employees were of races from Northern and
Western Europe and Canada, while of the immigrant employees
who had been in the United States less than five years, only 14*3
per cent, were of races from Northern and Western Europe and
Canada. The entrance into the factories and mines of the United
214 UNIVERSAL RACES CONGRESS
States of such large numbers of immigrants, and especially of
immigrants from Southern and Eastern Europe, is having a marked
effect on wages and working conditions, and this fact will be
set forth in the further discussion of this subject.
Reasons for Employment, — The reason for the employment of
recent immigrant wage-earners in the United States was primarily
due to the inability of the manufacturers and mine-operators to
secure other labour in the face of the growing needs of the country.
How far there was afterwards a reversal of cause and effect, and to
what extent the expansion of the industry was stimulated by the
availability of the recent immigrant labour supply, cannot be
definitely ascertained. It is a matter of speculation and con-
troversy without any data at present upon which to base an
approximate determination. Whatever may have been the opinion
of employers as to the desirability of this class of labour, they found
it necessary either to employ immigrant labour or delay industrial
advancement. They chose the former course, and the present
industrial situation is the result.
The absorption of such a large proportion of alien peoples into
the mines and manufacturing establishments of the United States
was obviously attended by very important results. These effects
of the employment of Southern and Eastern Europeans may be
briefly considered from (i) the standpoint of the general industrial
effects, and (2) from the point of view of native Americans and
older employees in the industry. Before entering into a discussion
of these effects, however, it will be necessary, in order that the
situation may be fully comprehended, to review briefly the personal
and industrial qualities of the immigrants. These are briefly set
forth below.
Salient Characteristics of the Recent Immigrant Labour Supply. —
l»; One of the facts of greatest import relative to the newer
immigration has been that an exceedingly small proportion have
had any training while abroad for the industrial occupations in
which they have found employment in the United States. The bulk
of recent immigrants has been drawn from the agricultural and
unskilled labour classes of Southern and Eastern Europe. Most
of them were farmers or farm labourers or unskilled labourers in
their native lands. The only exception is shown by the Hebrews,
three-fifths of whom were engaged in some form of manufacturing
before coming to this country.
2. The newer immigrant labour supply, owing to the fact that
it is composed of non-English speaking races and is characterised by
a high degree of illiteracy, has been found to possess but small
resources upon which to develop industrial efficiency and advance-
FOURTH SESSION 215
ment. Owing to their segregation and isolation from the native
American population in living and working conditions, their progress
in acquiring the use of the English language and in learning to read
and write, has been very slow. nw*
3. A salient fact in connection with the newer immigrant^labour
supply has been the necessitous condition of the newcomers upon
their arrival in American industrial communities. Immigrants from
the south and east of Europe have usually had but a few dollars in
their possesion when their final destination in this country had been
reached. During the past eight years the average per person among
immigrants from Southern and Eastern Europe has been only about
one-third as much as among immigrants from Northern and
Western Europe, consequently they have found it absolutely im-
perative to engage in work at once. They have not been in a
position to take exception to wages or working conditions, but must
obtain employment on the terms offered.
4. The standards of living of the newer industrial workers from
the south and east of Europe have also been very low. Moreover,
the recent immigrants being usually single, or, if married, having
left their wives abroad, have been able to adopt a group instead of
a family living arrangement, and thereby to reduce their cost of
living to a point far below that of the American or of the older
immigrant in the same industry. The method of living often fol-
lowed is that commonly known as the " boarding-boss " system.
Under this arrangment a married immigrant or his wife, or a single
man constitutes the head of the household, which, in addition to the
family or the person constituting the head of the group, will usually
be made up of two to sixteen boarders or lodgers. The head of the
group is called a " boarding boss." Each lodger pays the " boarding
boss " a fixed sum, ordinarily from $2 to $3 each month, for lodg-
ing, cooking, and washing, the food being usually bought by the
" boarding boss," and its cost shared equally by each individual
member of the group. Another common arrangement is for each
member of the household to purchase his own food and have it
cooked separately. Under these general methods of living, which
are frequently found among the immigrant households, the entire
outlay for necessary living expenses of each adult member ranges
from $9 to $15 each month. The additional expenditures of the
recent immigrant wage-earners are small. Every effort has been
made to save as much as possible. The entire life interest and
activity of the average wage-earner from Southern and Eastern
Europe has seemed to revolve about three points: (i) To earn the
largest possible amount under the existing conditions of work ;
(2) to live upon the basis of minimum cheapness ; and (3) to save as
2l6
UNIVERSAL RACES CONGRESS
much as possible. Domestic economy, as well as all living arrange-
ments, have been subordinated to the desire to reduce the cost of
living to its lowest level.
Living conditions, as represented by the comparative crowding
within the household, are shown for certain races in the statement
which follows. The data were collected from more than seventeen
thousand households in industrial localities, but this statement only
includes certain foreign races which enter the industrial occupations
in large numbers.
AVERAGE NUMBER OF PERSONS PER APARTMENT, PER ROOM, AND PER
SLEEPING ROOM, BY RACE OF HEAD OF HOUSEHOLD.
(Compiled from Reports of the United States Immigration Commission.)
•;.
AVERAGE 1
DUMBER OF PF.RS
ONS PER—
Apartment.
Room.
„
Sleeping Room.
Newer Immigration —
7'6<;
1-88
vis
Italian, North f- IU!
Italian, South ; •/»# .
5-50
5-65
c'go
I-42
I'47
1'A.A.
2'59
2-62
2'AC
5 "V
OMil
I"72
2*O2
Polish
6'06
' ,
rqS
2'77
6-68
l"&
2*3O
Slovak
C87
2
I '62
2'OO
C27
1*36
2'^^
Older Immigration —
4' W
o'8?
I 'SO
5*IQ
I'O2
2'IS
CAK
I'O2
I '08
4*00
O'Q2
2X>2
5. Another salient quality of recent immigrants who have
sought work in American industries has been that, as a whole, they
have manifested but a small degree of permanent interest in their
employment or in the industry. They have constituted a mobile,
migratory, disturbing, wage-earning class, constrained mainly by
their economic interest, and moving readily from place to place
according to changes in working conditions or fluctuations in the
demand for labour. This condition of affairs is made possible by
the fact that so large a proportion of the recent immigrant employees
are single men or married men whose wives are abroad and by the
additional fact that the prevailing method of living among immigrant
workmen is such as to enable them to detach themselves from an
occupation or a locality whenever they may wish. Their accumula-
tions also are in the form of cash or are quickly convertible into
cash. In brief, the recent immigrant has no property or other con-
FOURTH SESSION 217
straining interests which attach him to a community or to any
particular occupation, and the larger proportion are free to follow
the best industrial inducements rather than to seek to improve
working conditions in their employment.
6. To the above-described characteristics of recent immigrant
wage-earners should be added one other. The members of the
larger number of races of recent entrance to the mines, mills, and
factories have been tractable and easily managed. This quality
seems to be a temperamental one acquired through past conditions
of life in their native lands. In the normal life of the mines, mills,
and factories the Southern and Eastern Europeans have exhibited a
pronounced tendency towards being easily managed by employers
and towards being imposed upon without protest, which has created
the impression of subserviency. This characteristic, while strong, is
confined, however, to the immigrant wage-earners of comparatively
short residence in this country, and results from their lack of training
or experience abroad and from the difference between their standards
and aspirations and those of older immigrant employees and native
American industrial workers.
General Industrial Effects of Recent Immigration, — If the charac-
teristics of the recent immigrant labour supply to the United States,
as outlined above, be carefully borne in mind the industrial effects of
their employment may be quickly realised.
As regards the general industrial effects, in the first place it may
be said that the lack of skill and industrial training of the recent
immigrant to the United States has stimulated the invention of
mechanical methods and processes which might be conducted by
unskilled industrial workers as a substitute for the skilled operatives
formerly required. This condition of affairs must have been true or
the expansion of American industry within recent years would not
have been possible. A large number of illustrations of this tendency
might be cited. Probably three of the best, however, are the auto-
matic looms and ring spindles in the cotton goods manufacturing
industry, the bottle-blowing and casting machines in bottle and
other glass factories, and the machines for mining coal. Another,
but more minor general industrial effect of the employment of the
Southern and Eastern Europeans is observable in the increase in the
number of subordinate foremen in a great many industries. This
situation arises principally from the fact that the recent immigrants
are usually of non-English-speaking races and require a larger
amount of supervision than the native Americans and older immi-
grants from Great Britain and Northern Europe. The function of
the subordinate foremen is chiefly that of an interpreter. As regards
other changes in industrial organisation and methods, probably the
218 UNIVERSAL RACES CONGRESS
most important effect observable is seen in the creation of a number
of special occupations, the incumbents of which perform the
dangerous or responsible work as a whole which before the employ-
ment of Southern and Eastern Europeans was distributed over the
entire operating force. The best example of this tendency is to be
found in the newly developed occupation of "shot-firer" in bitu-
minous and anthracite coal-mines. The mine worker in this occupa-
tion prepares and discharges the blasts or shots for bringing down
the coal. Until within recent years each miner did his own blasting ;
but with the employment of the untrained Southern and Eastern
Europeans in the mines it was soon found that the safety of the
operating forces and the maintenance of the quality of the output
required that blasting should be largely done by experienced native
American or older immigrant employees. The relation between
industrial accidents and the employment of recent immigrants as
well as the effect upon wages and conditions of employment arising
from the entrance of a large body of Southern and Eastern Euro-
peans into the American industrial system is set forth in detail at a
later point.
Effect of the Employment of Recent Immigrants upon Native
American and Older Immigrant Employees. — Relative to the effect
of recent immigration upon native American and older immigrant
wage-earners in the United States, it may be stated, in the first
place, that the lack of industrial training and experience of the
recent immigrant before coming to the United States, together with
his illiteracy and inability to speak English, has had the effect of
exposing the original employees to unsafe and insanitary working
conditions, or has led to the imposition of conditions of employment
which the native American or older immigrant employees have
considered unsatisfactory and in some cases unbearable. When the
older employees have found dangerous and unhealthy conditions
prevailing in the mines and manufacturing establishments and have
protested, the recent immigrant employees, usually through igno-
rance of mining or other working methods, have manifested a
willingness to accept the alleged unsatisfactory conditions. In a
large number of cases the lack of training and experience of the
Southern and Eastern European affects only his own safety. On
the other hand, his acquiescence to dangerous and insanitary work-
ing conditions may make the continuance of such conditions
possible, and this may become a menace to a part or to the whole
of an operating force of an industrial establishment. In the mining
occupations the presence of an untrained employee may constitute
an element of danger to the entire body of workmen. There seems
to be a direct causal relation between the extensive employment of
FOURTH SESSION 219
recent immigrants in American mines and the extraordinary increase
within recent years in the number of mining accidents. It is
an undisputed fact that the greatest number of accidents in bitu-
minous coal-mines arise from two causes : (i) the recklessness, and
(2) the ignorance and inexperience of employees. When the lack
of training of the recent immigrant while abroad is considered in
connection with the fact that he becomes an employee in the mines
immediately upon his arrival in this country, and when it is recalled
that a large proportion of the new arrivals are not only illiterate
and unable to read any precautionary notices posted in the mines,
but also unable to speak English, and consequently without ability
to comprehend instructions intelligently, the inference is plain that
a direct causal relation exists between the employment of recent
immigrants and the increase in the number of fatalities and
accidents in the mines. No complete statistics have been compiled
as to the connection between accidents and races employed, but the
figures available clearly indicate the conclusion that there has been
a direct relation between the employment of untrained foreigners
and the prevalence of mining casualties. The mining inspectors of
the several coal-producing States, the United States Geological
Survey, and the older employees in the industry, bear testimony in
this respect to the effect of the employment of the Southern and
Eastern European.
In the second place, the extensive employment of recent immi-
grants has brought about living conditions and a standard of living
with which the older employees have been unable, or have found it
extremely difficult, to compete. This fact may be readily inferred
from what has already been said relative to the methods of domestic
economy of immigrant households and the cost of living of their
members.
In the third place, the entrance into the operating forces of the
mines and manufacturing establishments in such large numbers of
the races of recent immigration has also had the effect of weakening
the labour organisations of the original employees, and in some
industries has caused their entire demoralisation and disruption.
This condition has been due to the character of the recent immi-
grant labour supply and to the fact that such large numbers of
recent immigrants have found employment in American industries
within such a short period of time. The significant result of the
whole situation has been that the influx of the Southern and
Eastern Europeans has been too rapid to permit of their complete
absorption by the labour organisations which were in existence
before the arrival of the recent immigrant wage-earners. In some
industries the influence and power of the labour unions are concerned
220 UNIVERSAL RACES CONGRESS
only with those occupations in which the competition of the
Southern and Eastern European has been only indirectly or
remotely felt, and consequently the labour organisations have not
been very seriously affected. In the occupations and industries in
which the pressure of the competition of the recent immigrant has
been directly felt, either because the nature of the work was such as
to permit of the immediate employment of the immigrant or
through the invention of improved machinery his employment was
made possible in occupations which formerly required training and
apprenticeship, the labour organisations have been completely over-
whelmed and disrupted. In other industries and occupations in
which the elements of skill, training, and experience were requisite,
such as in certain divisions of the glass manufacturing industry, the
effect of the employment of recent immigrants upon labour organi-
sations has not been followed by such injurious results.
In the fourth place, it may be stated that the competition of the
Southern and Eastern European has led to a voluntary or involuntary
displacement in certain occupations and industries, of the native
American and of the older immigrant employees from Great Britain
and Northern Europe. These racial displacements have manifested
themselves in three ways. In the first place, a large proportion of
native Americans and older immigrant employees from Great Britain
and Northern Europe have left certain industries, such as bituminous
and anthracite coal-mining and iron and steel manufacturing. In the
second place, a part of the earlier employees who remained in the
industries in which they were employed before the advent of the
Southern and Eastern European, have been able, because of the
demand growing out of the general industrial expansion, to rise to
more skilled and responsible executive and technical positions which
required employees of training and experience. In the larger number
of cases, however, where the older employees remained in a certain
industry after the pressure of the competition of the recent immigrant
had begun to be felt, they relinquished their former positions and
segregated themselves in certain occupations. This tendency is best
illustrated by the distribution of employees according to race in bitu-
minous coal-mines. In this industry all the so-called "company"
occupations, which are paid on the basis of a daily, weekly, or monthly
rate, are filled by native Americans or older immigrants and their
children, while the Southern and Eastern Europeans are confined to
pick- mining and the unskilled and common labour. The same
situation exists in other branches of manufacturing enterprise. In
most industries the native American and older immigrant workmen
who have remained in the same occupations in which the recent
immigrants are predominant are the thriftless, unprogressive elements
FOURTH SESSION 221
of the original operating forces. The third striking feature resulting
from the competition of Southern and Eastern Europeans is seen in
the fact that in the case of most industries, such as iron and steel,
textile and glass manufacturing, and the different forms of mining,
the children of native Americans and of older immigrants from Great
Britain and Northern Europe are not entering the industries in which
their fathers have been employed. All classes of manufacturers claim
that they are unable to secure a sufficient number of native-born
employees to insure the development of the necessary number of
workmen to fill the positions of skill and responsibility in their
establishments. This condition of affairs is attributable to three
factors : (i) General or technical education has enabled a consider-
able number of the children of industrial workers to command busi-
ness, professional, or technical occupations apparently more desirable
than those of their fathers ; (2) the conditions of work which have
resulted from the employment of recent immigrants have rendered
certain industrial occupations unattractive to the wage-earner of
native birth ; and (3) occupations other than those in which Southern
and Eastern Europeans are engaged are sought for the reason that
popular opinion attaches to them a more satisfactory social status and
a higher degree of respectability. Whatever may be the cause of this
aversion of older employees to working by the side of the new
arrivals the existence of the feeling has been crystallised into one of
the most potent causes of racial substitution in manufacturing and
mining occupations.
As regards the effects of the employment of recent immigrants
upon wages and hours of work, there is no evidence to show that the
employment of Southern and Eastern European wage-earners has
caused a direct lowering of wages or an extension in the hours of
work in mines and industrial establishments. It is undoubtedly true,
however, that the availability of the large supply of recent immigrant
labour prevented the increase in wages which otherwise would have
resulted during recent years from the increased demand for labour.
The low standards of the Southern and Eastern European, his ready
acceptance of a low wage and existing working conditions, his lack of
permanent interest in the occupation and community in which he is
employed, his attitude toward labour organisations, his slow progress
toward assimilation, and his willingness seemingly to accept indefi-
nitely without protest certain wages and conditions of employment,
have rendered it extremely difficult for the older classes of employees
to secure improvements in conditions or advancement in wages since
the arrival in considerable numbers of Southern and Eastern
European wage-earners. As a general proposition, it may be said
that all improvements in conditions and increases in rates of pay
222 UNIVERSAL RACES CONGRESS
have been secured in spite of the presence of the recent immigrants.
The recent immigrant, in other words, has not actively opposed the
movements toward better conditions of employment and higher wages,
but his availability and his general characteristics and attitude have
constituted a passive opposition which has been most effective.
General Conclusions. — If the entire situation be reviewed and the
effect of recent immigration be considered in all its industrial
aspects, there are several significant conclusions which, although
subject to some unimportant restrictions, may be set forth as indi-
cating the general effects of the extensive employment in the mines
and industrial establishments of the United States of Southern and
Eastern European immigrants. These general conclusions may be
briefly summarised as follows : —
1. The extensive employment of Southern and Eastern Europeans has
seriously affected the native American and older immigrant employees from
Great Britain and Northern Europe by causing displacements and by retarding
advancement in rates of pay and improvement in conditions of employment.
2. Industrial efficiency among the recent immigrant wage-earners has
been very slowly developed owing to their illiteracy and inability to speak
English.
3. For these same reasons the general progress toward assimilation and the
attainment of American standards of work and living has also been very slow.
4. The conclusion of greatest significance developed by the general indus-
trial investigation of the United States Immigration Commission is that the
point of complete saturation has already been reached in the employment of
recent immigrants in mining and manufacturing establishments. Owing to the
rapid expansion in industry which has taken place during the past thirty years
and the constantly increasing employment of Southern and Eastern Europeans,
it has been impossible to assimilate the newcomers, politically or socially, or to
educate them to American standards of compensation, efficiency, or conditions
of employment.
[Paper submitted in English.]
OPENING OF MARKETS AND COUNTRIES
By JOHN ARTHUR HOBSON, M.A., London.
TRADE is the most obvious basis for peaceable intercourse between
the inhabitants of countries differing in climate, flora, and fauna,
and grade or character of civilisation. For though each race will
tend to be evolved with needs and tastes capable of satisfaction
from the natural resources of its own country, and by means of the
industrial arts there developed for that purpose, every advance in
the arts of civilisation, every extension of knowledge regarding the
produce and the arts of other countries, every growth of population
beyond a certain limit, will impress a sense of the advantages of
national — as distinguished from narrowly local — division of labour,
FOURTH SESSION 223
and of such regular commercial intercourse as may enable each of
the countries to participate in the special advantages possessed by
the others. Mere diversity of economic products does not, of course,
suffice to lay the foundations of commerce. A sufficient number
of the inhabitants of the two countries must have evolved wants
which they cannot satisfy from their home resources, or satisfy so
well or cheaply. When international trade has been fairly well
developed it is not, of course, necessary that each of the two trading
countries should deal directly with the other, balancing their
national accounts by immediate shipment of goods or money. One
nation may sell largely to another without taking any equivalent
amount of goods in payment from the other, the payment coming
in the shape of goods imported from some third nation, which has
the sort of goods we want, and wants the exports of that other
nation which we do not want. A further elaboration of this " round-
about " trade enables every modern country to trade with every
other, irrespective of whether the two sets of inhabitants are able
both to sell to and to buy from one another.
But in the beginnings of foreign trade it often seemed necessary
to confine our trade to foreigners who would and could directly trade
with us. Where the costs and risks of transport were so heavy
as in the early caravan trade with the East, or in early over-seas
traffic, it was almost essential that the return voyage should be
utilised by bringing back from the country to which goods had been
conveyed a direct immediate payment in other merchandise. Other-
wise, not only is the return journey wasted, but the other people
must make payment in gold or other treasure. Now, though the
individual merchant of a foreign country might be willing and able
to make such payment for the imported goods he wanted, the public
policy of his State generally hindered him. The belief that a
country which, in its dealings with another country, exported bullion
or treasure was doing an injury to the national welfare, seriously
interfered with commerce between European and Asiatic countries
in the Middle Ages, and constantly incited an aggressive policy on
the part of the former towards the latter. When the courts and
aristocracies of Europe began more and more to desire enjoyment
of the gold and jewellery, the silks, spices, and other luxuries of the
East, they did not possess the wherewithal to buy them in equal
commerce, and so were continually tempted to seek them by piracy,
forced tribute, or other modes of pillage. As the accumula-
tion of a State treasure came to play a greater part in the public
economy of European monarchs, the establishment of profitable
commerce upon equal and peaceful terms was very difficult. In the
early trade with Arabia, Persia, and India there was very little
224 UNIVERSAL RACES CONGRESS
which any Western country could have sent to pay for the imported
silks and spices, for these peoples had developed almost all the
manufacturing arts beyond the European standards. When, later
on, maritime enterprise opened up first to the Portuguese, Spanish,
and Dutch, and later to the French and English, backward peoples
living in tropical or semi-tropical parts of Africa and America, there
were similar difficulties in establishing trade on a mutual basis,
similar temptations to substitute plunder or tribute for equal com-
merce. For the American Indians, the aborigines of the West
Indian and Pacific Islands, the Negroes or Negroid peoples of
Africa, had no important obvious felt wants which European pro-
duce could satisfy, though Europe wanted the sugar, coffee, rice,
gold, ivory, and other goods they were capable of supplying.
Such were the preliminary difficulties which impeded genuine
trade relations between Europe and Asia, and between white and
coloured peoples. The early policy of trading settlements and of
merchant companies was greatly hampered by them. Though
trade was conducted by privately owned capital for private profit,
it never occurred to any Government to leave it to the entirely
unrestricted play of the individual interests of those engaged in it
It was almost universally assumed that the State had certain rights
and obligations of direction, protection, and control. If groups of
individual traders were free to buy unlimited quantities of goods
from foreigners, and to dispose of them in the home market, they
might choose to pay for them in cash, a policy which might drain
the country of its necessary fund of gold or other money. Again,
by introducing foreign goods to undersell home industries, they
might cause grave damage to staple trades and bring disorders on
society. Or they might even take out of the country, for sale to
foreigners, materials and capital needed for home industry, or
finished articles the home prices of which would be injuriously
raised by such unrestricted export. In these and other ways the
mediaeval and the modern State has generally felt that it had an
obligation to regulate foreign trade in the interest of home industry.
The present protective system still embodies most of these concep-
tions of the functions of a State in relation to foreign trade.
Though such regulations were by no means confined to the trade
of European with Asiatic or with other coloured peoples, they proved
very onerous in their restraint upon profitable liberty of trade with
newly opened markets. When large profitable over-seas markets
were first made accessible, the State in this country, in Holland and
in Spain, generally insisted upon confining it to authorised persons
or chartered companies, with numerous conditions and restrictions
imposed for the protection of vested interests at home, or for con-
FOURTH SESSION 225
siderations of public revenue. These companies, by their own rules,
and, where they could obtain it, the public law of their State, were
constantly engaged in curbing and crushing outside interlopers, who
sought to cut into their monopoly, and though the members of these
companies sometimes competed among themselves for the profits
of the trade, obvious conveniences led them to co-operate so as to
share good opportunities and to maintain prices for the produce
they brought back.
Besides the policy of restraining pirates and interlopers, the
trading companies had to maintain trading stations or factories, and
to organise the trade in the foreign territory which they were
licensed to exploit These establishments, when set in distant and
" barbarous " or unsettled lands, needed forcible protection, and
though the forts and arms used for such purposes were the private
property of the traders, their use evidently was a quasi-political
operation which could not go far without bringing into the quarrel
the Government of the country which had authorised the traders.
The Hudson Bay Company and the East India Company were in
their earlier days continually engaged in a fierce commercial com-
petition with French or Portuguese companies, that in time
embroiled the Governments of the respective countries. Partly by
compacts with foreign chiefs, partly by sheer self-assertion assisted
by the charter of their home Government, these groups or companies
of traders came to mix politics and even military exploits with the
commercial operations which were their origin and their raison d'etre.
Such trading posts in far distant countries where the traders
and the natives had little understanding of or sympathy with one
another, were liable to cause trouble. The trade nexus alone is
hardly adequate to secure peace and mutual good-will in such a
delicate situation. A few dishonest or brutal whites, perhaps not
connected with the company, have exasperated the natives, unable
to discriminate one white man from another. Or else, as still in
Angora, traders have organised a cruel system of slavery or semi-
slavery for the exploitation of the natural resources of the land.
Where, as in large portions of Africa during the later sixteenth, the
seventeenth and eighteenth centuries, the trade in human beings
was the largest and most profitable trade, the commercial contact
between whites and coloured people reached the lowest state of
degradation. This trade, which during the century preceding 1786
was held, on a low computation, to have furnished twenty thousand
slaves per annum to the plantations of North America, Spanish
South America, and the West Indies, laid a basis of hatred and
suspicion along the coasts of West and East Africa which has done
lasting injury to the legitimate trade of modern times. Regarded
Q
226 UNIVERSAL RACES CONGRESS
from the purely economic standpoint of the exploitation of the
resources of the New World, the slave trade was certainly a monu-
mental error. The more rapid development of supplies of sugar,
rice, tobacco, and other crops thus secured, was purchased too
dearly by the instability of political and industrial society which
accompanied and followed slavery. White industry and the evo-
lution of the manufacturing arts were long impeded in America by
excessive dependence on the wealth of the plantations, and the
Civil War, with its legacy of race hostility and social divisions,
imposed and still imposes heavy economic penalties. Though the
slave trade in its cruder forms has now almost disappeared from
European possessions, there has grown up a great and ever-growing
transport trade in human beings which, though highly beneficial
in its higher grades, sinks in its lower to something not very far
removed from the original type of the slave trade. Associations
for procuring supplies of indentured labour for mines, roads or
agricultural work, by bargaining with chiefs in tropical or sub-
tropical Africa, are in fact procuring forced labour. The agents of
transport companies, who will make their profits by encouraging
immigration, are everywhere employing arts of misrepresentation
and delusion which impose upon ignorant people in backward
countries. Though the deluded will consents, this method is in
substance little removed from the forcible kidnapping of earlier
days. As information is more widely spread, these methods of
force or fraud are displaced by genuinely voluntary migration, such
as that which carries large numbers of Chinese, Japanese, Malays,
and Hindus to seek a higher wage-level in such parts of the New
World as will admit them. This voluntary migration, regarded
from the economic standpoint, must be accounted beneficial. If
members of crowded countries are free to transfer their labour-
power to sparsely peopled countries, by gradual voluntary move-
ment, two economic purposes are served. There is an increase in
the wealth of the world from the drafting of labour from a less
productive to a more productive area, and there is the avoidance of
expensive and disastrous wars, necessitated hitherto by the need
under which highly populated countries found themselves for
securing outlets beyond their frontiers for their superfluous popu-
lation.
The growing tendency in recent times, however, sets against
the large over-sea migration of Asiatic or African races into areas
domiciled by white populations. A new idea of trade, attended by
new hopes and fears, is gaining currency. Backward industrial
populations, remaining in their own country, may be encouraged
and assisted to a more intensive development of their natural
FOURTH SESSION 227
resources, and at the same time induced to develop new " civilised "
wants which European nations can supply.
The realisation of this idea has obvious advantages for modern
commerce. For the character of the trade between advanced
white and backward coloured peoples has changed, as a result of
the industrial revolution. When the New World was first opened
up, it was regarded primarily as a treasure house from which
fortunate European peoples might suck, by tribute, pillage or
unequal trade, quantities of precious metals, and highly valuable
commodities for home trade and consumption. Though cargoes of
cheap manufactures were sent out for barter, the whole stress of the
trade lay in the return cargoes. There was no serious pretence of
exchange on equal terms. The early barter with North American
Indians, or with West African negroes, in which beads or bright
cloths of the cheapest sort purchased valuable ivory or hides, was
characteristic of this commerce. So long as European manufactures
were still in the pre-machine stage, while the trade with coloured
peoples was in the hands of a few companies, such export trade
could not figure as a considerable source of national wealth. Every
European nation in its early dealings with backward peoples frankly
looked upon them, not as customers, but as possessors of possible
treasures the worth of which they did not kttow, and which must
be got, if possible by any peaceful means, but otherwise by force.
The notion of educating in them tastes for European manufactures
was hardly yet entertained.
When, one after another, in the last century, the European nations
entered into machine production the whole idea of foreign trade
underwent a rapid transformation. Foreign trade became more and
more essential as a means of disposing profitably of the enormous
quantities of manufactured goods they found themselves able to put
out. When towards the close of the century the chief white nations
had placed themselves fairly on a level in the arts of manufacture
foreign trade assumed definitely the shape of a struggle for markets.
Since they were all capable of producing more staple manufactured
goods than they could dispose of profitably in their own markets,
they began to concentrate upon opening up new markets. This
altered the attitude towards Asia and Africa. Here were areas with
huge populations capable of buying and consuming Lancashire and
Birmingham wares if they could be induced to want them. More
and more the trend, not only of our economical but of our political
and our missionary policy, was directed towards this end of securing
new valuable markets for surplus manufactured goods. The stress
of trade with backward peoples was shifted from the return freight
to the outward freight. The coloured races in Asia and in Africa
228 UNIVERSAL RACES CONGRESS
were wanted now as customers, and the various white trading nations
set themselves with alacrity to discover, stimulate, and supply their
wants. In theory this enhancement of the desire to sell would seem
favourable to improved relations between the European and the
coloured peoples, for the more equal mutuality of services should
have a binding influence. Nor can it justly be denied that this
consideration, when not contravened by others, has exercised a
pacific and a civilising influence in backward countries. The steel
rails, engines and other machinery, boots, agricultural implements,
cutlery, and cloths, supplied by way of trade or of investment, must
be accounted a genuine contribution to the pacific development and
intercourse of the world where such trade relations are voluntary
on both sides. Unfortunately, serious counteracting influences have
arisen in the modern intercourse between advanced and backward
peoples. The struggle for markets among Western nations has
grown more acute with each improvement in the arts of manufacture
and of transport The maldistribution of income among the various
classes of the European nations, by restricting the consumption of
the masses of their workers, has made it appear inevitable that the
course of machine production should outrun the consumption of the
home markets. For the same reason the growth of new capital in
the same nations appears to exceed the possible demands of home
investments. So there is a growing double motive, driving our
manufacturers to fight for increasing foreign markets in order to
absorb their surplus goods and surplus capital. As the civilised
nations pass more and more into the condition of being able to
provide themselves with manufactured goods for their own industries,
and show a disposition to protect themselves by tariff against foreign
competitors, the necessity of opening up new markets in backward
countries seems more and more pressing. A similar interpretation
of the situation leads each nation to seek, if possible, to mark out
some area of Asia or Africa for its own trade and to secure a mono-
poly in that trade. Where ordinary trade is accompanied by invest-
ments the white nation has a more important stake in the backward
country. Although there is no inherent necessity for political inter-
ference, it will easily be recognised that the business men of a civi-
lised State who have established a valuable market in a backward
country, and have also invested capital in developing its resources,
will be exceedingly likely to invite their Government to help them
to maintain their trade and to secure their property rights against
the intrusion of foreign traders or investors, or against the risks and
damages of internal disorders such as primitive countries, disturbed
by foreign traders and explorers, are liable to suffer. The imperialism
of Great Britain, Germany, France, America, and, to a less extent, of
FOURTH SESSION 229
other individual States within the last generation, is mainly to be
attributed to this competition for markets for goods and investments,
and to the belief that, such markets being limited in amount, it is the
patriotic duty of each Government to secure for its own traders and
investors as large and as good a share as possible.
All sorts of other motives — political, religious, humanitarian — are
used to cover up a policy of economic exploitation as foolish in con-
ception as mischievous in consequences. The white nations which,
under this mixed play of motives, have gone about the world annex-
ing large masses of Asia and Africa, apportioning out other sections
as spheres of influence or protectorates, and in most instances secur-
ing a monopoly for the traders of their particular country, by means
of a prohibitive or protective tariff, are mistaken in their public policy.
Particular manufacturing or trading interests in England, Germany,
or America may stand to gain in a policy of aggressive annexation
followed by protection, but the nation as a whole gains nothing by
this interference with peaceful evolution and free exchange. Precisely
because it is so desirable that peaceful and profitable trade relations
should grow up between European nations and coloured or backward
ones, this fierce conflict for markets and this pushful public policy are
the more to be deplored. They are based upon three false assump-
tions. The first is that the home markets for manufactures cannot
keep pace with the growing powers of machine production, and that
therefore increasing foreign markets must continually be found.
This is false, because in every white civilised country the great mass
of the population is inadequately supplied with manufactured goods,
and under a better distribution of incomes would develop new wants
fast enough to meet any new powers of production.
The second assumption is that, in order to have foreign markets,
it is necessary or useful to own the countries. This fallacy is
summarised in the phrase that "Trade follows the flag." Even
were the saying true, as it is where a protective tariff accompanies
the flag, the net advantage of such a policy is extremely disputable.
For, by shutting off the annexed country from the full access to
the trade and capital of other industrial and investing nations, the
development of its resources and the increase of its prosperity are
so retarded that its general value as the market for the goods
of the aggressive and protecting nation is diminished. Moreover,
the true economic balance-sheet of a commerce thus obtained and
held by force, would obtain upon the debit side a large expenditure
for costs of conquest and of military occupation, while the ill-will
and discontent of a conquered people furnish a poor security for
sound commercial development. If the whole of the forcible
acquisitions of the era of competitive imperialism, which dates
230 UNIVERSAL RACES CONGRESS
from the middle of the eighties, were subjected to a proper business
scrutiny, which would take into due account the share of growing
military and naval expenditure attributable to this policy, the
whole of this chapter in modern European history would be
inscribed as bad business, showing a huge net deficit in terms
of wealth. For the value of the markets thus obtained would not
nearly cover the expenses of acquisition and of maintenance.
Comparing the two modes of obtaining markets in backward
countries, the mode of forcible aggression and the mode of peaceful
penetration by appeal to the mutual interests which trade generates,
no doubt can possibly be entertained as to the superiority of the
latter, equally on economic and on moral grounds. I have treated
the question of trade in quantitative terms. But a sound economic
survey cannot ignore the character or quality of trade. An analysis
of the export and the import trade done by such countries as
Great Britain, Belgium, and Germany with recently acquired
markets in the tropics shows commerce at its worst. The goods
we sell to the natives of these countries are largely of the most
detrimental kinds and of the most inferior quality. This has
always been the case. A Report to the English Council of Trade
as early as 1698 upon the trade with Madagascar and the East
Indies named "liquor, arms, and gunpowder" as the chief articles
of trade. Recent reports of our trade with East and Central Africa
indicate that a considerable proportion of the trade is of the same
degrading character, supplemented by the cheapest and lowest grades
of textile and metal wares. Such an import trade, largely appealing
to the crudest wants of savage or semi-civilised natives, is fraught
with manifest dangers, physical and moral. The liquor traffic,
in particular, carried on by traders of several European nations
in various parts of Africa, is a crime against civilisation, only
second to the slave trade of earlier days. But equally pernicious
in its effect upon the native peoples is a large portion of the export
trade organised by white men in tropical countries of Africa and
South America for the rapid and reckless exploitation of the
natural resources of the land. The rubber trade in the Congo
and in Brazil, and the cocoa trade in San Thome\ are examples of
the gravest of these abuses of commerce. Such a contact of whites
with backward people shows Western civilisation at its worst, for the
lowest representatives of that civilisation, animated by the least worthy
motives, introduce among the natives the least desirable products and
practices of that civilisation, while their attempt to organise industrially
and commercially the tropical countries, being directed to secure the
largest immediate gains without due consideration of the future, is
often attended by the maximum of waste and inhumanity.
FOURTH SESSION 231
The problem is of the gravest order. These tropical and sub-
tropical countries contain rich natural resources which cannot and
ought not to lie undeveloped. Though it is to the real interest
of the inhabitants of these countries to develop their resources
and place them at the disposal of the civilised nations which can
use them, this development often requires the assistance of the
white man's knowledge, organisation, and capital.
But to leave this work of development to unrestricted private
enterprise leads to the grave abuses we have mentioned. When such
countries are recognised as under the protectorate or sphere of influ-
ence of a white civilised State, it is quite evidently the first duty of
the representatives of this political control to protect the natives
against these abuses, and to do what they can to prevent the land
and the people from being subjected to wasteful exploitation. The
appointment of officials who should justify the term protectorate,
and whose main efforts should be directed to the slow and steady
work of educating the people in the arts of industry and the growth
of wholesome wants, is an indispensable condition of the solution of
this sociological problem. For, setting aside all higher considerations,
and confining our attention merely to the sound development of
industry and commerce, experience shows that, for a State to spend
public money in the acquisition and government of these subject
countries, and then to hand their economic exploitation over to
importers and exporters, who damage and degrade the natural
resources and the labouring population by the nature of the trades
and products they introduce, is the worst and most foolish form
of policy conceivable. Where savage or semi-savage peoples are
concerned, the task of building up sound industries and wholesome
wants, the two foundations of industrial civilisation, will be slow and
difficult, and may involve a long retention of political and economic
authority before such a country can be left entirely to its own
control, consistently with its own and the world's welfare. But in
spite of the obvious perils which accompany such protection and
education, from the selfishness and greed not only of traders, but
of Governments, no other solution is feasible. These peoples have
no natural or inalienable right to withhold the natural resources
of their country from the outside world, and they cannot develop
them without the assistance of that outside world. There is, there-
fore, no other solution than the education among civilised States of
a higher sense of justice, humanity, and economic wisdom in the
rendering of that assistance. This will involve the utmost care in
the selection of honest, independent, and intelligent officials for the
administration of such protected peoples, so that a public long-sighted
policy may prevail over the private short-sighted policy of traders.
232 UNIVERSAL RACES CONGRESS
The duties and expediencies of commercial contact with back-
ward but civilised Asiatic countries are simpler and more obvious.
The best and most profitable development of trade for Europeans
with the East has been with the countries where force has been
least applied, and where European goods and arts have been per-
mitted to make their way by peaceful penetration and appeal. Japan
is, of course, the most conspicuous example of the educative
influence of Western industrialism upon an Eastern people. China,
in spite of occasional intrusions of European force, will furnish a
larger instance of the legitimate operation of commerce as a
peaceful bond of union between East and West. The too visible
and ubiquitous display of force in India has been attended by
undoubted injury to the best commercial interests of East and
West, alike in the degradation and decay of fine native arts and
handicrafts, and in the economic and financial administration of the
country with too much regard to the immediate interests of Great
Britain. The economic interests of peaceful, profitable commerce for
the world will be best served in proportion as the adoption of
Western arts of industry in Asia is left to the free determination
of the Asiatic peoples. For the knowledge, training, and intelli-
gence of these peoples is such as to enable them to dispense, after
a brief period of initiation, with that continued tutelage and control
of their industrial life which may be requisite for definitely lower
races. Whatever be the outcome of the industrialisation of the Far
East, whether it gravitates towards the formation of an isolated self-
sufficing economic system, or cultivates strong permanent commercial
intercourse with white nations, no sound economic or political pur-
pose would be served by any endeavour of Europe or America to
impose conditions on that development. Any attempts at forcible
intervention for the protection of existing trading interests, or for
the further enlargement of the white man's markets, are tolerably
certain in the long run to be frustrated by the active or passive
resistance of the Oriental peoples reverting to their ancient instinc-
tive policy. Those who desire that these great Asiatic nations should
take their place in the political and economic internationalism of the
future, and also recognise how much both Europe and Asia have to
give and to get from the solidarity of friendly intercourse, will be
most urgent in their insistence that no military or diplomatic force of
Western Powers shall be permitted to interfere with the peaceable
development of commerce with Asiatic countries.
[Paper submitted in English.]
FOURTH SESSION
(SECOND PART)
PEACEFUL CONTACT BETWEEN CIVILISATIONS
By Dr. FERDINAND TONNIES,
Professor of Sociology in the University of Kiel, Germany.
" ARE we not right in saying that any scientific question, whereso-
ever it may be discussed, appeals to all cultivated nations? May
not, indeed, the scientific world be considered as one body ? " It
was Goethe who wrote these words shortly before the end of his
life, in considering the opinions of Geoffroy Saint-Hilaire, which
are now so interesting as preludes to Darwinism. And in asking
these questions, the great poet only expressed what was in the
minds of all those cosmopolitan thinkers who flourished in the
" Age of Enlightenment," or, as it is also denominated sometimes,
the philosophic century. Practically, of course, it was European
civilisation which they had in view, and it was the Caucasian or
white race, at the most, which they considered when they spoke
of the unity of mankind. Yet commerce and navigation had
already reached more distant places, and, from the discovery of
America down to that of Australasia, a number of adventurous
and famous voyages had long engaged the strenuous attention of
Europeans, and contributed to the widening of their mental
horizon.
This induced the more thoughtful to compare different manners
and customs, superstitions and religions, and at the same time
philosophers boldly undertook to formulate what they regarded as
the true system of law and the true principle of religion, under the
233
234 UNIVERSAL RACES CONGRESS
name of Natural Law and Natural Religion. They exposed the
many corrupting and sophisticating influences in modern civilisation,
and pleaded for a return to the pure fountains of Nature. Simplicity
appeared to be the test of genuineness, and what was simple and
natural was thought to be entitled to become universal. This also
led them to compare different grades and states of civilised life,
especially the habits of rural life with those of great cities, and the
ways of rude tribes with those of nations in which art and science,
wealth and luxury prevailed. They discovered, not without some
amazement, ancient civilisations that were very different from our
own, and eagerly pointed out that they were in certain respects
superior to ours. Religion itself ceased to be considered as an
effective separating gulf, as if Christianity represented the summit of
moral sublimity. What had long been despised or pitied as heathen
ignorance turned out to contain profound wisdom from which Chris-
tians had to learn anew, as they had always learned from Greece and
Rome. Thus the West turned its eyes back to the East, and China
soon gave it an overwhelming impression of a long-settled and at the
same time a highly refined and rational civilisation. Rationalism
was the Spirit of the Age, and if philosophers recommended the
Natural, it was merely because Reason seemed to them to have the
mission of restoring early institutions (based upon natural liberty
and equality), freeing them from prejudices and superstition, and
directing them, by means of rulers imbued with just philosophical
principles, toward the goal of universal peace and happiness, which
was considered to be the true object of intellectual and moral
progress.
Voltaire and Christian Wolf both pointed to China in this spirit
of admiration, while Montesquieu and others emphasised the high
sociological and historical interest of the Celestial Empire. More
recently, Comte and his followers took up the argument of rationalism,
which made China appear to be a model of spiritual and moral
government. In the meantime most of our reliable information con-
cerning that marvellous civilisation came from a different quarter. The
Roman Catholic Church vied with its bitterest foe, modern philosophy,
in these cosmopolitan feelings and tendencies. The missionary
interest became a powerful stimulus to the thoroughgoing investiga-
tion of peoples who showed so little inclination to abandon their own
faith and moral code in favour of those of Europe. However, it is
much to the credit of the Jesuit fathers, at first Portuguese and
Italian, afterwards chiefly French, that they succeeded in adapting
themselves to Chinese manners and customs, even to their religious
ceremonial, and have thus been able to gain a deeper insight into
the true foundations of such habits and customs, a knowledge which
FOURTH SESSION 235
they eagerly communicated in a series of elaborate works, to the
amazement of Europe. They became the teachers of Europe with
respect to China, as, in the character of apostles of science, accord-
ing to M. Martin, they had obtained a footing in Peking. Protes-
tant missionaries have followed them in their design of bringing the
growing science of the Western world to bear on the mind of
China. On the other hand, European knowledge of China has con-
stantly increased. Since the great geographical, historical, chrono-
logical, and political description of China and Chinese Tartary of
Jean Baptiste du Halde appeared in 1733, preceded as it was by
Magilhaens, le Comte, and Silhouette, and followed by the memoirs of
the missionaries of Peking concerning the history, the sciences, the
arts, the customs and usages of the Chinese, an enormous literature
has grown up relating to these subjects, and Europeans are now able
to pass a tolerably catholic judgment upon the character and achieve-
ments of that immensely numerous and profoundly remarkable nation,
the knowledge of which had, in the words of Sir Robert Douglas,
been so long confined to misty legends and uncertain rumour.
What has been said of China applies also to some extent to
Japan. However, the difference between the greater and the smaller
empire is sufficiently known. The rise of Japan to the rank of a
modern nation, its Europeanisation, has become famous as one of the
most memorable events of the last century. The growth of learning,
which had been considerable in the two previous centuries, preceded
this marvellous development. Japan has adopted the science and the
technical achievements of Europe with a striking rapidity and with art
astounding success. But we are now facing a fact which in its con-
sequences will perhaps far surpass even the glorious ascent of Japan.
The awakening of China now engages the attention of all careful
observers of the East. Some years ago, just before the outbreak
of the Boxer movement, Sir Alfred Lyall, in contradiction to
other writers, hinted at the possibility that the Japanese war, which
he recognised as a turning-point in Chinese history, might lead
toward a revival instead of decadence or disintegration. A few years
later, after the humiliation which China experienced from the
European Powers, Sir Robert Hart, one of the few Europeans who
know the Celestial Empire by their own long and careful observa-
tion, effectively pointed to the "other school of thought." It was,
he said, in a very small minority, " but it is growing, it accepts
facts, recognises what makes for change, opens its eyes to the life
of other lands, asks what can be introduced from abroad and grafted
on Chinese trunks, and ceases to condemn novelties simply because
they are new, or to eschew strange things merely because they are
foreign." It was at that very moment that the Empress Dowager
236 UNIVERSAL RACES CONGRESS
decided to press reform, and that the edict was sent out which said
that what China is deficient in can be best supplied from what the
West is rich in. Tsu Hsi, it is true, has since disappeared together
with the nominal Emperor, but the trend of the movement has not
changed. It has, on the contrary, much increased in strength, and it
seems to be on the eve of victory. Its most conspicuous element, no
doubt, is the demand for scientific improvement, which inspires
young China with a sense of rivalling not only Japan, but proud
Europe itself. Higher education is the watchword of the day in the
Far East, as much as in the United Kingdom or the German Empire.
Swarms of Chinese students go yearly to Japan, where European
civilisation and learning are communicated to them ; but smaller
numbers also go to Europe, mostly for the sake of medical instruc-
tion, which is more and more appreciated by Eastern people. Chinese
students, we understand, may now be numbered by hundreds in
Europe and America, and by thousands in Japan. However, the
results of foreign education have not been altogether satisfactory
hitherto to Chinese ambition. It seeks to establish Chinese seats of
Western learning, but there are serious obstacles to be overcome.
A genuine Chinese degree, as was lately pointed out in the
Contemporary Review, does not seem likely to carry weight in
European or American minds. It is doubted, with good reason,
whether there can be for some time a sufficiently numerous body
of educated Chinese to guide the destinies of such an institution
as a Peking University of Western science would pretend to be.
On the other hand, mandarin pride would justly scorn the idea
of foreign control. It is on this account that lately the project
of a Hong Kong University has been mooted, and a man of
authoritative position in England has declared that this project
promises an intellectual development for which there is no precedent.
Already a vast sum has been raised for the carrying out of this
project, and a very considerable amount of it is due to the Chinese
themselves, who are said to have taken up the idea with enthusiasm.
If it should prove successful, we may reasonably expect to see
the sphere of material and moral influence of the British Empire
considerably enlarged ; for it would help to make English the
language of diplomacy and general culture in the far East, as
it is already that of commerce. No wonder, then, that the British
Government, especially the Colonial Office, approves the scheme
and is active in promoting it. The present Governor of Hong
Kong is amongst its chief supporters. Hong Kong has the finest
position in the world as a shipping port. The project may be
said, then, to rest upon broad shoulders. " Ex occidente lux" the
learned Taw Sein Ko proclaimed some time ago, and it was the
FOURTH SESSION 237
fact that schools and colleges were springing up all over the
Empire which gave him the hope that the real awakening of China
had begun. More recently the High Commissioner, Tuan Fang,
addressing the Mission Boards at New York, congratulated the
American missionaries on having promoted the progress of the
Chinese people. They had borne, he said, the light of Western
civilisation into every nook and corner of the Empire. The Chinese
being a polite and ceremonious people, even one of the leaders
of the progressive movement may have pronounced these words
merely in a complimentary sense. It is well known that they
generally desire the dismissal of foreign missionaries ; but this
certainly would not imply the dismissal of foreign learning.
European science and technical efficiency will increase their sway
in China as they have done in Japan. But how will they develop
in these countries? Will they advance to higher summits? Will
these Orientals with their undisturbed freshness of mind surpass
us in the spread and application of science? Will they wind
through all the mazes of a capitalistic evolution which involves
such grave problems for us? Or will they be better able than
we to rule the spirits which they have evoked?
Not unlike China and Japan and the smaller nations dependent
upon them, with respect to remoteness from European culture,
India widely differs from them in several conspicuous traits. In
the first place, it has never been entirely unknown to the Western
world. All through the so-called Middle Ages the channels of trade
went along wild deserts from India to the ports of the Levant,
and thence to Venice and the rest of the Italian cities on the
Mediterranean, which were the commercial intermediaries for the
greater part of Europe. Of course, only the most precious com-
modities were able to bear the cost of that long, slow, and dangerous
journey. India's legendary wealth gave the spices of a tropical
climate and the products of a highly refined domestic art to Europe,
from which, in its turn, it generally received silver as the instrument
of trade. By the fall of Constantinople this channel was blocked,
and as a result European commerce sought to discover the mari-
time route to that fabulous country. The name of the West Indies
still reminds us of some of the results of that struggle. Never-
theless, in spite of these early commercial arrangements, India
remained up to a recent period almost like China and Japan,
hidden under a veil of mystery. It was the British administration
only which presently endeavoured to lessen the general European
ignorance of that great region which, no less than Europe itself,
includes a multitude of different countries. And, as was stated
with respect to China, so in the case of India, it was admiration,
238 UNIVERSAL RACES CONGRESS
based upon very imperfect knowledge, which took precedence of
more thoroughgoing research and discriminating investigation. In
this case, it was a special admiration, having a certain definite ten-
dency which became almost traditional. The religions of India, and
the philosophies so closely allied to them, were from the eighteenth
century downwards increasingly made known to European students,
and struck some of them with awe. But, in this case, it was not
the rationalist tendency, pervading as it did the century of enlighten-
ment, but the romantic reaction against the prevalence of stern and
cold intellectualism, that was at the bottom of the singular interest,
an interest which, more particularly from the dawn of the nineteenth
century, made India so attractive to scholars, filling the hearts
of poets, philosophers and historians with an enthusiasm that saw
an almost supernatural wisdom in the early records of Sanscrit
learning, and sometimes dreamed of the aboriginal model-people,
compared with which all the later civilisations only represented
deterioration and decay. The glorification of the dead past led
to a predilection for those living at a distance, both tendencies
being deeply rooted in human nature. If not the cradle of the
human race, which still, even by the majority of the learned, was
located in the Holy Land, yet the original seats of the Aryans
were supposed to be about the Himalaya Mountains. The com-
parative science of languages established the identity of Sanscrit
roots with those of the Hellenic, the Roman, the Teutonic, Slav
and Celtic tongues. Even in Max Miiller's time there was, as
he justly maintained, a vague charm associated with the name
of India, if not in the country of its rulers, at least in France,
Germany, and Italy, and even in Denmark, Sweden, and Russia.
The eminent Orientalist pointed to Riickert's " Wisdom of the
Brahmin " as one of the most beautiful poems in the German
language, and observed that a scholar who studies Sanscrit was
supposed to be initiated into the deep and dark mysteries of
ancient wisdom. A certain amount of this reverence still survives.
In Germany, at least, the disciples of Schopenhauer, among whom
the name of Professor Paul Deussen must be mentioned with
respect, consider the Vedanta Philosophy and the Upanishads
as the earliest sources of that eternal truth concerning the Essence
and the Destiny of mankind which has, according to them, found
its recent prophet in Kant, and is more fully revealed through
Schopenhauer's interpretation of the world. The Pantheistic trend
of modern philosophy, in fact, recalls the Pantheism which pervades
India. Somebody said about the middle of the last century that
Pantheism is the secret religion of the educated German. It may
be said to be the professed religion of the educated Hindu. And
FOURTH SESSION 239
as Pantheistic thinkers always had a bent towards mysticism, and
mystic thinkers frequently towards occultism, it is not surprising
to observe that our spiritualists and so-called theosophists should
turn their eyes again to the sacred East and to the valley of the
Ganges, regarding with awe a revelation of hidden mental treasures
which they sometimes think they discover in what is called esoteric
Buddhism or the Light of Asia. Genuine Buddhism has also
recently gained a growing number of adherents both in Europe
and in America, and it also has had an intense revival in India
itself, as witness the Maha-Bodhi Society of Calcutta. However,
apart from these religious and metaphysical aspects, the prestige
of early Indian culture has given way to cool and critical investiga-
tion of the country and its inhabitants, of its past and present,
including forecasts of its probable future, to a careful research of
its manners and customs, of its law and administration, its religious
and philosophical systems. It is thus that India has contributed
largely to certain famous generalisations which have become per-
manent elements in that characteristically modern (though ancient
in its groundwork) science called Sociology. " India," said Sir
Henry Maine, as early as 1875, " has given to the world Comparative
Philology and Comparative Mythology " ; he was uncertain how
to denominate another science, which owes so many valuable sug-
gestions to himself, hesitating to call it Comparative Jurisprudence,
" because, if it ever exists, its area will be so much wider than the
field of law." I do not believe that there is good reason to object
to the name of comparative sociology, though this would mean
the investigation not merely of the early history, the evolution
and present state of laws and of institutions, but of social life
generally, including as it does the consequences of native propen-
sities, of habits and customs, of original and acquired ideas and
beliefs. Social life as a problem is the problem of the moral life,
which, to a large extent, means the peaceful life of a people. It
cannot be understood, except by those who possess a true insight
into the mutual action and reaction of material conditions and
spiritual conceptions, both of which concur in ruling the destinies
of mankind.
India also is said now to be awakening. We heard a great deal
lately of Indian unrest. It is no part of my task to enter into
the political side of this remarkable movement. Mentally and
morally its significance seems to be expressed by the fact that
the idea of progress has begun to shake the fundamental axioms
which have hitherto been upheld steadfastly by nearly all the
Orientals, embodying, as they do, the idea that the past, as such, is
venerable, that tradition must be followed, that men can never do
240 UNIVERSAL RACES CONGRESS
better than follow the morals set by their ancestors. Exponents
of the principle of progress are generally apt to look disrespect-
fully upon the past, and to forget the truth that survival is a
test of strength and validity, that organic structures have generally
grown fit by selection and by the struggle for existence, and that
this holds, to a large extent, as well of social as of individual organic
life. Yet life itself means change ; and a more radical change means
a more vivid thrill of life, a fresh adaptation to novel circum-
stances and conditions. It is that principle of progress, as Sir H.
Maine pointed out, which Englishmen are communicating to India;
they are passing on what they have received. " There is " — with
these words he concluded his memorable Rede Lecture, delivered
before the University of Cambridge — " no reason why, if it has time
to work, the principle of progress should not develop in India effects
as wonderful as in any other of the societies of mankind." We
have already begun to see some of these wonderful effects. India
is fast Europeanising, formidable as are the obstacles put in the
way by its ancient Brahminic culture. Already we find the question
raised of the emancipation of caste (meaning the elevation of the
low-caste people), of the emancipation of women, emancipation of
social usage from custom and superstition. University teaching
has the effect of a dissolvent agency. Whether, as a whole, it
may be deemed good or evil, the movement will prove irrevocable
and irresistible in the long run, no matter what strong reactions it
may temporarily encounter. All good Europeans will assuredly
always look with admiration upon India's mental and moral
treasures ; they will be prepared to adopt portions of them from
the inhabitants of that admirable country, and they will be ready
to welcome Hindu people whenever they may be anxious to
participate in our own marvels of scientific and technical advance-
ment. Of course, this maxim holds for all races of the human
family.
Hitherto we have only spoken of the remote East which has
been the object, more or less, of recent discoveries and Occidental
influences, but which is still imperfectly known even by our own
most thoroughgoing scholars. Far different are the relations of
Europe to the nearer parts of Asia and to the North of Africa,
the historical character of which is decidedly Oriental. The roots
of our own arts and sciences lie in these regions. For the most
precious elements of European culture have developed in Greece,
and Greece was the pupil of Egypt and of Asia, though its
genius far outshone that of its teachers. To the Phoenicians the
Western world owes the invention of letters, and Chaldaean appli-
cation laid the early foundations of astronomy, Assyria generally
FOURTH SESSION 241
fertilising all Semitic improvement. In the later period of the
Roman Empire this all-absorbing State received a new religion,
consisting of a mixture of Jewish theology and Greek philosophy
or mysticism, the Cross overshadowing the Sun of the competing
Mithra cult. The synagogue indeed became the model of the
Christian church. The Jews have from various sources conveyed
a great amount of learning from the ancient world to the modern.
They have, by their astounding power of adaptation to foreign
customs, languages, and ways of thinking, always been the great
cosmopolitan mediators. But in the Middle Ages the influence
of the Arabs became stronger and more organised, and they
developed the first comparatively scientific civilisation after the fall
of the Western Empire, on the Iberian Peninsula. They renewed
and enlarged astronomical, geographical, and physiological obser-
vation ; they promoted medical knowledge ; and it was through
their translations that Aristotle became known to Christians. Their
own metaphysical speculations, chiefly those of Avicenna and
Averroes, acted as a powerful stimulant and ferment upon medieval
scholasticism. But in mathematical and inductive science also they
made considerable progress ; we still retain, in the names of algebra
and chemistry (originally alchemy) the traces of our obligation to
them. And were not the Arabs in perpetual contact with the
Chinese? Did they not derive a good deal of their knowledge
and of their institutions from the Persians ? Were they not, with
Byzantium, the co-heirs of the Roman- Hellenic civilisation, and was
not Byzantium itself a foster-parent to them ? Do we not find here
the original unity and mutual interdependence of Oriental and
Western science and art?
In the fine arts, no less than in science and commerce, a peaceful
contact of races has always counteracted their hostilities and hatred,
because men are prone to admire what is new to them, and to regard
foreign achievements as superior to their own. Foreign artists and
artisans have often been invited to build cathedrals and palaces,
to erect statues and to paint portraits. Great skill has always had
migratory habits, and even masters have been ready to learn from
masters. Commerce spread models and imported them from abroad,
styles were modified by styles — for instance, the Romanic architecture
by the Moorish. Soon after the first circumnavigations of the earth,
we find traces of Chinese and Japanese style in French and Italian
barock architecture, and early in the eighteenth century " china "
came into fashion in the courts of Europe. More recently, artistic
influences have increased enormously, modern Europe being wholly
receptive and fanciful in its predilections, everything Oriental
appealing to the sense of grotesqueness and bizarrerie, which some-
R
242 UNIVERSAL RACES CONGRESS
times rises to a morbid height among people of fashion, probably
no less in the East than in the West.
Art, it is true, generally has a national, or at least a racial stamp ;
but literature, owing to its intellectual and moral bearings, is more
essentially human in its character, in spite of differences of languages.
It was Goethe who introduced the phrase " world-literature " into
German. Following Herder, who collected the " Voices of Nations,"
he confessed that his early fondness for folk-lore had not vanished
in old age ; and in lyric and dramatic art he tried to draw from
foreign sources the quintessence of everything beautiful. He
invented the songs of Suleika, in imitation of Persian poetry, and
of Sakontala he says that he steeped his mind for years in the
admiration of it. He also mentions with high appreciation other
Indian poems, and even the Chinese drama or song did not escape
his attention. He declares with confidence that in this present
" most stirring " epoch, when communication was so greatly facili-
tated, a world-literature was soon to be expected. What would he
say of our time, when even in his own day he mentions journals and
newspapers as a means of communication by which a nation may
learn not only what happens to other nations politically, but the
characters of their moral and intellectual life ? And this enlarged
knowledge, in Goethe's opinion, would help to increase our esteem
of foreigners, we being " always apt to esteem a nation less than it
deserves," because we regard only external aspects which seem to
us repulsive or at least ridiculous.
These words are as true now as they were when they were
written, about ninety years ago. Although intercommunication has
vastly grown, and opportunities have increased, although the Press
now goes from one end of the world to the other, we must confess
that our knowledge of each other is scanty, that current views, even
of statesmen and of others who decidedly belong to the cultivated
classes, are often narrow, that a silly nationalist pride and exclusive-
ness is often supported by absurd notions of foreign characters, by
childish prejudices about habits and customs and ways of thinking
differing from our own, by antiquated opinions never tested by
experience, and, generally, by ignorance. What is to be done in
order to make the peaceful contact between nations and races
stronger and more effective in this respect? I venture to suggest
and propose the following aids to this end : —
I. A universal language ought to be created as the common
language of the cultured all over the world. I do not plead in favour
of any innovation, being even somewhat afraid of a purely artificial
language ; but I believe that Latin, the ancient lingua doctorum,
might be revived in a new form.
FOURTH SESSION 243
2. We should do what we can in the way of discouraging and
preventing the over-production of foolish fiction in our own language,
and of promoting translations of the master-works of all the national
literatures.
3. Translation itself must become a fine art and be cultivated as
such. Translations are frequently done in a clumsy and unskilful
way, sometimes by people who possess but slight grammatical
knowledge of the language from which they are translating.
4. The study of foreign countries and nations ought to be
encouraged by scholarships, travelling fees, and other means. An
exchange of lecturing professors is worth little as compared with
an exchange of students. In particular, Western students should be
enabled to spend a year or two in the East, with a view of becoming
thoroughly familiar with the languages and characters of Indians,
Chinese, Japanese, Siamese, Persians, Abyssinians, or Egyptians.
No other task should be set them but this very important one.
5. An international academy of social and moral science must be
founded, in order to concentrate all our studies and endeavours of
this nature. It would foster those feelings of human solidarity and
brotherhood which have been taught by all the higher religions, as
well as by the rationalistic and moral philosophies to which these
religions owe their superiority.
6. A re-organisation of the Press, with a view to its promoting
kindlier feelings between nations and races through a more
conscientious investigation of the true merits and peculiarities of
each and a catholic appreciation of all noble endeavours towards
the moral and intellectual improvement of mankind.
[Paper submitted in English.]
THE WORK DONE BY PRIVATE INITIATIVE
IN THE ORGANISATION OF THE WORLD
By M. H. LA FONTAINE, Brussels,
Senator, President of the International Peace Bureau, General
Secretary of the Institut International de Bibliographie, Professor
of International Law.
AT the present time, when so many are loud in praise of nationalist
sentiments, and endeavour to keep the peoples of the world apart by
artificial barriers, there is proceeding a great and majestic interpene-
tration of races, interests, and ideas. The whole world is becoming
one vast city. That is the real and consoling aspect of the present
situation, in contrast with the superficial aspect of struggle, hatred,
244 UNIVERSAL RACES CONGRESS
and defiance, which seems to many to be the proper way to regard
the events of our time.
In order to give a just idea of the movement which is impelling
humanity toward a closer understanding and more peaceful accord,
it would be necessary to consider both the work done by inter-
governmental activity and that due to private enterprise. Although
they are intimately connected, however, I have found it necessary to
restrict this account to the field of free international institutions, a
large and complex field, of which two figures will enable the reader
to appreciate the extent. From 1843, when the first international
congress was held on private initiative, until 1910 there were more
than two thousand international meetings, of which eight hundred
fall in the last decade. The total number of central offices of all
kinds having for their object the study of questions of general human
interest from a universal point of view already amounts to more than
two hundred and fifty. l
I cannot give here more than a brief sketch of the work done
by these organisations and a very inadequate outline of the great
work that remains to be done. In my opinion the account that
I shall give will evince, on the one hand, the wide range of
the movement of which I shall describe the various phases, and
especially, on the other hand, the organic character that it has
been possible to give it by the creation of a world-wide federative
institution.
The first and most important matter that we have to consider is,
obviously, the economic situation, i.e.t the circumstances of distribution
and circulation.
The establishment of a world-wide market is now an accomplished
fact. The fluctuations of the prices of various kinds of products have
no longer a local or national character ; they now have an immediate
echo throughout the world. Trusts, pools, and syndicates have
multiplied and enlarged. The international concentration of many
industries is a notorious fact, in spite of the interested secrecy that
envelops such combinations.
In face of this concentration of trades and industries the workers
have combined on their side, first in national and then in inter-
national organisations. There are at the present time more than
thirty international federations of trades, especially those of the
miners, founders, paviors, dockers, printers, transport-workers, brewers,
glass-workers, potters, metal-workers, diamond cutters, wood and
1 See the Annuairc He la Vie Internationale, published by the Central Office of
International Institutions, Brussels. [EDITOR. — This volume may be warmly recom-
mended to all who take an interest in international organisation.]
FOURTH SESSION 245
leather-workers, furriers, textile-workers, tobacco-workers, saddlers,
shoemakers, glovemakers, bookbinders, tailors, hatters, hairdressers,
masons, painters, musicians, commercial employees, post, telegraph
and railway servants, and assistants in hotels and restaurants. All
these federations are centralised in the International Secretariat of
the National Associations of Trade Unions.1
The workers' organisations aim chiefly at the improvement of
the conditions of labour, and it soon became clear that this object
involved international action. We may recall the interest that was
aroused in 1890 by the convoking, at the instance of the Emperor of
Germany, of the first international conference for the regulation of
labour. It came to no conclusion, but from 1897 onward international
congresses have been held for the purpose of uniting all who were
interested in these questions and founding an " International Asso-
ciation for the Legal Protection of Workers." The carrying out
of the decisions taken in the biennial meetings of this Association
was entrusted to the International Office of Labour, which is installed
at Bale. It is supported by national sections, whose contributions,
together with governmental subsidies, enable it to do its work. In
this way it has succeeded in obtaining from various States a pro-
hibition of the use of white phosphorus in the manufacture of matches
and the abolition of night-work for women. There are also inter-
national organisations for the prevention of Sunday labour, the
prevention of strikes, the study of questions relating to accidents
during work and to insurance.
The work done by Governments in organising the circulation of
men and of commodities is well known. The Postal Union, the
Telegraphic Union, the Radiotelegraphic Union, and the Union for
the Transport of Merchandise, have made one single territory of the
whole world. On the sea the adoption of regulations as to uniform
routes and the application of a national code of signals have con-
secrated the world-old practice which has made the oceans the chief
international routes. In this department the various States have been
guided and inspired by vast associations like the " International
Association of Railway Congresses," which is composed of forty-seven
public administrations and four hundred and eleven private enter-
prises ; and the " International Association of Navigation Congresses,"
which consists of twenty-two governmental administrations, two
hundred and sixty private administrations, and more than fifteen
hundred individual members. Not less important, from the same
point of view, is the " International Union of Tramways and Rail-
1 According to statistics published by this secretarial office there are 9,096,000 work-
men members of trade unions in nineteen countries of Europe and America, and
5,944,000 belong to organisations affiliated to the secretaryship.
246 UNIVERSAL RACES CONGRESS
ways of Local Interest," which comprises five hundred and fifty
tramway enterprises, services or companies.
States have also devoted their attention to questions of hygiene
and public health, but in this department there have long been
powerful bodies concerned with propaganda and protection. The
two most influential associations in this respect are the one which
carries on the struggle against alcoholism, of which the first inter-
national congress was held in 1878, and which has given birth in
turn to two important bodies, the " International Blue Cross Feder-
ation" and the " Independent Order of Good Templars"; and the
one which protects young girls from the dangers of large towns,
which dates from 1888, and acts through the " International Union of
Friends of Young Women " and the " International Association for
the Protection of Young Women."
The protection of children, the care of abandoned children and of
liberated prisoners, and the provision for the insane, the deaf and
dumb, and the blind, have also been discussed in international meet-
ings. We may also mention the " Universal Alliance of Young People's
Christian Associations," which has more than 900,000 members.1
In connection with these grave problems relating to the moral
and material welfare of humanity we must notice the work done in
the field of insurance and mutual aid. Especially important are the
congresses of accountants which have been held regularly every three
years since 1895. The medical officers of the insurance companies
have also had an international organisation since 1899. The mutual-
aid movement, which has grown in a most remarkable manner, has
succeeded in forming an " International Federation of Mutual Aid"
and in creating a " Permanent Bureau of Study and Statistics of
Mutual Aid."
The no less important Co-operative Movement is allied to the
mutual-aid movement. The need of an international organisation
in this field was felt, and it was met in 1892 by the establishment
of the " International Co-operative Alliance." There is also an
" International Confederation of Agricultural Co-operative Societies,"
which comprises 28,000 societies."
To the instances we have given we may add the associations
which seek to improve the condition of the disinherited class. For
this purpose was created an " International Institute for the Study of
the Problem of the Middle Class." A like aim is proposed by the
" Permanent International Committee of Cheap Housing."
From the point of view of the pure sciences international co-
operation is an undeniable fact. There are no discoveries which are
not due to the work of scholars belonging to the most diverse nation-
1 The total value of the property of the various associations is close upon ^12,000,000.
FOURTH SESSION 247
alities. This has naturally led scientific men to form international
associations.
The first place among the pure sciences is taken by mathematics,
and the international meetings in connection with this science have
been held every fourth year since 1 897. They have created a number
of international bodies : the " International Commission for the
Unification of Vectorial Notations," the " International Association for
the Promotion of the Study of Quaternions," and the " International
Commission of Mathematical Teaching."
Astronomers have held international congresses since the year
1865. They have established a number of international bodies, the
chief of which is the " International Committee for the Construction
of the Photographic Chart of the Heavens." This enterprise, which is
entrusted to nineteen observatories, will necessitate the taking of no
less than 22,000 photographs. There is also an " International Union
for Solar Research."
In connection with the measurement of time a " Permanent
International Commission of Chronometry " was instituted in 1900.
An " International Conference for the Choice of a First Meridian" in-
troduced in 1 884 the system of horary spindles which is now adopted
nearly everywhere. Other bodies led to the creation of special com-
missions, especially that of photometrical unity, and an international
standard of candle-power, the units of electricity sanctioned by many
national legislations, and the uniform standardising of thermometers.
The terrestrial globe has also attracted the international attention
of scholars from various points of view. The geological study of it,
in the first place, has occupied the debates of the International
Geological Congresses, which meet every three years, since 1878.
These Congresses have organised international commissions with the
charge of unifying the figures and terms used in geology, as well
as commissions of stratigraphy, petrography, palaeontology, and
geothermics. There has also been established an " International
Glacial Association " and an " International Volcanic Institute."
Hydrology, climatology, and meteorology are the subject of
regular international congresses. An " International Meteorological
Committee" has been at work since 1873, and has set up various
special commissions within its department. An understanding has
been arrived at for the purpose of securing uniformity in meteoro-
logical observations at sea and in the polar regions. There is also
an understanding in regard to the systematic exploration of the
atmosphere by means of balloons.
Passing from the earth to its inhabitants, we notice that for a long
time back, since 1865, anthropological and prehistoric questions have
given occasion for many important gatherings, among which those
248 UNIVERSAL RACES CONGRESS
of the Orientalists and Americanists have attracted a good deal of
attention.
In connection with the earth and its inhabitants, we may note the
" International Congresses of Geography," which have been held since
1871. To their initiative is due the creation of a map of the earth
on the scale I : 1,000,000. The " International Polar Commission "
belongs to the same department.
What are commonly called the natural sciences have also inspired
a number of international congresses. The Botanical Congresses,
which began in 1861, gave birth to the " International Commission of
Botanical Nomenclature " and the " International Association of
Botanists." The Zoological Congresses began in 1889, and led to the
adoption of a uniform procedure in the naming of species and the
representation of figures. There has also been established an " Inter-
national Ornithological Committee." Physiologists have, besides
their triennial congress, two international laboratories for research,
the " Institut Marey," and the " Monte Rosa Laboratory." The
anatomists have formed an international association, and have also
established an " International Committee for the Study of the Brain."
Chemists also have international meetings, both from the purely
scientific point of view, and in connection with the various industrial
applications of chemical science.1 On their initiative there have been
formed international commissions for the unification of the methods
of analysing food-stuffs and petroleum.
Finally, the highest scientific authorities of the world have founded
the " International Association of Academies." This Association
chiefly lends its patronage or approval to autonomous institutions
such as the Institut Marey and the International Polar Commission,
or to enterprises of universal import such as the Catalogue of Scientific
Publications, the reprinting of the works of Leibnitz, and the critical
edition of the Mahabharata. It has also interested itself in the
international loan of manuscripts.
If we now turn to the applied sciences, we find that the movement
in the direction of an international understanding is, perhaps, keener
in this department than in that of the pure sciences.
Among the more important meetings of this kind we may quote
the " International Congresses of Medical Science," which go back to
1 867, and always have very crowded gatherings. Besides these general
congresses there is quite a number of congresses in special branches
of medicine. Thus the homeopathists meet regularly since 1876, the
dermatologists since 1889, the neurologists since 1885, the alienists
since 1889, and the surgeons, who have had meetings since 1888,
formed in 1905 an " International Society of Surgery." The inter-
1 The last Congress, held at London in 1909, was attended by 3,000 members.
FOURTH SESSION 249
national congresses of dentists, which are almost as important as those
of the medical men, have been held regularly since 1889. The
ophthalmologists were among the first to hold international congresses.
Their first meeting was in 1857. The otologists and laryngologists
have assembled regularly since 1889, and the gynecologists since
1892. Lastly, the veterinary surgeons, whose congresses also are of
great importance, began to hold meetings in 1862.
With medical questions are closely connected those relating to
therapeutics. The pharmacists met for their first international con-
gress at Brunswick in 1865, and their tenth congress was held at
Brussels in 1910. Their discussions are chiefly occupied with the
unification of pharmacopseias.
Vaccination has led to stirring congresses of anti-vaccinators.
Physicotherapeutics, the applications of which became more and more
numerous in our time, has had congresses of recent years ; the first
was held at Liege in 1905, and the fourth will be held at Berlin in
1912. Thalassotherapeutics, one of the most ancient forms of physico-
therapeutics, has been discussed at numbers of international meetings,
the first of which was held in 1894. Electrotherapeutics and radi-
ology have been the subjects of several congresses, the first of which
met at Como in 1 899. Experimental hypnotism has been the subject
of international congresses since 1889.
Finally, certain particular maladies — insomnia, cancer, leprosy, and
especially tuberculosis — have attracted the attention of specialists of
all countries, and led them to hold international meetings.
There is also an " International Association of the Medical
Press," and an " International Committee of Medical Teaching" was
established in 1910.
In the department of technology the engineers and industrial
workers have long felt the need of international meetings. As early
as 1878 the civil engineers held their first international congress at
Paris. The electricians in turn assembled in the same city in 1881,
and in 1902 they established an " International Union of Electrical
Stations," which has held annual meetings since that date. The
international congresses of mines and metallurgy, which have been
held regularly since 1889, are amongst the most important in technical
matters. Technical workers have also held international meetings in
connection with the unification of the standards of assaying material,
the mechanical and hygienic improvement of workshops, and the
supervision and safety of steam-driven machinery.
The technique of private industry has also been the occasion of
international meetings. Brewers, distillers, bakers, confectioners,
workers in petroleum, acetylene gas, cement, and paper, and cotton-
spinners, have regular international meetings. In connection with
250 UNIVERSAL RACES CONGRESS
spinning, we have also the question of international uniformity in the
numbering of threads, which has been dealt with in international
congresses.
Agriculturists have had international meetings since 1848, and their
Congresses have been held regularly since 1889. With these we may
connect the special meetings devoted to agricultural associations, agri-
cultural education, colonial agronomics, the unification of the methods
of analysing manures and cattle-foods, and agricultural mechanics.
The importance of the cultivation of certain products has led to
the holding of special congresses. We find congresses that have been
held to discuss the cultivation of rice, viticulture, sylviculture and
horticulture. In the same group we may place all the meetings in
relation to zootechnics, especially the international congresses for the
rational feeding of cattle, and the congresses of aviculture, and apicul-
ture. Dairymen have held bi-annual congresses since 1903.
Lastly, questions of hunting and fishing have also engaged the
attention of specialists of all countries, especially questions relating to
sea fisheries.
The juridical sciences have inspired very important international
associations, which are of world-wide repute, and of quite preponderant
authority. These are the " Association for the Reform and Codifica-
tion of the Law of Nations," which is now known under the title of the
" International Law Association," and the " Institute of International
Law and Comparative Legislation."
Questions of special law have, on the other hand, led to the
establishment of important international bodies. One of the most
important is the " International Union of Penal Law," which has held
regular meetings since 1889. The International Penitentiary Con-
gresses are almost equally important. The first was held in 1846,
and was one of the first international congresses to take place any-
where. With this twofold organisation of penal law we must connect
the international congresses of criminal anthropology, which has been
held since 1885.
Among questions of private law those in regard to industrial,
literary, and artistic proprietorship have led to the formation of two
vast associations, whose meetings have had a decisive influence on
the intergovernmental conventions which control patent rights, trade-
marks, and the rights of authors. There is also an " International
Maritime Commission," the influence of which on international legis-
lation concerning the boarding and salving of vessels has just led to
the adoption of an intergovernmental convention of great importance.
The unification of commercial law has also been the subject of many
international congresses, which have especially discussed the simplifi-
cation and unification of the rules relating to letters of exchange.
FOURTH SESSION 251
Finally, administrative law has recently given birth to a
" Permanent Commission of the International Congresses of the
Administrative Sciences."
In the department of philosophy, religion, and morals, there have
also been established certain important international bodies. In the
first place we must quote the international congresses of philosophy
and psychology; then the " International Union of Ethical Societies."
The Churches themselves constitute vast international associations,
and their councils and conventions are real international meetings.
The successful attempt at Chicago in 1893 to hold a "World's
Parliament of Religions " will be remembered. Since that time
there have been international meetings for discussing the history of
religion every four years.
Some of the religious bodies have organised international
congresses, such as the Eucharistic Congresses, those of the Old
Catholics, and those of Liberal Christianity, the Baptists, and the
Universal Evangelical Alliance. We must mention, too, the " Sal-
vation Army," which has more than 100,000 members scattered
throughout the world, the " International Federation of Free-
thinkers," and " Universal Freemasonry."
The pacifist movement is bound up in some of its aspects with
the political and juridical life of nations ; but it must also find a place
here on account of its lofty moral purpose. The movement began
in 1815. The annual congresses it has held since 1889 attract in-
creasing attention, and have the support of innumerable societies in
every country of the world, which are grouped round the " Inter-
national Permanent Peace Bureau " at Berne. Some of these
societies have themselves an international character, such as the
" International Peace Institute," the " International Conciliation,"
the " International League of Peace and Liberty," and the " Inter-
national Museum of War and Peace."
Two of the most important international establishments, the Nobel
Institute and the recent Carnegie Institution, are associated with this
movement. It is, perhaps, interesting to note that the first pacifist
congress, which met in London in 1843, was the first manifestation of
the international spirit which is spreading so rapidly in our own time.
Education, in every aspect and degree, has been the subject of
numbers of international discussions. Besides the congresses which
have discussed education in general, some have been devoted to
primary, secondary, and higher education, popular education, family
education, and moral education. International organisations have
been formed, as we stated previously, for the promotion of mathe-
matical and medical education. Others have been created to pro-
mote commercial education and the teaching of living tongues.
252 UNIVERSAL RACES CONGRESS
The internationalisation of studies has led numbers of students to
travel, and of late years we have witnessed an active exchange of pro-
fessors between different countries. This has led in turn to the
establishment in many universities of cosmopolitan clubs, which have
been united in an international association since 1907. The students
have further established the vast federation of the " Corda Fratres,"
and other more exclusive federations, such as those of the Christian
students, the Catholic students, and the Socialist students. On the
other hand, the professors of primary education have gathered round
the " International Bureau of Federations of Teachers."
An effort is being made at the present time to attain an " equiva-
lence of diplomas,"1 and to establish an "International Pedagogical
Centre." There are also in many countries institutes of higher
studies, which are the embryos of real international schools, and the
idea has arisen of uniting them in a larger organisation, which would
be the " International University," or rather, the " World-School."2
We must also call attention to the project of establishing an
" International Bureau of Universities," and to the growth in recent
years of inter-scholastic correspondence.
With the question of education we may connect the idea of
choosing a universal language. Annual congresses have, since 1906,
brought together in large numbers the admirers of the Esperanto
language. On the other hand, an " International Delegation for the
adoption of a Universal Language" was established in 1901. In
the department of languages we must also notice the existence of an
" International Phonetic Association," an " International Federation
for the Extension and Cultivation of the French Language," and the
" International Society of Romance Dialectology."
The long and somewhat fastidious enumeration which we have
been compelled to make was necessary in order to give some
approximate idea of the proportions of the spirit which is seeking
to organise the world on international lines. Nevertheless, to com-
plete the story, we ought further to have spoken of bodies of the
greatest importance such as the " International Union of Press
Associations," the " International Institute of Sociology," the
" International Institute of Statistics," the " International Colonial
Institute," the " International Economic Union," the " Permanent
Committee of Chambers of Commerce," the " International Council
of Women," and the " International Association of Cold."
We ought also to trace the history of the Universal Exhibitions,
of which no one now questions the great influence on civilisation. As
1 This equivalence has been conventionally admitted by the American Conference
of 1902.
1 There has been some question of founding such a school in Belgium.
FOURTH SESSION 253
is known, an " International Federation of Permanent Exhibition
Committees " forms a connecting link between them, and endeavours
to give them an increasingly synthetic organisation. There is also
some attempt to follow up the exhibitions of things with exhibitions
of ideas. Even in 1878, 1889, and 1900 the organisation of inter-
national congresses was centralised at Paris ; but it was at Saint Louis
in 1904 that the " International Congress of Science and Art" realised
most effectively a genuinely encyclopaedic and universal programme.
We ought also to have spoken of the arts, which have inspired a
number of gatherings : architecture, music, public art, and photo-
graphy have been the subjects of many important congresses. Even
sport, which plays a considerable part in the international relations of
our time, would deserve our attention. The " International Olympic
Committee" and the "International League of Tourist Associations "
are the most influential bodies in this field ; and to them we must add
bodies which are occupied with particular sports, such as cycling,
motoring, aeronautics, gymnastics, skating, or Alpine sports.
We cannot, however, conclude our condensed account of the
present state of international activity without devoting a few lines to
the work done by those who are seeking to make an intellectual
inventory of the world. Various Governments have already agreed
to subsidise the " International Catalogue of Scientific Literature,"
which has been undertaken by the Royal Society of London with
the assistance of regional centres. But the " International Institute
of Bibliography and Documentation " has confronted the problem in
all its magnitude. The work that it has imposed on itself consisted
at first in collecting and methodically classifying the titles of all the
works that have ever been written and published, but it has had
gradually to enlarge its scheme and endeavour to bring together
the works and publications themselves, and make summaries of them,
which constitute so many chapters and paragraphs in the " Universal
Book." The ambition of the promoters of this work is to summarise
this great book, and thus raise a monument to human thought which
will constitute the " Universal and Perpetual Encyclopaedia." This
encyclopaedia will have as its collaborators the thinkers of every age
and country. It will represent the " Sum Total " of the intellectual
achievements of the ages.
Such, in broad outline, is the immense labour that is being
accomplished by men of every nation and religion, every race and
all shades of opinion. They recognise no frontiers : their country is
a province of the world- wide empire of which they are fellow-citizens.
Sometimes, indeed, they have no clear perception of the fact ; they
are not conscious that they are working together for the realisation of
international life. To enkindle this consciousness, to materialise in
254 UNIVERSAL RACES CONGRESS
some measure the movement which is bearing humanity onward to a
condition of harmony, a mutual understanding, and a closer co-
operation in every country, is the aim of the founders of the " Central
Office of International Institutions." They believe that, besides the
problems that are peculiar to each branch of human knowledge, there
are interests of a universal order which it is important to examine
and study in common, and that there are certain general services to
be rendered and organised. On that account they invited all who
are entrusted with the direction of international bodies to take part
in the " World-Congress of International Associations." At its first
sittings * the Congress discussed the following questions : the inter-
national juridical status of international associations, the establish-
ment of international systems of unity in science and technics, the
international organisation of documentation, scientific and technical
language, and the organisation of co-operative action between inter-
national institutions. The Central Office of International Institu-
tions was 2 selected by the Congress as its permanent organ.
There is now, therefore, a centre of attraction round which,
following the hierarchy of the sciences, the various international
bodies may be grouped, and discharge in harmony their share in the
elaboration and diffusion of knowledge. A voluntary undertaking,
dependent on free co-operation, it will be at once the most eloquent
symbol and the most patent proof of the unity of races.
\Paper submitted in French.]
THE INTERNATIONAL INSTITUTE OF
AGRICULTURE AT ROME
By DAVID LUBIN,
United States Delegate to the International Institute of Agriculture.
" The wolf also shall dwell with the lamb, and the leopard shall lie down with
the kid, and the calf and the young lion and the falling together, and a little
child shall lead them."
" And He shall judge among the nations, and shall rebuke many people ; and
they shall beat their swords into ploughshares, and their spears into pruning-
hooks; nation shall not lift up sword against nation, neither shall they learn war
any more."
THE International Institute of Agriculture may be deemed a step in
evolutionary development, development in the field of economics. It
1 The Congress was held at Brussels from the gth to the nth of May, 1910 ; one
hundred and thirty-two international associations were represented at it.
* On this body see the pamphlet which deals specially with it, Office Central ties
Institutions Internationales, rue de la Regence, 3bis ; 8°, 32 pp., I franc.
FOURTH SESSION 255
is substantially a world co-operative institution, a world clearing-
house of economic information. It is, in fact, the first permanent
international parliament, a permanent parliament for economic
betterment.
The initiative toward founding this Institute was taken by His
Majesty the King of Italy, who called a Conference of the Govern-
ments for this purpose. This Conference met in Rome in May-June,
1905, and formulated a Treaty for the establishment of the Institute.
This Treaty was ratified by forty-seven Governments, and the
adhering countries now embrace 98 per cent, of the population
and 95 per cent, of all the land of the world.
When the Treaty had been duly ratified by the adhering Govern-
ments, a building was erected for the Institute in the grounds of the
Villa Borghese, in Rome, at the expense of His Majesty the King of
Italy, who, in addition to this, munificently endowed the Institute
with an income of 60,000 dollars a year.
Each of the nations adhering to the Institute is classed in one of
five groups, which contribute to the support of the Institute in accord-
ance with a ratio fixed for each group by the Treaty.
The supreme direction and control of the Institute is in the hands
of the General Assembly, consisting of delegates appointed by the
adhering Governments. The General Assembly is empowered,
under Article 5 of the Treaty, to submit for the approval of the
adhering Governments proposals for an enlargement of the functions
of the Institute.
The administration of the Institute is entrusted to the Permanent
Committee, composed of forty-seven delegates each representing one of
the adhering countries. These delegates reside permanently in Rome.
The executive officers are the President, Marquis Cappelli, delegate
of Italy ; the Vice-President, Mr. Louis Dop, delegate of France ;
and the Secretary-General, Professor P. Jannaccone. At present the
staff consists of eighty-two employees of different nationalities.
The functions of the Institute are defined in Article 9 of the
Treaty,1 and the work has been divided between four bureaus :
1 ARTICLE 9. — The Institute, confining its operations within an international
sphere, shall —
(a) Collect, study, and publish as promptly as possible statistical, technical, or
economic information concerning farming, both vegetable and animal products, the
commerce in agricultural products, and the prices prevailing in the various markets ;
(6) Communicate to parties interested, also as promptly as possible, all the informa-
tion just referred to ;
(c) Indicate the wages paid for farm work ;
(d) Make known the new diseases of vegetables which may appear in any
part of the world, showing the territories infected, the progress of the disease, and,
if possible, the remedies which are effective in combating them.
(e) Study questions concerning agricultural co-operation, insurance, and credit
in all their aspects ; collect and publish information which might be useful in the
256 UNIVERSAL RACES CONGRESS
1. The administrative bureau ;
2. The bureau of crop-reporting and agricultural statistics ;
3. The bureau of agricultural intelligence and diseases of plants ;
4. The bureau of economic and social institutions (agricultural
co-operation, insurance, and credit).
The main service of the Institute is crop-reporting, the importance
of which will be made manifest by what follows.
The world's price of the staples of agriculture has a direct bearing
on the home price, and the home price of the staples determines the
status of the capital and labour of the farm, also the status of the
capital and labour of the factory (for the staples of agriculture are
the raw material of the manufacturer). Therefore, the price of the
staples of agriculture influences the economic condition of all the
people.
Now, the knowledge of the world's summary of the stocks on
hand and the condition of the growing crops are the basis for the
formation of the world's price, and, consequently, of the home price
of the staples of agriculture. It is, therefore, of primary importance
that such world summary be official and authoritative.
But, previous to the establishment of the International Institute
of Agriculture, the dissemination of this summary was done by
private, and therefore interested, concerns ; it reached the public in
the form of several and divergent statements, and was consequently
the cause of unnecessary and oft-times violent fluctuations in the
price of the staples, thereby unsettling the economic condition of all
the people.
The chief purpose of the International Institute of Agriculture is
to remove the cause of these fluctuations, to remove the obstacles
which impede the operation of the law of supply and demand in the
formation of the prices of the staples of agriculture. And this the
Institute does by supplying all concerned with an official and
authoritative summary of the condition of the growing crops and
the world's supply.
Accordingly, each of the adhering Governments supplies the
Institute with its own crop-reporting data, relating (a) to the condi-
tion of the growing crops, and (b), to harvest yields in each country.
various countries in the organisation of works connected with agricultural co-operation,
insurance, and credit ;
(/) Submit to the approval of the Governments, if there is occasion for it, measures
for the protection of the common interests of farmers and for the improvement
of their condition, after having utilised all the necessary sources of information,
such as the wishes expressed by international or other agricultural congresses or
congresses of sciences applied to agriculture, agricultural societies, academies, learned
bodies, &c.
All questions concerning the economic interests, the legislation, and the adminis-
tration of a particular nation shall be excluded from the consideration of the Institute.
FOURTH SESSION 257
This is done on a uniform plan adopted by the General Assembly in
1909. The Statistical Bureau of the Institute employs this data
in its mathematical calculations, deducing, in the form of a " Single
Numerical Statement" the summary for the world, thus : 100 being
taken as a normal, when the Institute reports 101 it indicates that
the condition or yield of the world's crop is I per cent above the
normal ; when the Institute reports 99 it means that it is I per cent,
below the normal, and so forth. This is the method employed by
the American Department of Agriculture for reporting crop condi-
tions and yields in the United States, and it has been adopted by
the Institute for reporting crop conditions and yields for the world.
The effect of the Institute's reports, expressed in the Single
Numerical Statement for the world, disseminated each month tele-
graphically and by printed bulletins, was apparent almost from the
start. The volume of wheat production for 1910 was very unevenly
distributed ; some countries having deficits and others large surpluses
as compared to the production for the previous year. The imme-
diate effect of a knowledge of local conditions in each of these
countries was to unsettle prices, with a tendency to undue depression
or inflation as the unusual surplus or deficit became known. But
the Institute's reports, giving simultaneously the figures for all the
countries, and drawing therefrom the total for the world in the form
of a Single Numerical Statement, showed that the deficits were
amply balanced by the surpluses, and that the world, as a whole, had
produced substantially the same amount as the previous year. The
effect of this was to steady the market and maintain normal prices,
preventing the bearing down of the price in countries where the
product was unusually abundant, and unjustifiable advances in
countries where there was a deficit in the crop. Thus the Institute
acts as an instrument towards making equity in exchange.
What has thus far been set forth is but a mere outline of some
phases of the work done by the Institute. The limited space at my
command does not permit further detail. This must be left for the
discussion promised on the subjects to be brought up at this Congress.
Substantially, then, the International Institute of Agriculture is
to provide the world with a new measure ; a measure of the world's
supply of the staples of agriculture ; a measure as important in
economic well-being as is the " dry measure," the " liquid measure,"
or the "time measure." And since the surest criterion between a
lower and a higher civilisation is the comparative perfection of
weights and measures, and their just application, it must follow that
the Institute in this work is destined to serve as one of the rungs in
the evolutionary ladder of civilisation.
We talk of the Flag, of Liberty, of Freedom, but in the 100 cents of
258 UNIVERSAL RACES CONGRESS
a dollar, is not each cent a measure of liberty, a measure of freedom ?
Has not its owner the liberty to exchange each cent for a certain
measure of goods or for a certain measure of leisure? Hence it must
follow that a cause which robs the cent of its purchasing power robs
its owner of a like measure of liberty and freedom.
It was to prevent this universal, this international, robbery that
the nations ratified the treaty establishing this Institute.
But a most important function of the Institute has yet to be
stated : the International Institute of Agriculture is destined to
become the world's temple of peace.
And on this head let me quote what Professor Carver of Harvard
University says : —
I am particularly interested in the possibilities of the Institute as a factor in
international peace. If the leading nations can be brought together in any kind
of co-operative work for the general good of the civilised world, such as your
system of crop-reporting, the very fact of working together will tend to produce
friendship, and to make war hereafter impossible. It is probable that inter-
national unity will never come about by merely saying " Go to now, let us be
united," but it will come about by just this form of co-operative work for a
useful purpose, without much immediate thought as to its future reactions in
the field of international friendship.
The sages and prophets of our day find their task easier than
of yore, for the time has at last come when it is beginning to be
understood that robbery, covetous greed, or disorder is not nearly
as profitable as Equity, Service, and Order. It is now beginning
to be understood that the economic gloom of one country casts
its dark shadow of loss and suffering on all other countries, and
that the sun of prosperity which shines in one country sheds its
beneficent rays abroad, blessing all the other countries.
And what mode is there for the surer and quicker realisation
of International Equity, of International Service, and of International
Order than through an International Parliament?
But Parliaments, and above all International Parliaments, do
not come, nor would they endure, without a struggle. And this
applies particularly to this first international economic parliament,
the International Institute of Agriculture. The forces which find
it in their interest to disintegrate its structure are among the
most crafty and powerful in the world, and they have a reach
which goes direct to the heart of Governments.
Those, therefore, who champion the cause of international amity,
should be among the first to take up an unmistakable stand in
relation to this beginning of international parliamentary life ; they
may justify their activity in this field of service in behalf of peace
by their support of the International Institute of Agriculture
and there can be no place or occasion better suited towards this
appeal than this first Universal Races Congress.
[Paper submitted in English.]
FOURTH SESSION 259
-T3o ; 7<i nif>nV> lt»o haliiso n^ixf ?,fifi /how airfT
THE BATAK INSTITUTE AT LEYDEN
By Dr. A. W. NIEUWENHUIS,
Professor of Ethnography in the University of Ley den.
THE considerations that led to the establishment of the Batak
Institute at Leyden (1908) are as follows. Colonial Powers know,
as a rule, far too little of the peoples of different races under their
sway to be able to maintain an intercourse with them that may be
called rational in all respects or to establish a rule in harmony with
the opinions of the subject-race and the popular institutions based
on them. By the word "rule" we must not chiefly understand
administration and legislation, and certainly not these alone, but,
first and foremost, the guidance of a people along paths that may
lead to a healthy elevation of the standard of the whole of their
social, economic, intellectual, and ethical life in harmony with their
physical and psychical capabilities.
In order to acquire the knowledge that is indispensable for the
accomplishment of this purpose in colonies as extensive as the Dutch
Indies, it seems necessary that the first steps should be taken by
private initiative, which is freer in its movements than Government,
and that these early attempts should be focussed on a carefully
chosen and sharply defined sphere. In this manner, hints may be
collected for the Government as to the general policy which it
should pursue, and an example may be set of intercourse between a
Western and an Eastern race that is equally beneficial to both parties.
It was partly the influence of existing circumstances, partly
personal reasons, that made the choice for a first attempt in this
direction fall on the Batak, a tribe inhabiting the central mountain
regions and plateaux of the northern part of Sumatra between the
Menanghabau countries in the south and Acheh (Acheen) in the north.
After a careful preparation which began in 1905, after obtaining
information from officials as well as from private persons, and after
consultation with various Departments of State, scientific associations,
and missionary societies, the following method of setting to work
was decided upon : —
(i) To bring together in a separate library as complete a collection as
possible of the extant literature (including records, archives, and other reports).
(2) To publish a survey (bibliography) of this collection. (3) To enter into
personal relations with officials and private persons living in the country and to
ensure their co-operation for the future, which is necessary for the acquisition
and extension of our knowledge of local conditions, wants, and circumstances.
(4) To compose a simple collective work, after the example of the Anglo-Indian
District Gazetteers, which will give a summary account of what we know and
what we do not know about the region under discussion.
26o UNIVERSAL RACES CONGRESS
This work has been carried out (from 1905 to 1911) by a per-
manent official, under the superintendence and guidance of the
" directorium," who, having spent several years in a special part of
the country of the Batak, and from the nature of his profession had
had an opportunity of obtaining considerable knowledge of both
people and country.
This work, however necessary as a preparation, is, if not wholly,
at least chiefly, theoretical, and will have to be followed by practical
measures, which will be much more expensive. The Institute has
already made a beginning with this second task. Some time ago
attention was directed to the exploitation (probably for the greater
part through irrigation) of a fairly extensive plateau (the plateau of
Sibolangit) situated in the higher parts of Deli and inhabited by
Batak. Moreover, encouragement is given to the spreading of the
Dutch language among the Batak who wish to learn it. Lastly, the
Institute undertook to send out (February, 1911) an agriculturist
with good practical and theoretical knowledge, who is at the same
time no stranger in the department of commerce. His destination
was the Karo plateau in the highlands, far inland, in the district of
the east coast of Sumatra, which is rich in plantations. The purpose
of this mission was to bring the natives, especially through practical
demonstration, to a wiser conduct of their principal branch of cultiva-
tion, viz., of rice, and to the growing of such produce as is likely, to
find a favourable market in the lowlands — in Deli first of all, perhaps
afterwards also in the Straits Settlements.
If this attempt proves successful it will, on the one hand, promote
the economic progress of the natives and, on the other hand, attract
the interest of the European colonists to the Batak and their country.
Already a " Batak Society " has been established at Medan (1909),
and it proposes to support the measures taken in the interests of the
Batak and their country.
[Paper submitted in English.]
FIFTH SESSION
THE MODERN CONSCIENCE IN RELATION TO
RACIAL QUESTIONS (GENERAL)
THE FUNDAMENTAL PRINCIPLE OF INTER
RACIAL ETHICS, AND SOME PRACTICAL
APPLICATIONS OF IT
By Dr. FELIX ABLER,
Professor of Social Ethics in Columbia University, New York.
IN so brief a paper on so large a subject, a bare indication of
certain principal ideas must needs suffice. The first thought to
be mentioned is the indispensableness of more explicit conceptions
of the ideal to be realised in international relations. This Congress
is devoted to the promotion of right international relations. Right
relations are essentially ideal relations. The unethical conditions
now prevailing between the different national and racial groups are
due, in no small degree, to false ideals. False ideals can only be
met and overcome by true. But what are the true ideals ? Looking
forward to the future of humanity, what sort of relations between
its different components should we consider satisfactory? This
question, surely, cannot be evaded.
In regard to the goal ahead, two errors are often committed.
The one is illustrated by the use made of the phrase, "The
parliament of man and the federation of the world." A parliament,
a political device or instrument intended, in a general way, to secure
beneficent ends, and admittedly securing them most imperfectly, is
presented to the imagination as the terminus ad quem of international
progress ; and this instead of a distinct statement of the ends them-
selves towards which international progress is to be directed. It
seems to be the opinion of those who take this poetic phrase more
261
262 UNIVERSAL RACES CONGRESS
or less literally that if only, in some capitol of the whole earth,
a parliament could be got together representing all the different
terrestrial interests, the welfare of mankind would be assured.
It is forgotten that no parliament ever yet existed which has
learned to do justice even to the narrower set of interests confided
to it ; that no parliament has as yet been free from the taint of class
legislation and favouritism. And whether a parliament having for its
constituency all the populations of the earth would be a manageable
institution, and whether, if it could be set to work, it would operate
more equably for the benefit of all than the present national
parliaments, is, at least, an open question.1 The second and more
common error is to dismiss as visionary all thought of the ultimate
goal, and to concentrate effort on the next step to be taken (without
regard to whither it may ultimately lead) : the next step being relief
from the pressure of present evils. The international situation is
full of menace and cause for the gravest anxiety. What are we
coming to, with all these incessant warlike preparations, this strain
upon the economic resources of the civilised nations, the new peril
due to the closer approach — with all the possibilities of friction
involved — of the Occidental and Oriental peoples? The human
race has run into a kind of blind alley, from which, by merely going
on as heretofore, there is no escape. It must in some fashion
retrace its steps and proceed in a new direction. We have plunged
into a kind of morass. Should it not be our first and exclusive
concern, it is said — our next step — to try to extricate ourselves
from this marsh ; to put terra firma under our feet ; in other words,
by means of arbitration treaties, international courts, and the like, to
secure peace ?
But what is it that has brought us to such a pass? Is it not false
ideals — false military ideals, false ideals of national prestige and of
material aggrandisement? And by what psychological and moral
enginery shall we be lifted out of the marsh, if not by that of better
and sounder ideals ? Peace itself is only a means, not an end. To
what end, then, do we desire peace ? This is the most pertinent
question of all. Is it for the multiplication of the sources of material
enjoyment? Is it for the development of culture? — and if so, is it
for the development of a single type of civilisation — Western
civilisation, for instance? And is this to be extended universally,
suppressing every other type ? Whatever the end, let it be defined ;
1 This is not intended to discredit the idea of such an Amphyctionic council, or of a
veritable parliament of nations, but to draw attention to the fact that a parliament
is a means to an end ; that the means cannot work successfully without a clear and
just conception of the end to be promoted. This, indeed, is lacking as yet within the
field of national politics, and clarification as to the international ideals would have
a retro-active effect upon national ideals as well.
FIFTH SESSION
let it be put into the foreground ; let it be envisaged in distinct
outline.1
The appeal to sympathy alone will not suffice. We have in
modern times, it is true, become more sensitive to pain ; and the
horrors of war, when depicted by graphic pens, evoke temporarily
a profound revulsion. But sympathy is in its nature fluctuating, and
in larger groups of men, as well as in individuals, it is apt to alternate
with the hardest kind of selfishness. Nor will the waste of war and
the impoverishment that follows in its train serve as a deterrent. In
moments of passion, a kind of frenzy is apt to be generated ; all
considerations of advantage are apt to be thrown to the winds ; and
all the arguments that an enlightened selfishness can produce are
addressed to deaf ears. Nor will the growth of democracy prove
a sufficient safeguard against the plague of war. On the contrary, a
novel peril appears in the contagious rapidity with which emotional
excitement is propagated among crowds ; and democracies, as ex-
perience has shown, are quite as ready to kindle at the thought of
conquest and are quite as likely to become delirious at the bare
suspicion of an affront to national honour as single rulers or aris-
tocracies. A stronger motive is needed ; one that will appeal, not so
much to ephemeral feeling or to the baser selfish instincts as to the
most permanent and the loftiest of human interests, if, in the
long run, the objects which the peace movement has in view are
to be achieved. Not peace itself, but the ends which peace is to
subserve, should be held up to view. As Anaxagoras observed to
Pericles, " They who desire the lamp, will feed the oil " : they who
desire the lamp and light of ultimate right international relations,
will be the most effective workers for the peace which is the sine qua
non of such relations.
The purpose of this paper is really fulfilled in what has already
been said. What remains is a short statement, intended to serve, by
way of illustration, of the ideal principle as apprehended by the
writer. This principle is that of the organisation of humanity. It
is sometimes hastily assumed that society is actually an organism.2
1 The above remarks are not intended to encourage the construction of Utopias,
although even these have their value ; yet it is impossible to look ahead far enough to
elaborate in detail the picture of a desirable condition of human life in the distant
future. This will depend on conditions and changes in condition which no one can
now forecast. It is possible, however, to formulate a point of view, a principle, and
a rule of conduct which shall determine the actions of men in the effort to secure the
desirable future. Attempts at such formulations within the narrower political circum-
scription of the State have not been wanting. It is the plea of this paper that they
should be more bravely applied to the relations of State with State, and that the
problems of international ethics, as distinct from international law, should be more
vigorously attacked.
* The word " organism" in the above is used for lack of a better. In reality, a new
coinage is needed. A term like " met-organic,1' formed on the analogy of met-empirical,
264 UNIVERSAL RACES CONGRESS
This is far from being the case. But the goal to be kept in view,
the directive principle, is that of the progressive organisation of the
relations between peoples and racial groups.
And in the concept " organisation " are involved two postulates.
One is the obligation to promote the utmost differentiation of the
types of culture, the utmost variety and richness in the expression of
the fundamental human faculties. The garden of humanity should
present the spectacle of flowers infinitely varied in hue and fragrance.
The human orchard should include trees bearing the most diverse
fruit It has often been said that greed and the lust of dominion are
the principal causes of strife among nations. But it is certain that
conceit in regard to one's own type of culture is equally one of
the great contributing causes of war. This sort of conceit was
characteristic of the ancients — Greeks, Romans, Hebrews, &c. — but
it is no less conspicuous at the present time, especially among those
who prefix the syllable " pan " to their racial designations — the Pan-
Slavists, the Pan-Teutons, and those who believe in extending the
predominance of the Anglo-Saxon race over the whole globe, &c.
Even some of the wisest of philosophers have fallen a prey to
this delusion, this species of conceit. A man like Fichte, for
instance, who is particularly esteemed on account of his ethical
sensitiveness, represents his own people, the Germans, as the elect
priesthood of culture, the torch-bearers from whom all others are
to receive their light. It may be remarked by the way that this
curious spiritual arrogance, this over-straining of claims, is probably
might be more suitable. Such words as " organism " and " organisation " suggest the
animal organism as a prototype to be copied ; but wherever the notion of organism
has been restricted to this prototype the results have been ethically undesirable. For,
in the animal as in the plant, there is ever some one pre-eminent organ or organs
in which the significance of the whole is emphasised and to which the other
organs and their functions are subordinated ; hence, when biological analogies are
pressed, when the animal organism is taken as the pattern on which the human world
is to be fashioned, the resulting social systems are of an aristocratic or monarchical
character — some one function, like the military or the priestly, being assigned the
role of expressing the life and purpose of the society as a whole, and all other social
functions and those who perform them being treated as subservient. It is for this
reason that the organic theory of the State has, in modern times, become suspect, as
associated with reactionary tendencies.
The met-organic idea, on the other hand, is spiritual, and not animal, in derivation.
Its distinguishing feature is that it excludes the notion of menial functions and
functionaries. The distinction between high and low is empirical and based on the
consideration of value. The spiritual view is based on the consideration of worth.
And worth resides in every member of the social body, no matter how humble the
station he occupies, in so far, namely, as he discharges his particular function with
the whole in mind, that is to say, with a view of so fulfilling his function as to
promote thereby the reciprocally stimulative interplay of the whole system of
functions.
On this point a bare allusion must here suffice, to prevent confusion of the term
used with the current biological conceptions. A (fuller statement will be attempted
elsewhere.
FIFTH SESSION 265
due to the absence, as yet, of assured recognition for national claims,
however just. The bellum omnium contra omnes still looms up as a
constantly menacing possibility in international affairs ; and hence
any people with a literature of its own, an art of its own, legal
and religious institutions that correspond to its Volksgeist — any
people, in a word, that has created a specific culture-type, and
rightly cherishes it, is still compelled to face the eventuality of
hostile neighbours attacking and destroying the spiritual fruitage
it has produced. But whatever the cause, it is certain that pride
of culture — t.e.t of one's own specific culture, as superior to every other
— is one of the chief elements of danger in the international situation.
The principle of organisation is designed to procure a modifi-
cation, in this respect, of the opinion of the educated classes in all
countries — for the educated classes are, after all, the leaders of the
uneducated, and there is reason to hope that if a less provincial con-
ception of culture shall have gained ground among the former, it will
gradually be extended to the latter. At any rate, we must depend
for the peace and progress of the world upon the formation of a
horizontal upper layer of cultured persons among all the more
civilised peoples — a cross-section, as it were, of the nations, whose
convictions and sentiments shall supply the moral force on which
international arbitration courts and similar agencies will have to
depend.
The one postulate, then, of the principle we are discussing is
that variety of the types of civilisation among mankind — rather
than the universal prevalence of a single type, the others being
suppressed — is desirable, and not only desirable, but the ethical
aim towards which the efforts of the genuine lovers of progress
should be bent. It may seem strange that a proposition of this
kind requires to be emphasised ; and yet this is undoubtedly
necessary in view of the tendencies now clearly prevailing in the
opposite direction. Surely the interdependence of the different
species of culture is a patent fact. Surely the reciprocal influence
of French, Italian, English, German culture on each other is
obvious to the most casual student of history. Surely the educated
Englishman of to-day would have, as it were, a limb of his own
intellectual life amputated, would be seriously impoverished in his
own spiritual being, if Germany and German civilisation were to be
obliterated, or their further growth violently checked, and conversely ;
and so of all the rest. It is often said that the financial and economic
interests of different nations are now so intimately bound up with one
another that war is becoming foolish, because after a victorious war
the conqueror would find himself worse off economically, on account
of the destruction of capital which he has inflicted on the conquered.
266 UNIVERSAL RACES CONGRESS
But if this be true of material interests, how much more is it true of
spiritual interests !
The second postulate involved in the principle of organisation
is that any particular culture-type is not only stimulated and enriched
by the absorption of elements derived from elsewhere, but that the
flaws, as well as the excellent features of any type of culture, may be
best detected in the effect it produces on other types. Of us as
individuals it may be said that we live in our radiations ; that the
kind of influence we exert upon those with whom we come in con-
tact is the truest measure of the degree of perfection or imperfection
inherent in us. And the same is true of the larger collective groups
of men. The qualities and defects of Occidental civilisation, for
instance, nowhere appear so strikingly as in the effect we have pro-
duced on Oriental peoples. In some respects this effect has been
palpably beneficial. The mechanical inventions, the science, the
educational methods of the West have been imported into the
East, and in countries like Japan, and to some extent in China,
are being rapidly assimilated. On the other hand, we have inflicted
incalculable spiritual harm upon the nations of the East by under-
mining the religious foundations upon which their civilisation has
rested, and by failing to replace adequately the supports which we are
breaking down. One of the profoundest problems of the world to-day
is here apparent — the problem of what is ultimately to be the result
of the intrusion of Western thought, Western science, Western forms of
government, upon great populations whose Volksgeist rejects Western
agnosticism, and who have shown but a limited degree of receptivity
to Western forms of religion. And the ill effects which we have
wrought, and which it is to be feared our influence may further oper-
ate in the future — do they not reveal in glaring fashion the dis-
harmonies that exist within our own Western civilisation, the broken
unity of life from which we ourselves suffer, the onesidedness and
unsatisfactoriness of the type of culture by which we attempt to live ?
The thought I am aiming to express is that the give-and-take
relation between the culture-types (and the more numerous and
varied they are, the better) not only serves the purpose of enrich-
ment, not only serves to prevent ossification and decay, but also
serves to expose the weak points at which radical efforts at recupera-
tion and improvement are requisite. If humanity is ever to become a
corpus organicum spirituale — and that is the aim — then a conception
based on reciprocity of cultural influence, favourable to the greatest
possible variety of types, and assuring to the different groups of man-
kind their integrity as distinct members, in order that they may
make manifest the distinctive gifts with which Nature has endowed
them, seems unavoidable.
FIFTH SESSION 267
It has been said of late that, however moral considerations may
prevail between individuals, the rule upon which nations must act is
the rule of selfishness. If we are ever to get beyond this barbarous
view, it must be with the help of an ideal principle which shall teach
the wiser national self-love as against this crude national selfishness,
and which shall make it plain that the ends of the wiser self-love are
only to be attained by fostering the seemingly alien ends of others.
The space at my command does not permit more than this short
sketch ; nor is it possible to do more than state two practical
objects upon which, in obedience to the considerations here presented,
our endeavours might be concentrated. The one relates to our
dealings with the uncivilised races. To them should be applied
what may be called the " methods of race pedagogy." Close atten-
tion should be paid to any experiments that have up to now been
conducted in the schooling of primitive communities; the conditions
of success, where a measure of success has been achieved, should be
noted, and new experiments of this kind should be undertaken on a
large scale. Systematic agricultural and industrial training seem,
perhaps, to promise, in the case of the backward races, the best results.
But no efforts of this kind can be considered exemplary which are not
animated by a disinterested desire to benefit the people to be educated.
With some fine exceptions, we have had, until now, chiefly exploita-
tion of the backward races : on the one hand, inhumane exploitation
for the sole benefit of the exploiters; and then, again, humane treat-
ment of the backward races, but still for the benefit of the exploiters,
on the assumption that kindness and patience in the long run pay
best. What is now needed is humane treatment of the backward
races for the benefit of those races themselves — that is, in the long
run for the benefit of humanity in general
And the second practical object to which attention should be
devoted relates to the intellectual and moral equipment of colonial
administrators and members of the diplomatic service. If the ethical
conception here presented be valid, the greatest stress should be
laid, in the case of those who come into direct influential contact with
foreign groups, on a detailed study by them of the people to whom
they are sent — of their customs, manners, laws, literature, religion, and
art And it should be the aim of those who direct such studies to
engender in the students a generous appreciation of all that is fine
and worthy in the character and culture of the alien people. For
only friendliness will secure a hearing, and only those who sincerely
appreciate the excellent qualities of foreigners can help them over-
come their deficiencies and lead them along the path of further
progressive development.
[Paper submitted in English.]
268 UNIVERSAL RACES CONGRESS
THE JEWISH RACE
By ISRAEL ZANGWILL, London.
To sum up in a few thousand words a race which has energised for
four thousand years is a task which can only be executed, if at all,
by confining oneself to elementals. And of these elementals the first
and most important is the soul of the people. The soul of the Jewish
race is best seen in the Bible, saturated from the first page of the Old
Testament to the last page of the New with the aspiration for a
righteous social order, and an ultimate unification of mankind of
which, in all specifically Jewish literature, the Jewish race is to be
the medium and missionary. Wild and rude as were the beginnings
of this race, frequent as were its backslidings, and great as were —
and are — its faults, this aspiration is continuous in its literature even
up to the present day. There is every reason to believe that the
historic texts of the Old Testament were redacted in the interests of
this philosophy of history, but this pious falsification is very different
from the self-glorification of all other epics. Israel appears through-
out not as a hero, but as a sinner who cannot rise to his r61e of
redeemer, of " servant of the Lord " — that r61e of service, not
dominance, for which his people was "chosen." The Talmud, the
innumerable volumes of saintly Hebrew thought, the Jewish liturgy,
whether in its ancient or its mediaeval strata, the " modernist " plat-
forms of reformed American synagogues, all echo and re-echo this
conception of " the Jewish mission." Among the masses it naturally
transformed itself into nationalism, but even this narrower concept of
" the chosen people " found poetic expression as a tender intimacy
between God and Israel. " With everlasting love hast Thou loved
the house of Israel, Thy people ; a Law and commandments, statutes
and judgments, hast Thou taught us. ... Blessed art Thou, O Lord,
who lovest Thy people, Israel." Such is the evening benediction still
uttered by millions of Hebrew lips.
And the performance of this Law and these commandments,
statutes, and judgments, covering as they did the whole of life, pro-
duced— despite the tendency of all law to over-formality — a domestic
ritual of singular beauty and poetry, a strenuous dietary and religious
regime, and tender and self-controlling traits of character, which have
combined to make the Jewish masses as far above their non-Jewish
environment as the Jewish wealthier classes are below theirs. No
demos in the world is so saturated with idealism and domestic virtue,
and when it is compared with the yet uncivilised and brutalised
masses of Europe, when, for example, the lowness of its infantile
mortality or the healthiness of its school children is contrasted with
FIFTH SESSION 269
the appalling statistics of its neighbours, there is sound scientific
warrant for endorsing even in its narrowest form its claim to be " a
chosen people."
This extraordinary race arose as a pastoral clan in Mesopotamia,
roved to Palestine, thence to Egypt, and after a period of slavery
returned to Palestine as conquerors and agriculturists, there to
practise the theocratic code imposed by Moses (perhaps the noblest
figure in all history), and to evolve in the course of the ages a poetic
and prophetic literature of unparalleled sublimity. That union of
spirituality, intellectuality, and fighting-power in the breed, which
raised it above all ancient races except the Greek, was paid for by an
excessive individualism which distracted and divided the State.
Jerusalem fell before the legions of Titus. But half a century before
it fell it had produced Christianity, and thus entered on a new
career of world-conquest. And five centuries after the destruction of
Jerusalem, its wandering scions had impregnated Mohammed with
the ideas of Islam. Half the world was thus won for Hebraism in
some form or other and the notion of " the Jewish mission " trium-
phantly vindicated. A nucleus of the race, however, still persisted,
partly by nationalist instinct, partly by the faith that its doctrines
had been adulterated by illegitimate elements and its mission was
still unaccomplished ; and it is this persistence to-day of a Hebrew
population of twelve millions — a Jewdom larger than any that its
ancient conquerors had ever boasted of crushing — which constitutes
the much-discussed Jewish problem.
But there was a Jewish diaspora even before Jerusalem fell —
settlements of Jews all round the Mediterranean, looking, however,
to Jerusalem as a national and religious centre. The Book of Esther
is historically dubious, but it contains one passage which is a summary
of Jewish history: "And Haman said unto King Ahasuerus, There
is a certain people scattered abroad and dispersed among the people
in all the provinces of thy kingdom, and their laws are diverse from
all people ; neither keep they the King's laws : therefore it is not for
the King's profit to suffer them. If it please the King, let it be
written that they may be destroyed." The Jewish problem in fact,
from the Gentile point of view, is entirely artificial. It springs
exclusively from Christian or heathen injustice and intolerance, from
the oppression of minorities, from the universal law of dislike for the
unlike. In Russia, which harbours nearly half of his race, the Jew
is confined to a Pale and forbidden the villages even of that Pale, he
is cramped and crippled at every phase of his existence, he must
fight for Russia but cannot advance in the Army or the Navy or the
Government service, except at the price of baptism. Occasionally
bands of Black Hundreds are loosed upon him in bloody pogroms,
270 UNIVERSAL RACES CONGRESS
but his everyday existence has not even this tragic dignity. It is a
sordid story of economic oppression designed to keep this mere 4 per
cent, of the population from dominating Holy Russia. Ten years
ago Count Pahlen's Commission reported that " 90 per cent, of the
Jews in the Pale have no staple occupation," and if the Government
enforces the Sunday Law recently passed by the Duma, it means
that they will in many cases be forced to choose between their own
Sabbath and semi-starvation. Already the ancient hope and virtue
of the most cheerful of races are slowly asphyxiating in the never-
lifting fog of poverty and persecution. A similar situation in
Roumania, if on a smaller scale as affecting only a quarter of a
million of Jews, is accentuated in bitterness by Roumania's refusal to
fulfil the obligation of equal treatment she undertook at the Berlin
Congress, and the passivity of the Powers in presence of violated
treaties adds to the Jewish tragedy the tragedy of a world grown
callous of its own spiritual interests. The Jews, whose connection
with Roumania is at least fifteen centuries old, are not even classed
as citizens. They are " vagabonds." In Morocco the situation of the
Jews is one of unspeakable humiliation. They are confined to a
Mellah, and, as the Moroccan proverb puts it, "One may kill as
many as seven Jews without being punished." The Jews have even
to pickle the heads of decapitated rebels. Tested by the Judaeo-
meter, Germany herself is still uncivilised, for if she has had no
Dreyfus case, it is perhaps because no Jew is permitted military rank.
Even in America, with its lip-formula of brotherhood, a gateless
Ghetto has been created by the isolation of the Jews from the
general social life.
But if from the Gentile point of view the Jewish problem is an
artificial creation, there is a very real Jewish problem from the Jewish
point of view — a problem which grows in exact proportion to the
diminution of the artificial problem. Orthodox Judaism in the
diaspora cannot exist except in a Ghetto, whether imposed from
without or evolved from within. Rigidly professing Jews cannot
enter the general social life and the professions. Jews qua Jews
were better off in the Dark Ages, living as chattels of the King
under his personal protection and to his private profit, or in the ages
when they were confined in Ghettos. Even in the Russian Pale a
certain measure of autonomy still exists. It is emancipation that
brings the Jewish "Jewish problem." It is precisely in Italy with its
Jewish Prime Minister and its Jewish Syndic of Rome that this
problem is most acute. The Saturday Sabbath imposes economic
limitations even when the State has abolished them. As Shylock
pointed out, his race cannot eat or drink with the Gentile. Indeed,
social intercourse would lead to intermarriage. Unless Judaism is
FIFTH SESSION 271
reformed it is, in the language of Heine, a misfortune, and if it is
reformed, it cannot logically confine its teachings to the Hebrew race,
which, lacking the normal protection of a territory, must be swallowed
up by its proselytes.
The comedy and tragedy of Jewish existence to-day derive
primarily from this absence of a territory in which the race could
live its own life. For the religion which has preserved it through the
long dark centuries of dispersion has also preserved its territorial
traditions in an almost indissoluble amalgam of religion and history.
Palestine soil clings all about the roots of the religion, which has,
however, only been transplanted at the cost of fossilisation. The old
agricultural festivals are observed at seasons with which, in many
lands of the exile, they have no natural connection. The last
national victory celebrated — that of Judas Maccabaeus — is two
thousand years old ; the last popular fast dates from the first
century of the Christian era. The Jew agonising in the Russian
Pale rejoices automatically in his Passover of Freedom, in his
exodus from Egypt. Even while the tribal traits had still the
potential fluidity of life, neither Greeks nor Romans could change
this tenacious race. Its dispersion from Palestine merely indurated
its traditions by freeing them from the possibility of common develop-
ment. The religious customs defended by Josephus against Apion
are still the rule of the majority. Even new traits superimposed by
their history upon fractions of the race are conserved with equal
tenacity. The Jews expelled from Spain in 1492 still retain a
sub-loyalty to the King of Spain and speak a Spanish idiom,
printed in Hebrew characters, which preserves in the Orient words
vanished from the lips of actual Spaniards and to be found only
in Cervantes.
This impotency to create afresh — which is the negative aspect
of conservatism — translated itself, after the final revolt of Bar Cochba
against the Romans early in the second century, into a pious resig-
nation. The Jewish exile was declared to be the will of God, which
it was even blasphemous to struggle against, and the Jews, in a
strange and unique congruity with the teachings of the prophet they
rejected, turned the other cheek to the smiter and left to Caesar the
things that were Caesar's, concentrating themselves in every land
of the exile upon industry, domesticity, and a transmuted religion,
in which realities were desiccated into metaphors, and the Temple
sacrifices sublimated into prayers. Rabbinic opportunism, while on
the one hand keeping alive the hope that these realities, however
gross, would come back in God's good time, went so far in the other
direction as to lay it down that the law of the land was the law
of the Jews. Everything in short — in this transitional period between
272 UNIVERSAL RACES CONGRESS
the ancient glory and the Messianic era to come — was sacrificed
to the ideal of mere survival. The mediaeval teacher Maimonides
laid it down that to preserve life even Judaism might be abandoned
in all but its holiest minimum. Thus — under the standing menace
of massacre and spoliation — arose Crypto-Jews or Marranos, who,
frequently at the risk of the stake or sword, carried on their Judaism
in secret. Catholics in Spain and Portugal, Protestants in England,
they were in Egypt or Turkey Mohammedans. Indeed, the Donmeh
still flourish in Salonika and provide the Young Turks with states-
men ; the Balearic Islands still shelter the Chuetas, and only half
a century ago persecution produced the Yedil-al-Islam in Central
Asia. Russia must be full of Greek Christians who have remained
Jewish at heart. Last year a number of Russian Jews, shut out
from a University career and seeking the lesser apostasy, became
Mohammedans, only to find that for them the Trinity was the sole
avenue to educational and social salvation.
Where existence could be achieved legally, yet not without social
inferiority, a minor form of Crypto-Judaism was begotten, which
prevails to-day in most lands of Jewish emancipation, among its
symptoms being change of names, accentuated local patriotism,
accentuated abstention from Jewish affairs, and even anti-Semitism
mimetically absorbed from the environment. Indeed, Marranoism,
both in its major and minor forms, may be regarded as an exemplifi-
cation of the Darwinian theory of protective colouring. This
pervasive assimilating force acts even upon the most faithful,
undermining more subtly than persecution the life-conceptions so
tenaciously perpetuated.
Nor is there anywhere in the Jewish world of to-day any centri-
petal force to counteract these universal tendencies to dissipation.
The religion is shattered into as many fragments as the race. After
the fall of Jerusalem the Academy of Jabneh carried on the authori-
tative tradition of the Sanhedrin. In the Middle Ages there was the
Asefah or Synod to unify Jews under Judaism. From the middle of
the sixteenth to the middle of the eighteenth century the Waad
or Council of Four Lands legislated almost autonomously in those
central European regions where the mass of the Jews of the world
was then congregated. To-day there is no centre of authority,
whether religious or political. Reform itself is infinitely individual,
and nothing remains outside a few centres of congestion but a chaos
of dissolving views and dissolving communities, saved from utter
disappearance by persecution and racial sympathy. The notion that
Jewish interests are Jesuitically federated or that Jewish financiers
use their power for Jewish ends is one of the most ironic of myths.
No Jewish people or nation now exists, no Jews even as sectarians of
FIFTH SESSION 273
a specific faith with a specific centre of authority such as Catholics
or Wesleyans possess ; nothing but a multitude of individuals, a mob
hopelessly amorphous, divided alike in religion and political destiny.
There is no common platform from which the Jews can be addressed,
no common council to which any appeal can be made. Their only
unity is negative — that unity imposed by the hostile hereditary
vision of the ubiquitous Haman. They live in what scientists call
symbiosis with every other people, each group surrendered to its
own local fortunes. This habit of dispersed and dependent existence
has become second nature, and the Jews are the first to doubt
whether they could now form a polity of their own. Like Aunt
Judy in John Bults Other Island^ who declined to breakfast out
of doors because the open air was " not natural," the bulk of the
Jews consider a Jewish State as a political perversion. There are no
subjects more zealous for their adopted fatherlands ; indeed, they
are only too patriotic. There are no Ottomans so Young-Turkish
as the Turkish Jews, no Americans so spread-eagle as the American
Jews, no section of Britain so Jingo as Anglo-Jewry, which even
converts the Chanukah Celebration of Maccabsean valour into a
British military festival. Of the two British spies now confined
in German fortresses one is a Jew. The French Jewry and the
German reproduce in miniature the Franco-German rivalries, and
the latter even apes the aggressive Welt-Politik. All this ultra-
patriotism is probably due to Jews feeling consciously what the
other citizens take subconsciously as a matter of course ; doubtless,
too, a certain measure of Marranoism or protective mimicry enters
into the ostentation. At any rate, each section of Jewry, wherever it
is permitted entrance into the general life, invariably evolves a some-
what overcoloured version of the life in which it finds itself embedded,
and fortunate must be accounted the peoples which have at hand so
gifted and serviceable a race, proud to wear their livery.
What wonder that Jews are the chief ornaments of the stage, that
this chameleon quality finds its profit in artistic mimicry as well as
in biological. Rachel, the child of a foreign pedlar in a Paris slum,
teaches purity of diction to the Faubourg St. Germain ; Sarah
Bernhardt, the daughter of Dutch Jews, carries the triumph of
French acting across the Atlantic. A Hungarian Jew, Ludwig
Barnay, played a leading role in the theatrical history of Germany,
and another, von Sonnenthal, in that of Austria. For if, like all
other peoples, the Jews can only show a few individuals of creative
genius — a Heine, a Spinoza, a Josef Israels, a Mendelssohn, &c. —
they flourish in all the interpretative arts out of all proportion to
their numbers. They flood the concert-platforms — whether as con-
ductors, singers, or performers. As composers they are more
T
274 UNIVERSAL RACES CONGRESS
melodious than epoch-making. Till recently unpractised in paint-
ing and sculpture, they are now copiously represented in every
gallery and movement, though only rarely as initiators. Indeed,
the Jew is a born intermediary, and every form of artistic and
commercial agency falls naturally into his hands. He is the con-
noisseur par excellence, the universal art-dealer. His gift of tongues,
his relationship with all the lands of the exile, mark him out for
success in commerce and finance, in journalism and criticism, in
scholarship and travel. It was by their linguistic talents that the
adventurous journeys of Arminius Vambe>y and Emin Pasha were
made possible. If a Russian Jew, Berenson, is the chief authority on
Italian art, and George Brandes, the Dane, is Europe's greatest
critic, if Reuter initiated telegraphic news and Blowitz was the prince
of foreign correspondents, if the Jewish Bank of Amsterdam founded
modern finance and Charles Frohman is the world's greatest
entrepreneur, all these phenomena find their explanation in the
cosmopolitanism of the wandering Jew. Lifted to the plane of
idealism, this cosmopolitan habit of mind creates Socialism through
Karl Marx and Lassalle, an international language through Dr.
Zamenhof, the inventor of Esperanto, a prophecy of the end of war
through Jean de Bloch, an International Institute of Agriculture
through David Lubin, and a Race Congress through Dr. Felix Adler.
For when the Jew grows out of his own Ghetto without narrowing
into his neighbour's, he must necessarily possess a superior sense
of perspective.
As a physician the Jew's fame dates from the Middle Ages,
when he was the bearer of Arabian science, and the tradition that
Kings shall always have Jewish physicians is still unbroken. Dr.
Ehrlich's recent discovery of "606," the cure for syphilis, and Dr.
Haffkine's inoculation against the plague in India, are but links in
a long chain of Jewish contributions to medicine. Nor would it be
possible to mention any other science, whether natural or philological,
to which Jewish professors have not contributed revolutionising
ideas. The names of Lombroso for criminology, Freud for psychology,
Benfey for Sanscrit, Jules Oppert for Assyriology, Sylvester and
Georg Cantor for Mathematics, and Mendeleieff for Chemistry (the
" Periodic Law ") must suffice as examples.
In law, mathematics, and philosophy the Jew is peculiarly at
home, especially as an expounder. In chess he literally sweeps
the board. There is never a contest for the championship of the
world in which both rivals are not Jews. Even the first man to
fly (and die) was the Jew, Lilienthal.
But to gauge the contribution of the Jew to the world's activity
is impossible here. To mention only living Jews, one thinks at
FIFTH SESSION 275
random of the Rothschilds with their ubiquitous financial and
philanthropic activity, Sir Ernest Cassel financing the irrigation of
Egypt, Mr. Jacob Schiff financing the Japanese war against
Russia and building up the American Jewry, Herr Ballin creating
the Hamburg American Line, Maximilian Harden's bold political
journalism, the Dutch jurist Asser at the Hague Conference, or
the American statesman and peace-lover, Oscar Straus, the French
plays of Bernstein or the German plays of Ludwig Fulda, or the
Dutch plays of Heijermans or the Austrian plays of Schnitzler,
the trenchant writings of Max Nordau, the paintings of Solomon
and Rothenstein, of Jules Adler and Max Liebermann, the
archaeological excavations of Waldstein, Hammerstein building the
English Opera House, Imre Kiralfy organising our exhibitions;
Sidney Lee editing the Dictionary of National Biography, Sir Matthew
Nathan managing the Post Office, Meldola investigating coal-tar
dyes, the operas of Goldmark, the music-plays of Herr Oscar Straus
and Humperdinck (Frau Max Bernstein), the learned synopses of
Salomon Reinach, the sculpture of Antokolsky, Mischa Elman and
his violin, Sir Rufus Isaacs pleading on behalf of the Crown, Signor
Nathan polemising with the Pope, Dr. Frederick Cowen conducting
one of his own symphonies, Michelson measuring the velocity of
light, Lippmann developing colour-photography, Henri Bergson
giving pause to Materialism with his new philosophy of Creative
Evolution, Br£al expounding the science of Semantics, or Hermann
Cohen his neo-Kantism, and one wonders what the tale would be both
for yesterday and to-day if every Jew wore a yellow badge and every
Crypto-Jew came out into the open, and every half-Jew were as
discoverable as Montaigne or the composer of " The Mikado." The
Church could not even write its own history : that was left for the
Jew, Neander. To the Gentile the true Jewish problem should rather
be how to keep the Jew in his midst — this rare I per cent, of mankind.
The elimination of all this genius and geniality would surely not
enhance the gaiety of nations. Without Disraeli would not England
lose her only Saint's Day ?
But the miracle remains that the Gentile world has never yet seen
a Jew, for behind all these cosmopolitan types which obsess its vision
stand inexhaustible reserves of Jewish Jews — and the Talmudic
mystic, the Hebrew-speaking sage, remains as unknown to the
Western world as though he were hidden in the fastnesses of Tibet.
A series of great scholars — Geiger, Zunz, Steinschneider, Schechter —
has studied the immense Hebrew literature produced from age to age
in these obscure Jewries. But there is a modern Hebrew literature,
too, a new galaxy of poets and novelists, philosophers and humanists,
who express in the ancient tongue the subtlest shades of the thought
276 UNIVERSAL RACES CONGRESS
of to-day. And there is a still more copious literature in Yiddish, no
less rich in men of talent and even genius, whose names have rarely
reached the outside world.
And if the Jew, with that strange polarity which his historian
Graetz remarked in him, displays simultaneously with the most tena-
cious preservation of his past the swiftest surrender of it that the
planet has ever witnessed, if we find him entering with such passion-
ate patriotism into almost every life on earth but his own, may not
even the Jewish patriot draw the compensating conclusion that the
Jew therein demonstrates the comparative superficiality of all these
human differences ? Like the Colonel's lady and Judy O'Grady, all
these peoples are the same under their skins — as even Bismarck was
once constrained to remark when he saw Prussians and Frenchmen
lying side by side in the community of death. Could Jews so readily
assimilate to all these types, were these types fundamentally
different ? The primitive notion of the abysmal separateness of
races can scarcely survive under Darwinism. Every race is really
akin to every other. Imagine a Canine Congress debating if all
those glaring differences of form, size, and colour could possibly
consist with an underlying and essential dogginess.
Not only is every race akin to every other, but every people is a
hotch-potch of races. The Jews, though mainly a white people, are
not even devoid of a coloured fringe, black, brown, or yellow. There
are the Beni-Israel of India, the Falashas of Abyssinia, the dis-
appearing Chinese colony of Kai-Fung-Foo, the Judeos of Loango,
the black Jews of Cochin, the negro Jews of Fernando Po, Jamaica,
Surinam, &c., the Daggatuns and other warlike nomads of the North
African deserts, who remind us what the conquerors of the Philistines
were like. If the Jews are in no metaphorical sense brothers of all
these peoples, then all these peoples are brothers of one another. If
the Jew has been able to enter into all incarnations of humanity and
to be at home in every environment, it is because he is a common
measure of humanity. He is the pioneer by which the true race
theory has been experimentally demonstrated. Given a white child,
it is the geographical and spiritual heritage — the national autocosm,
as I have called it — into which the child is born that makes out
of the common human element the specific Frenchman, American,
or Dutchman. And even the colour is not an unbridgeable and
elemental distinction.
Nor is it only with living races that the Jew has manifested his
and their mutual affinity : he brings home to us his brotherhood and
ours with the peoples that are dead, the Medes, the Babylonians,
the Assyrians. If the Jew Paul proved that the Hebrew Word was
universal, the Jews who rejected his teaching have proved the univer-
FIFTH SESSION 277
sality of the Hebrew race. One touch of Jewry makes the whole
world kin.
The labours of Hercules sink into child's play beside the task the
late Dr. Herzl set himself in offering to this flotsam and jetsam
of history the project of political reorganisation on a single soil.
But even had this dauntless idealist secured co-operation instead of
bitter hostility from the denaturalised leaders of all these Jewries, the
attempt to acquire Palestine would have had the opposition of
Turkey and of the 600,000 Arabs in possession. It is little wonder
that since the great leader's lamentable death Zionism — again with
that idealisation of impotence — has sunk back into a cultural move-
ment which, instead of ending the exile, is to unify it through the
Hebrew tongue and nationalist sentiment. But for such unification a
religious revival would have been infinitely more efficacious : race
alone cannot survive the pressure of so many hostile milieux — or still
more parlous, so many friendly. The Territorial movement, repre-
senting the original nucleus of the Herzlian idea, is still searching for
a real and not a metaphorical soil, its latest negotiation being with the
West Australian Government.
But if the prospect of a territorial solution of the Jewish question,
whether in Palestine or in the New World, appears remote, it must
be admitted that the Jewish race, in abandoning before the legions of
Rome the struggle for independent political existence in favour of
spiritual isolation and economic symbiosis, discovered the secret of
immortality, if also of perpetual motion. In the diaspora Anti-
Semitism will always be the shadow of Semitism. The law of dislike
for the unlike will always prevail. And whereas the unlike is nor-
mally situated at a safe distance, the Jews bring the unlike into the
heart of every milieu, and must thus defend a frontier-line as large as
the world. The fortunes of war vary in every country, but there is a
perpetual tension and friction even at the most peaceful points, which
tend to throw back the race on itself. The drastic method of love —
the only human dissolvent — has never been tried upon the Jew as a
whole, and Russia carefully conserves — even by a ring-fence — the
breed she designs to destroy. But whether persecution extirpates or
brotherhood melts, hate or love can never be simultaneous through-
out the diaspora, and so there will probably always be a nucleus from
which to re-stock this eternal type. But what a melancholy immor-
tality ! " To be and not to be " — that is a question beside which
Hamlet's alternative is crude.
It only remains to consider what part the world should be called
upon to play in the solution of this tragic problem. To preserve the
Jews, whether as a race or as a religious community, is no part of the
world's duty, nor would artificial preservation preserve anything of
278 UNIVERSAL RACES CONGRESS
value. Their salvation must come from themselves, though they may
well expect at least such sympathy and help as Italy and Greece found
in their struggles for regeneration. The world's duty is only to pre-
serve the ethical ideals it has so slowly and laboriously evolved,
largely under Jewish inspiration. Civilisation is not called upon to
save the Jews, but it is called upon to save itself. And by its treat-
ment of the Jews it is destroying itself. If there is no justice in
Venice for Shylock, then alas for Venice !
" If you deny me, fie upon your law I
There is no force in the decrees of Venice."
Even from the economic standpoint Russia, with her vast popula-
tion of half-starved peasants, is wasting one of her most valuable
assets by crippling Jewish activity, both industrially and geographi-
cally. In insisting that Russia abolish the Jewish Pale I am pleading
for the regeneration of Russia, not of the Russian Jew. A first-class
ballet is not sufficient to constitute a first-class people. Very truly
said Roditchev, one of the Cadet leaders, " Russia cannot enter the
Temple of Freedom as long as there exists a Pale of Settlement for the
Jews." But abolition of the Pale and the introduction of Jewish
equality will be the deadliest blow ever aimed at Jewish nationality.
Very soon a fervid Russian patriotism will reign in every Ghetto, and
the melting-up of the race begin. But this absorption of the five or six
million Jews into the other hundred and fifty millions of Russia con-
stitutes the Jewish half of the problem. It is the affair of the Jews.
That the preservation of the Jewish race or religion is no concern of
the world's is a conclusion which saves the honest Jew from the indignity
of appealing to it. For with what face can the Jew appeal ad miseri-
cordiam before he has made the effort to solve his own problem ?
There is no reason why a race any more than a man should be safe-
guarded against its own unwisdom and its own flabbiness. No race
can persist as an entity that is not ready to pay the price of persist-
ence. Other peoples are led by their best and strongest. But the
best and strongest in Israel are absorbed by the superior careers and
pleasures of the environment — even in Russia there is a career for the
renegade, even in Roumania for the rich — and the few who remain
to lead, lead for the most part to destroy. If, however, we are
tempted to say, " Then let this people agonise as it deserves," we must
remember that the first to suffer are not the powerful, but the poor.
It is the masses who bear almost the entire brunt of Alien Bills and
massacres and economic oppression. While to the philosopher the
absorption of the Jews may be as desirable as their regeneration, in
practice the solution by dissolution presses most heavily upon the
weakest. The dissolution invariably begins from above, leaving the
lower classes denuded of a people's natural defences, the upper
FIFTH SESSION 279
classes. Moreover, while, as already pointed out, the Jewish upper
classes are, if anything, inferior to the classes into which they are
absorbed, the marked superiority of the Jewish masses to their
environment, especially in Russia, would render their absorption a
tragic degeneration.
But if dissolution would bring degeneracy and emancipation
dissolution, the only issue from this dilemma is the creation of a
Jewish State, or at least a Jewish land of refuge upon a basis of local
autonomy, to which, in the course of the centuries, all that was truly
Jewish would gravitate. And if the world has no ethical duty to take
the lead in this creation, it may yet find its profit in getting rid of the
Jewish problem. Many regions of the New World, whether in
America or Australia, would moreover be enriched and consolidated
by the accession of a great Jewish colony, while to the Old World its
political blessing might be many-sided. A host of political rivalries,
perilous to the world's peace, centre round Palestine, while in the still
more dangerous quarter of Mesopotamia, a co-operation of England
and Germany in making a home under the Turkish flag for the Jew
in his original birthplace would reduce Anglo-German friction, foster
world-peace, and establish in the heart of the Old World a bridge of
civilisation between the East and the West and a symbol of hope for
the future of mankind.
[Paper submitted in English.]
v-jiinq innrnmoh r> pnitidtdx** rforry sfeO£Bte •H^rf* rJgiioirit Jnj>mqoi?v->i>
;>m; .-I}? ••ic:-\'..--> io -.vailon K .'noiJKoifrmtx:? lo vsiJoq g —
THE MODERN CONSCIENCE IN RELATION
TO THE TREATMENT OF DEPENDENT
PEOPLES AND COMMUNITIES
By Sir CHARLES BRUCE, G.C.M.G.,
Late Governor of Mauritius, Author of " The Broad Stone of Empire?
:>*fcTf!<; iff*.'.; i ,-tu :K • h-j.J'^fn ?.i *p<.ar ••<•-.< >' > :>!i1 ri>Tly< ?
I.
BY conscience I mean an inherent mental faculty which enables a
man to judge and to appreciate the judgment of others on the con-
sequences of his actions. It is the function of this faculty to control
his physical instincts, which have their roots deepest in human nature;
the lust of the flesh, which secures the continuity of his family, and
the pride of life, which prompts him to labour for the necessities,
comfort, and luxury of his family and their multiplied descendants.
Both of these instincts are subject to the law of human nature that a
man will, if he can, take from others anything they have which he
desires. On the other hand, conscience is itself controlled by two
280 UNIVERSAL RACES CONGRESS
forces. Darwin says : "At a moment of action man will, no
doubt, be apt to follow the strongest impulse, and though this may
occasionally prompt him to the noblest deeds, it will more commonly
lead him to gratify his own desires at the expense of other men.
But after their gratification, when past and weaker impressions are
judged by the ever-enduring social instinct and by his deep regard
for the good opinion of his fellows, retribution will surely come. He
will then feel remorse, repentance, regret, or shame ; this latter feeling,
however, relates almost exclusively to the judgment of others. He
will consequently resolve more or less firmly to act differently for the
future, and this is conscience."
I define this rather as one of the forces that control conscience,
and express it in the phrase, " man's conception of his duty to his
neighbour." The other force is the influence of man's belief in
supernatural agencies, expressed in the phrase, " man's conception of
his duty to God."
Man's conception of his duty to his neighbour has been modified
by three relations of affinity — race, creed, and colour ; and each of
these affinities has been the motive of conflict between the com-
munities it has included and those it has excluded.
The history of civilisation is the history of the evolution of con-
science in controlling the policy of the included to the excluded
communities in these conflicts. It presents an orderly process of
development through three stages, each exhibiting a dominant policy
— a policy of extermination, a policy of servitude, and a policy
of amalgamation. By amalgamation I mean union in the same
community as masters and servants, as fellow-labourers, as fellow-
citizens, and, if possible, but not necessarily, as connected by
intermarriage.
For the purposes of this paper I accept the ethnologic distri-
bution of mankind into three primary groups of races, Caucasian,
Mongolian, and ./Ethiopic or Negro ; and, bearing in mind the broad
issues which the Congress is invited to discuss, I use the phrase
modern conscience in the sense of the conscience of the white races
of the Caucasian group professing the creed of Christianity, in what-
ever part of the world they may have established themselves on
a common territory under a common government.
Adopting the pragmatic method of interpreting a conception by
illustrating its practical consequences, I propose, after briefly tracing
the evolution of this conscience in the area of origin, to consider its
influence, first, on the treatment of the Semitic and Indian races of
the Caucasian group, and then on typical races of the Mongolian and
Negro groups. I may add that, in considering the treatment of
dependent peoples and communities, I embrace in the term servitude
FIFTH SESSION 281
exclusion from civic rights ; in the term amalgamation I include
treatment as potential citizens with a view to amalgamation.
II.
Western civilisation is the product of three civilisations, Grecian,
Roman, and Teutonic, superimposed by racial forces, and welded
into unity by Christianity. Each of the earlier civilisations estab-
lished and maintained itself by the tyranny of a race claiming an
inherent monopoly of a capacity of self-government, and asserting
the corollary claim of a monopoly of capacity to govern others
grouped under the designation of barbarians or inferior races. In
turn each was displaced by the inferior races revolting against the
methods by which the claim of superiority was enforced, and sub-
stituting a new civilisation based on the same claim and enforced by
the same methods. But each of these civilisations, in superimposing
itself, chose and assimilated what it considered best among the
institutions of the earlier deposits. The fundamental principle of
Grecian civilisation was the cult of purity of race as an instrument
of physical and intellectual superiority ; to this the West owes all
that it can claim of originality in philosophy, literature, and art To
Roman civilisation the West owes the spirit of legality and municipal
association under a common code of laws supported by the discipline
of a common military system. To Teutonic civilisation the West
owes the spirit of liberty — the liberty that allows the individual to be
master of himself, his actions, and his fate, so long as he does not
interfere with the liberty of others. Each of the earlier civilisations
had established and sought to maintain itself by concentration of
power and the liberty to exercise it in the hands of a small privileged
class. In each the policy of the included class offered to the
excluded masses the alternative of extermination or servitude.
The policy of Greece was expressed by their poet Euripides at
a period of the short-lived empire of Athens, when the area of
recognised purity of descent and the privileges of citizenship were
practically limited to a few thousand residents within a radius of
a few miles from the Acropolis : —
" flapflapwv cT'EXXf/yac eip^etv fiKog, dXX* ov fiapflapovc,
fj.rjTEp, 'EXXr/vwv • TO fjiiv yap %ov\ov ol S'iXevdepoi,'*
freely interpreted, "It is fit that Greeks should govern the inferior
races, but not that inferior races should govern Greeks — for they are
slaves and we are free."
The alternative of extermination was exhibited when after the
revolt of Lesbos, an ^Eolian colony, in spirit more Athenian than the
Athenians, sentence of death was passed on the whole male popula-
tion, though revised for reasons of expediency.
282 UNIVERSAL RACES CONGRESS
The policy of Rome was expressed by Virgil in the famous
lines —
"Tu regere imperio populos, Romane, memento,
Parcere subjectis et debellare superbos,"
interpreted, in practice, " Make slaves of all who submit, and exter-
minate all who resist." In pursuance of this policy, while the fiction
of citizenship was being constantly extended, the privileges of citizen-
ship were being constantly restricted, until the destinies and fortunes
of millions fell under the absolute command of a few thousands
concentrated in the capital. Concentration so compact, power so
colossal, monopoly so exclusive, luxury so frantic, the world had
never seen. Meanwhile the provinces were ruined by a system of
tribute expressly designed to cripple their resources and their power
of resistance. What the tribute left became the easy plunder of
corrupt governors, rapacious officials, commercial adventurers, and
usurers associated in the disastrous system which entrusted adminis-
tration and commercial exploitation to the same hands. The alter-
native to submission was declared in the historic phrase attributed to
a British chieftain : " Ubi solitudinem faciunt pacem appellant"
The revolt of the inferior races grouped as Northern barbarians,
and the assertion by the Teutonic race of the principle of liberty —
that government by an alien power is no government at all — was
followed by the fall of the Roman Empire in the West and the
disintegration of its constituent parts. The period of chaos known
as the Middle Ages witnessed a resettlement of Europe by a process
of distribution into separate and independent principalities, united by
geographical and political affinity and governed by leaders who
owed their elevation to the elective principle of choice by their fellow-
warriors. It was during this chaos, justly called the seed-time of the
modern world, that Christianity and civilisation became interchange-
able terms in Europe, and in the expansion of Europe which resulted
from the discovery of America and the oversea route to Asia. The
empires of Greece and Rome had been really agglomerations of tribes.
Christianity created nations by making religion a vital part of
politics and making a common creed a bond of union superior to the
disintegrating forces of race.
The era of Christian civilisation has been marked by two periods.
In the first, the most persecuted of creeds sought to superimpose
itself on the creed of its persecutors by the same methods by which
races held to be most inferior had superimposed their civilisation on
the civilisations they supplanted — methods in direct negation of its
profession. In the second period, Christianity has accommodated
its policy to its profession and reconstructed Western civilisation on
the principle of amalgamation, interpreting freedom to mean liberty
FIFTH SESSION 283
of person and conscience with equality of opportunity for all under
a settled government.
In respect of the ultimate issue of amalgamation by inter-
marriage during this era, it is well to remember that, up to nearly
the close of the eighteenthi century, it remained a capital crime
for a priest to celebrate marriage between a Roman Catholic and
a Protestant.
This is how Guizot in an often-quoted passage has described the
social, communal, national, and international relations of Western
civilisation —
"Toutes formes, tous les principes d'organisation sociale y co-existent, les
pouvoirs spirituel et temporel, les elements theocratique, monarchique, aristo-
cratique, democratique, toutes les classes, toutes les situations sociales se melent,
se pressent, il y a des degres infinis dans la liber te, la richesse, 1'influence."
The modern conscience demands the extension of the principles
which have established this civilisation into its relations with the
kastv:!K
v, III.
The fundamental principle of Judaism was a belief that the Jews
were a chosen people appointed by God to be His instruments in
working out His plan of creation, primarily within their own com-
munity and subsequently in the relation of their community to the
whole non-Jewish world. Under the influence of this conception
practically every event that happened to the individual or to the
community, every vicissitude of personal fortune, every variation of
public prosperity or adversity, in health or disease, in abundant
harvests or famines, was explained as a direct supernatural judgment
and award, not as a consequence of natural laws. Consistent with
this conviction was their conception of a future state. It embraced
no idea of the resurrection of the individual in a divided spiritual
form in another world. It meant the continuation of the community
in a constantly multiplied posterity which was in time to people the
world and make it the area of a civilisation of which they should
have the exclusive monopoly. The means by which this end was to
be attained was a policy summarised in the command of the Lord of
Hosts transmitted to Saul through the prophet Samuel : " Now go
and smite Amalek, and utterly destroy all that they have and spare
them not ; but slay both men and women, infant and suckling,
camel and ass." It was, in short, a policy of extermination, but it
was of the very essence of the policy that in proportion as it enlarged
the area of its activity it demanded an augmentation of its agents.
To meet this the natural increase of heredity multiplied by polygamy
and concubinage had to be further fortified by the adoption of
prisoners of war, male and female, into the community under
284 UNIVERSAL RACES CONGRESS
conditions of servitude. Under the operation of the cosmic law
of action and reaction the policy was adopted in retaliation by
every community with which it came in conflict and menaced with
destruction or servitude. To quote the words of an illustrious
member of their race —
" The attempt to extirpate them has been made under the most favourable
auspices and on the largest scale ; the most considerable means that man could
command have been pertinaciously applied to this object for the longest period
of recorded time. Egyptian Pharaohs, Assyrian Kings, Roman Emperors,
Scandinavian Crusaders, Gothic Princes and holy inquisitors have alike devoted
their energies to the fulfilment of this common purpose. Expatriation, exile,
captivity, confiscation, torture on the most ingenious and massacres on the most
extensive scale, a curious system of degrading customs and debasing laws which
would have broken the heart of any other people, have been tried in vain."
The exigencies of space make it impossible to trace the process of
the modern conscience in substituting for this policy of extermination,
expulsion, and debasement a policy of amalgamation. Within the
whole area of Western civilisation, except in Russia and Roumania,
the Jews enjoy full civil and political rights, and there is no country
in which they are not recognised among the foremost representatives
of art, learning, and science. In social life they enjoy the favour of
Courts, and their alliance in marriage is sought by Christian families
who within the last century would have considered such an alliance
a social crime of capital magnitude. The most persecuted of races
has now, through its dominant control over finance, acquired a
practical ascendancy over the press of Europe, and, through these
combined agencies, a large measure of control over the ultimate
issue of peace or war. Most wonderful, perhaps, of all, in the
issue of war a Jew has by common consent of the civilised world
been chosen as President of the International Red Cross Society.
IV.
The elements of conflict in Western civilisation, and between
Western civilisation and Judaism, have been race and creed. The
conflict between Western civilisation and the ethnologic groups that
have now to be considered is exasperated by an additional element,
the conflict of colour. The question that concerns us is whether the
modern conscience, which, in the relations between white races divided
by differences of race and creed has substituted a constructive policy
of amalgamation for a policy of extermination or servitude, is to
prolong its activity into territories where social groups are divided by
differences of race, creed, and colour, or whether in such territories
the policy of an earlier conscience is to be revived. I deal first with
the evolution of the modern conscience in relation to the coloured
races of India. In prehistoric times, the autochthonous races of India
FIFTH SESSION 285
were displaced by a Dravidian population, which, in turn, at a period
nearly coincident with the earliest records of history, was crowded
out or subjugated and assimilated by an Aryan invasion of Hindus
from Central Asia. Under the dominion of Hinduism there was
established a political system of three estates, a sacerdotal caste of
priests and lawgivers, a military caste, and a civil population engaged
in industry and commerce. Its strength lay in the co-operation
of the spiritual and intellectual forces of priests and lawgivers with
the physical force of the military, its weakness in the revolt of the
civil population against the tyranny thus generated. In time this
revolt led to the establishment of Buddhism, a system standing in
much the same relation to Hinduism as Protestantism to Roman
Catholicism. After a thousand years of domination Buddhism had
to make way for a reformed system of Hinduism modified by the
influences that had established Buddhism. The new system main-
tained itself for about five hundred years — a period of extraordinary
social splendour and distinction in the arts of civilisation, for it
concentrated the results of a succession of civilisations superimposed
by races who in religion and law, in language and literature, in art
and science, were the originators of conceptions which have been
transubstantiated into the life of Western civilisation. The period
closed, in accordance with the universal law that has controlled the
evolution of empires, when all the arts of civilisation were made con-
tributory to the luxury and lust of a restricted governing class at the
cost of the governed. In the general demoralisation that followed,
Central Asia supplied the forces of a fresh invasion, and substituted
for the Hindu system of a sacerdotal and military supremacy the
Mohammedan system of despotic power exercised by a democracy
under the influence of religious enthusiasm, swayed by self-appointed
rulers who claimed civil and military obedience as the agents and
oracles of God. In turn the Mohammedan dominion was terminated
by the revolt of the Mahrattas, a political body organised, in
adaptation of the Mohammedan system, by a coalition of the highest
and the lowest Hindu castes. They failed to establish a settled
government of adequate power to control the disintegrating forces
latent in the surviving elements of a succession of conquered
dynasties and peoples. The consequence was a chaos analogous to
the segregation of State units in Europe following the fall of the
Roman Empire. India became the loot of princes and powers,
supported by Pindarries and other organised bandits always ready
to play the part of the condottieri of mediaeval Europe. It was
during this period of struggle for the fragments of the broken empire,
when every province was disturbed by petty wars or groaning under
the oppression of chieftains pursuing their separate schemes of rapine,
286 UNIVERSAL RACES CONGRESS
that Europe was brought into contact with India by the sea-route,
and at once determined, by an aggressive policy of conquest
and subjugation, to superimpose a new civilisation and appro-
priate the rich accumulations of the old. It does not lie within
my purpose to trace the defeat of this enterprise by the East
India Company, or to follow the steps by which an association of
private traders became involved in political complications, and
eventually the dominant power in India. I am concerned only with
the evolution of the modern conscience, which in the exercise of that
power substituted for a policy of extermination or servitude a policy
of amalgamation.
Pitt's Act of 1784 marked the first stage of the new system by
a declaration that schemes of conquest were repugnant to the
wish, the honour, and the policy of the British nation, and by
provisions designed to save the interests of India from being
made subservient to the interests of political parties in England,
or to the private interests of the Company's agents and servants.
In 1813 a resolution that the first duty of Parliament in legislating
for India was to promote its interests was proposed and lost.
Nevertheless, the policy of the administration in India was rapidly
brought to conform to the principles of this resolution. It was
concentrated in the Government of India Act, 1833, and set
out in an explanatory despatch of the Board of Directors,
accompanying the Act. It consisted in respecting the beliefs
of others without weakness, and defending them without brutality.
It virtually established a protectorate, a relationship which was
to develop into an internationally recognised system and to play
an important part in the relations of Western civilisation to
dependent peoples. It undertook the protection of the people
against foreign aggression and in the conduct of foreign affairs,
while within the limits of its jurisdiction it declared that the
people should be protected in the enjoyment of their religion
and personal law ; that the fiscal policy should be controlled by
the interests of India ; and that so far as consistent with its posi-
tion as an umpire, whose duty it is to secure equal protection to
many general interests, the Government should admit the native
population to offices of trust and emolument. Its avowed purpose
was to educate the conflicting elements of the population by
methods which it was believed would qualify them, though probably
at a remote period, for a political union to be established on the
basis of personal liberty and equality of opportunity, under a settled
government of their own election and responsible to themselves.
But the most resolute advocates of this policy were also the
most resolute in declaring that premature efforts to accelerate
FIFTH SESSION 287
the end would not only insure the immediate downfall of British
power, but would replunge the people of India into a state of
greater anarchy than that from which they had been relieved.
The wisdom of this reservation was soon to be justified by the
Mutiny of 1857, which for a moment, but only for a moment,
arrested the activity of the modern conscience. Nothing in its
history is more remarkable than the rapidity with which it
asserted itself in the work of reconstruction that followed.
Queen Victoria's Proclamation to the Princes and Peoples of
India in 1858 established the fundamental principle of the modern
conscience in the declaration that " Her Majesty sought her
strength in the prosperity of her people, -her security in their
contentment, and her reward in their gratitude" ; and the
subsidiary policy in the declaration that " No native shall, by
reason only of his religion, place of birth, descent, colour, or any
of these things, be disabled from holding any place, office, or
employment under the Government."
I need not dwell on the measures recently taken by the
Government, in the direction of giving the natives of India a larger
right of admission to high posts in the administration and in the
councils of the Empire. But I may just refer to a subject which
will be treated in a separate paper, the extra-territorial rights
of natives of India migrating under indenture into British Colonies.
Underlying a variety of systems there is established the fundamental
condition that they must be admitted as potential citizens.
A word remains to be said on amalgamation by intermarriage
between Europeans and Indians. Such marriages are not generally
favoured by either community, and at present the tendency is for
each to prefer a social relation which has been justly compared to the
relation of the fingers to each other and to the hand.
V.
I pass from the coloured races of the Caucasian group, generally
classed as brown, to the coloured races of the Mongolian group,
generally classed as yellow. The modern conscience had hardly
declared itself in the Proclamation of 1858 to the Princes and Peoples
of India, when the old aggressive barbarianism of Europe reasserted
itself. Under the fiction of a beneficent partnership between
commerce and religion for the civilisation of China, the Western
Powers associated themselves in a policy of invasion, appropriation
of territory, massacre, rape, plunder and sacrilege hardly paralleled
in history. This formidable enterprise served as a warning to a
kindred race in the little empire of Japan. At the time so little
was the East known to the West that Professor Charles Pearson
288 UNIVERSAL RACES CONGRESS
and other accepted authorities, engaged in forecasting the future
of the coloured races in cosmopolitan civilisation, failed to take
Japan into account In 1863 the British Minister, in a report on the
condition of Japan, showed that under a system of self-government
originated and administered by native enterprise, shut out from all
intercourse with the rest of the world, the Japanese had secured
peace, order, and the material prosperity of a population estimated at
some thirty millions of souls. But the object-lesson exhibited in
China warned them to anticipate the aggressive expansion of
Western civilisation. They determined, therefore, to adapt their
own ancient civilisation to modern circumstances. They recognised
that the secret of Western expansion was to be sought neither in a
monopoly of intellectual capacity inherent in a race, nor in a
monopoly of moral capacity inherent in a creed. They found it in an
acquired monopoly of capacity in the application of science to
industrial uses, in the development of natural resources by scientific
methods, in the appropriation of the profits of development to naval
and military armaments for the defence of territory already acquired
by conquest, the constant expansion of the area of acquisition, and a
monopoly of all sea-borne commerce by sea supremacy. In 1868
the imperial oath of accession was revised in the formula known as
the Oath of the Five Articles. After a vow to establish the
principles of constitutional government, it gave a pledge that
knowledge would be sought throughout the whole world so that the
welfare of the empire might be established.
Within forty years the issue of the war between Japan and
Russia in 1904-5 had given proof of a complete mastery of
Western methods in every area of activity, and gained Japan
admittance to equality of rank with the greatest of the Great Powers
of Western civilisation. Politically, the theory of a monopoly of
capacity inherent in a trinity of race, creed, and colour peculiar to
the West was destroyed. The moral confidence and self-respect
which had stimulated aspirations for self-government in every
community of the East within the sphere of Western government,
protection, or influence were confirmed and quickened. The economic
results were even more far-reaching. The capacity of the East to
organise industry in the development of local resources, and to
retain for local uses the profits of production, manufacture, and
distribution by land and sea, and thus to enter into commercial
competition with the West, was revealed. And no time has been
lost in demonstrating the extent to which this competition is likely to
contribute to the wealth and independence of the East at the cost of
the West.
A result of the war of 1904-5 is worthy of special mention from
FIFTH SESSION 289
the point of view of the process of the modern conscience in the
East as well as in the West. An official report on the organisation
and resources of the Red Cross Society of Japan has been published
and circulated among the branches of the Society in Great Britain
as a model scheme superior to any that has yet been organised in
the West.
I will add only a word on the subject of amalgamation by
intermarriage between Europeans and the races of the Mongolian
group. In Asia such marriages are not more favoured than
marriages between the European and Indian communities. In
America it is different. The evolution of the modern conscience in
the relations between Europeans and the American races of the
Mongolian group of distinctive colour, generally designated as red,
has been of particular interest. On no races have the policies of
extinction and servitude been practised with more relentless severity.
But while these policies have resulted in the practical extermination
of the race in North America, as an efficient factor in civilisation, in
all the more tropical parts of Latin America the autochthonus races
representing the survival of the fittest are steadily assimilating the
descendants of their conquerors and producing a new type — a type
admirably endowed with the qualities which constitute a capacity
for self-government in the conditions of its environment.
lo fb'/.-id 10 |fo;Jj '. D MA R ybw.:* ,':.-Jnir»:-,-.. f>',:in?i>o rr •'/. .».ov*f«»
VI.
I pass to the function of the modern conscience in the treatment
of the negro. The negro has been a slave in Africa and Asia from
the earliest period of recorded time ; in Europe and America from
the close of the fifteenth century, when the discovery of a sea route to
the East first brought Western civilisation into contact with him on
the coasts of Africa and led to his compulsory migration to America.
From the outset the methods of barbarism applied to the Jews were
resorted to, not with a view to his extermination, but to ensure the
perpetuity of his servitude. Conscience and instinct combined for
the fulfilment of this common purpose. The ingenuity of physical
torture which subjected the manhood and womanhood of his race to
the passions of greed, cruelty, and lust was supplemented by moral
torture of even superior ingenuity. For him religion was limited to
the doctrine that he must rely on submission to a life of torment
without hope on earth as the only hope of salvation from an eternity
of torment in hell.
When after three hundred years the modern conscience bethought
itself to bring the negro within the area of activity of the ethical
process of humanity that had reconstructed Western civilisation on a
basis of liberty, two things were made clear — the strength of his
290 UNIVERSAL RACES CONGRESS
racial vitality and the arrest of his intellectual development by disuse.
Through all the history of his race he had been excluded from every
influence which in the course of thousands of years had contributed
to give the faculty of conscience of the white man mastery over his
instincts. Every manifestation of the existence of such a faculty in
the negro had been repressed with merciless severity. And now the
modern conscience is confronted with the declaration, on the part of
those who resist it, that in the negro no such faculty exists, and that
in its absence he is organically disqualified from admission to the
rivalry of life in competition with races of the Caucasian type on a
footing of equality of opportunity.
The reply of the modern conscience is an appeal to the experience
of the brief period that has elapsed since the negro has ceased to be a
slave, in the sense of being a chattel by legislative enactment. It is
admitted that, when the French Revolution restored the rights of
humanity to the white man and to the negro, both adopted the
same methods of revenge. But the faculty of conscience latent
by disuse revealed itself when the Government of the United
States declared his liberation, in a manner to which Western civilisa-
tion can hardly supply a parallel. When the Southern planters were
fighting for the enslavement of the negro race, they went off to the
war entrusting their wives and children to the protection of their
slaves. Not an outrage occurred, scarcely a case of theft or breach of
trust A thousand torches, it has been said, would have disbanded
the Southern Army — there was not one. Since the emancipation
that followed the civil war the coloured population have devoted
themselves to redeem the consequences of arrested development by
methods expressed in the formula " being worked means degradation,
working means civilisation." In the Tuskegee Industrial University
they have established an institution which has sent out many
thousands of graduates instructed in the application of scientific
methods to every branch of human industry, while the authorities are
able to declare that they cannot find a dozen not usefully employed,
nor one ever convicted of crime. Animated by this spirit, in less than
half a century the coloured population of some ten millions, starting
from a depth of poverty and ignorance never perhaps reached in the
history of any people, and encountering at every step the most
formidable opposition that the forces of avarice, jealousy, hate, and fear
have been able to command, have acquired ownership in land to the
extent of some 30,000 square miles, more than the combined area of
the States of Belgium and Holland, and moveable property estimated
by hundreds of millions. At the same time they have achieved
distinction not only in industry and commerce, but in the learned
professions and in the free enterprises of art, literature, and journalism.
FIFTH SESSION 291
These results are a remarkable proof of capacity of assimilation to
social environment, as well as of capacity of competition on a footing
of equality of opportunity.
The whole area of British tropical colonies into which a negro
population has been introduced by compulsory migration in conditions
of servitude exhibits the same results. And these colonies supply
data for a much more reliable estimate of the future possibilities of
amalgamation by intermarriage than any supplied by the United
States of America. They show the steady development of a process
which is reducing the populations of pure European and pure
African descent, and substituting for them a new type, analogous
to the type produced in the tropical parts of Latin America by
assimilation of the white and so-called red autochthonous races,
and like that type remarkably endowed with the qualities that
constitute a capacity for self-government in the conditions of its
environment.
Turning, however, to the country of origin of the negro races
in Africa, we find the modern conscience still engaged in a formid-
able conflict with the ancient conscience and its policy. In 1842 the
modern conscience declared itself in a Proclamation of Queen
Victoria which gave a political constitution to Natal on the express
condition that " there shall not be in the eye of the law any distinc-
tion of persons or disqualification of colour, origin, language, or
creed ; but the protection of the law in letter and in substance shall
be extended to all alike." In 1858 the old conscience declared
itself in the Grondwet (fundamental law) of the South African
Republic, which asserted that " the people will suffer no equality of
white and blacks either in State or in Church." In 1898 the British
Empire went to war in defence of the modern conscience, and
justified it at the cost of many lives and many millions of treasure.
In 1908 the Imperial Parliament by the Union of South Africa Act
abandoned it.
This result has determined the condition of conflict between the
ancient conscience and the modern in three areas of Africa. Within
the Union of South Africa the methods of the old conscience are
modified by the influence of the modern. This was made suffi-
ciently clear in a statement by a leading representative of the
Union. " The ideal of making South Africa a white man's country
can only be accomplished by a general displacement of the natives
through a large employment of whites. The whites must rule, but
if the natives were educated and enfranchised, that would mean
the replacement of the whites by natives." Outside of the Union,
within the area of the Congo, the old conscience continued to
assert its ascendancy by the old methods until it roused the modern
292 UNIVERSAL RACES CONGRESS
conscience to revolt. The conflict is still being waged. Within
the vast areas of equatorial Africa contained by the limits of the
Crown Colonies, Dependencies and Protectorates, the modern con-
science expressed in the terms of Queen Victoria's Proclamation
of 1842 absolutely controls the policy of government and ad-
ministration.
Attention is at present directed to a race of the Oceanic division
of the ^Ethiopic group, of which little account has hitherto been
taken. The Papuans have proved the strength of their racial
vitality in surviving the methods of a policy which has nearly
exterminated allied branches of their race in Australia. With their
racial vitality they have preserved the instincts of savagery in an un-
written code, which does not recognise murder as a crime, but some-
times as a duty, sometimes as a necessary part of social etiquette,
occasionally as a manly form of relaxation and sport. The treatment
of the Papuans under a judicial system administered in the spirit of
the modern conscience is one of the most remarkable experiments of
the century.
VII.
In conclusion it is submitted that in the treatment of dependent
peoples and communities the modern conscience rejects as a fallacy
the claim of Western civilisation to a monopoly of the capacity of
self-government based on an indivisible interrelation between
European descent, Christianity, and the so-called white colour. It
recognises that while this interrelation has evolved a capacity for
self-government in an appropriate environment, a similar capacity
has been evolved by an interrelation of other races, creeds and
colours appropriate to other environments. It maintains, therefore,
that the conflict between West and East must be adjusted on the
same principle that has adjusted the conflicts of race and creed in the
West, the principle of freedom interpreted as liberty of person and
conscience and equality of opportunity for all, without distinction of
race, creed, or colour, under a settled government.
History, reason, and recent experience in Japan warn us that the
adjustment must be made not in the spirit of the popular refrain,
" East is East and West is West ", but in the spirit of a nobler poetic
formula —
" God's is the Occident,
God's is the Orient."
This is the spirit of the modern conscience in the treatment of
dependent peoples and communities.
[Paper submitted in English.]
FIFTH SESSION 293
By Sir SYDNEY OLIVIER, K.C.M.G.,
Governor of Jamaica.
EVERY nation having colonies or external dependencies acquires
and holds them for the sake of benefits to its own citizens, whether
as settlers, traders or investors of capital in those territories, and in
so far as the sovereign nation orders the government of its colonies
and dependencies, the dominant guiding factor in its policy will
be the promotion of those ends. The policy of the Government
in regard to native races is secondary and subsidiary. The ex-
ceptions to this rule are extremely few and such as must be
considered to have been in the nature of accidents in the history
of colonisation.
The methods of administration adopted vary, being prescribed
by the special circumstances of the colony or dependency. Where
this is practically a self-governing nation, as in the case of the
greater colonies of the British Empire — Canada, the Australian
Commonwealth, and the Union of Africa — the mother country
scarcely exhibits any policy at all in regard to its government,
beyond doing the best it can to prevent its own trade with and
investments in that colony being placed at a disadvantage as com-
pared with those of other nations. Where the colony or depen-
dency is at the other end of the scale, and is the habitat of an
uncivilised nation or aggregate of alien races, the government
established and maintained by the sovereign nation is more posi-
tive in its methods and more deliberately adjusted with regard to
its effect on the lives and habits of the native people.
In relation to such uncivilised colonies and dependencies, and in
relation also to those civilised and self-governing colonies and
dependencies in which there survives an uncivilised population of
alien race, the methods of government are directed and influenced
not merely by considerations of the commercial benefit of the
colonists or citizens of the sovereign nation, but also by considerations
of philanthropy and humanity, and to a certain extent by the
influence of a missionary purpose aiming at imposing upon the
uncivilised and alien native what is reputed within the sovereign
nation to be a morality, a religion, and a social order superior to those
which he has himself evolved. The desire to benefit and enlighten
barbarous peoples has not, indeed, served as a sufficient incentive for
the establishment of sovereignty over colonies or dependencies. The
294 UNIVERSAL RACES CONGRESS
efficient cause is always economic interest or Imperial pride ; but as
soon as these have brought about annexation or settlement other
motives and influences, expressing the uncommercial will of the
colonising nation, elements of the craving for the gratification of the
reforming impulse and the compunction of the humanitarian con-
science, come also into play. The history of the British conquest and
the theory of British rule in India may be studied for illustration.
Owing to the fact that the colonies and dependencies of the
colonising nations form a graduated series, ranging from the prac-
tically independent democratic community of civilised people to the
uncivilised tract inhabited by barbarous tribes whose country is
opened up and held merely for mining or the protection of trade
routes, and as a means for the investment of capital, it is impossible
to offer any generalisation that shall apply equally and accurately to
the government of all colonies and dependencies in regard to the
treatment of native races in those possessions.
Moreover, between the self-governing colony and the African
territory or protectorate there intervenes the case of older colonies,
such as (among the British Dominions) the West Indies, Mauritius,
and others in which there is no aboriginal race conducting its own
life and its own customs, but a large population of alien race, and
sometimes of various alien races, African or Asiatic, who have come
there as slaves or labourers for hire, and who form a transplanted
proletariat moulded into the economic and social forms of European
civilisation and vastly outnumbering the small organising class of
colonists whose race, religion, and industrial will is identical with
those of the European mother country.
Ins In the British Colonial Office List there are enumerated, out-
side of the Australian Colonies and New Zealand (with whose
native policy the mother country has long ceased to concern
herself), some twenty colonies and dependencies peopled by native
races not introduced as slaves or labourers, and maintaining in a
greater or less degree the institutions of their own peculiar civilisa-
tions. The relation between the governing race and the governed in
these communities exhibits a most intricate variety, differing accord-
ing to the periods at which they were settled, and the particular
purposes and methods for which they were settled ; namely, whether
for colonisation by planting settlers from the mother country, or for
mining enterprise, or for commerce only, or with the aim of exclud-
ing rival nations from monopolising a possible future market, or
in order to suppress the raids and disorders of the savage tribes
which occupy them upon the more settled districts adjoining ; or,
as has occurred in a very few cases before the white man had lost
his glamour, by the voluntary invitation or acceptance of the
FIFTH SESSION 295
sovereignty of the annexing nation by the native peoples for their
own protection and out of appreciation of its superior institution and
civilisation.
Turning to the older group of slave-settled colonies, we again find
in the British Colonial Office List nearly as many of these, all of
which, to those familiar with them, present appreciable differences in
the adjustment of their government to the circumstances offered by
the existence in them of a black and coloured proletariat under the
control of White Power.
The most difficult and controversial questions in regard to the
government of African or Asiatic races under European sovereignty
may be said to have risen and to persist in the British Empire,
notably in India and in the South African group of colonies. I
cannot reasonably nor without immodesty attempt to deal with the
case of India in this paper. It is probably in South Africa that there
have been developed the greatest conflicts of opinion, as between the
efficient class of colonists in those lands and the mother country in
regard to the principle on which the native races should be dealt
with. These controversies tend to be disposed of as the colonies
increase in wealth, importance, and power by the elimination of the
control, opinions, and influence of the mother country, so that in them
the question of the government of native races tends to pass out of
the sphere of the topic of this paper, which is that of the
government of colonies and dependencies by a sovereign nation,
and to become a domestic problem of government which might more
accurately be styled the question of internal government in a com-
munity of mixed races and semi-civilised nations. But in regard
to the other large group of colonies, namely, the slave-settled colonies
and the colonies which have not yet produced and established their
own independent governments, some generalisation is possible as to
the prevalent aims of the sovereign nation in government. It must
suffice for me to attempt to review these principles as they appear in
the government of British Colonies and Dependencies, with regard to
which alone I can presume to speak with sufficient information. ;;n
In the slave-settled colonies, that is to say, the West Indian
colonies, Mauritius, and the Seychelles, there survives practically no
vestige of the social and judicial institutions or of the religious organi-
sation of the transplanted alien race. The Law, the Courts, and the
Churches are European. There is no distinction of persons before
the Civil Law. The transplanted proletariat, mostly of African race
or African descent, is regarded as being in semi-tutelage and as not
fully qualified for the exercise of responsible self-government in
democratic institutions. The ultimate guarantee for order in these
communities rests with the mother country, and, with hardly any
296 UNIVERSAL RACES CONGRESS
exception, legislative authority remains as a last resort under the
control of the representative of that Power in the Executive Govern-
ment. There are one or two apparent exceptions to this generalisa-
tion in some of the older colonies that preserve their original
constitutions ; but the exception is hardly a real one, because the
government and control of these communities, although ostensibly
democratic, really remains in the hands of the white section of the
community or of those who have imbued themselves with the
civilisation and ideals of the sovereign nation.
The principle on which the government in relation to the less
advanced race is based, is to aim at an education and evolution in
European civilisation and political methods. This education is
sought to be obtained by the maintenance of the common law of
the mother country, guaranteed by a high standard of purity in
the judicial administration, by the steady extension of provision for
elementary and more advanced education, both literary and practical,
and by the privilege and responsibility of the exercise of political
franchise in the election of members of the legislative council and of
municipal governing bodies. In the colonies controlled by the
Government of the sovereign nation, as distinct from the self-
governing colonies, no special civil disability is imposed in any respect
upon the citizen of whatever race he may be ; all subjects have the
same privileges and are under the same limitations. The limitations
are exclusively political, and are based upon recognition and ex-
perience of the imperfect political capacities of the transplanted race,
retaining just such a measure of political power to the representative
of the sovereign nation (as the embodiment of the spirit of the
governing race) as is sufficient to maintain stability in the progres-
sive social order ; and the explicit theory of all these communities is
that such political limitations are provisional and are subject to
relaxation in so far as the community progresses towards greater
capacity for self-government.
With regard to the other great division of colonies inhabited by
native races, in reference to which it may be said that the mother
country has a policy of governing such races, the aim of the modern
method is markedly different.
Most of these dependencies have been acquired and their govern-
ment organised for the purpose of trade, and not with a view to the
European colonists themselves becoming workers or employers of
labour in agriculture. Nor has the colonising country imported or
created the population, as it has in the older colonies. The colonists
come there to preserve their economic interests in such manner as
may involve them in the least possible complications with the natives.
Where they live, as in seacoast settlements and towns, in close con-
FIFTH SESSION 297
tact with the natives, they are bound for the sake of their own con-
venience and health to interfere to a certain extent with the native
customs and manners of life, and, for example, to establish municipal
governments for sanitary purposes with more or less administrative
control vested in the hands of the governing power. But beyond this
there is less and less disposition to interfere with the native life and
activity, and more and more to confine the energy of government to
the departments of military and police protection, to the improve-
ment of roads and other means of communication, and to the
education of technical capacity. There is less and less tendency
to regard the colonising country as being under any religious obliga-
tion to interfere with polygamy, or other such native customs
repugnant to British standards of civilisation and morality, and there
is more and more a tendency to maintain and reinforce the authority
of the local institutions of Government and Justice.
Instead of introducing and proclaiming British law as paramount
in these territories and compelling all the inhabitants to conform to
that law and to sue for redress in its courts, the principle now
generally approved and pursued is that, whilst there shall be a
supreme court of British Justice with branches available to all
Europeans and to such natives who choose to appeal to it, the natives,
in matters concerning themselves and their fellows generally, shall
retain the right to be tried by their own native courts, the administra-
tion of justice in these courts being regulated and purified by the
countenance and authority of the Supreme Government. Much is left
to the chiefs, but the chief is under the guidance and control of a
magistrate or commissioner representing the Government, whose duty
it is to take care that the chief does not exceed his authority or oppress
his tribesmen by an abuse of the processes of native law. The
enormous territories controlled by Great Britain in West, East, and
Central Africa are all of them now being governed more or less
in accordance with these principles.
The most important matter in regard to which the British
Government actively interferes with the native economy is in
regard to the institution of slavery, which it does not recognise
and which it insists upon abolishing. But apart from this, it may
be said that the principal aim of British government in these
territories is to strengthen and stimulate the characteristic native
life of the people, whilst at the same time creating in them a desire
for commodities which can be produced by the mother country,
and improving their efficiency in the growth and preparation of
those products, such as oils, grains, cotton, and other commodities,
which the colonising country desires as raw materials for its
factories. These territories, not being suited to Europeans for
298 UNIVERSAL RACES CONGRESS
personal settlement, will not, like some of the South African
colonies, become homes for a large white population engaged in
agriculture. The demand for native labour for direct employment
at wages by such a class of white settlers — the circumstance which
has so profoundly affected the relations of the races in South
Africa — is not likely to arise in any marked degree in these
territories, although it may possibly do so in some of those districts
in East-Central Africa which are found useful for European coloni-
sation. It is when the difficulties of labour supply become pressing
that questions of land settlement and native privileges tend also
to become urgent When these difficulties arise, the more easy-
going, non-interventionist policy which is convenient for the wide
territories of the later annexations and protectorates tends to
become obsolete, and a more frankly self-interested policy is
acknowledged and put into execution.
As I have indicated, the problem then tends to pass from
being that of the government by a sovereign European nation of
dependencies peopled by other races — in which phase the aim of
government is simply, as a rule, to promote facilities of commerce
which can best be effected by stimulating the vigour and self-
conscious activity of the native community — to being the problem
of the internal government of a state in which both European
and other races are fellow-citizens ; and when that phase is reached,
the policy of government must necessarily become rather that of
developing the existence of a state suitable for the social life
of a civilised European community. In such circumstances we
almost invariably see the same principles of government tending
to be introduced as are established in the older slave-settled colonies,
namely, a supersession of native institutions and customs accom-
panied by a practical denial of equal political capacity in the non-
European race, and the adoption of a policy of tutelage and
education in regard to it before admitting it to complete political
franchise. These safeguards against political incapacity in an
ostensibly democratic State are provided by a considerable variety
of expedients.
Further, in such a community it is hardly possible to avoid
the evolution of an industrial policy tending to impose the European
standard of industry and energy upon the non-white population,
because, whereas the requirements of an aboriginal population can
be met without a large production of surplus value in industry,
the requirements of a civilised state cannot be so met. The follow-
ing illustration may suffice to indicate what I mean. The un-
civilised native community will produce sufficient food, clothing,
and housing to meet the requirements of its own social system,
FIFTH SESSION 299
but when it is sought to provide it with clothes, boots, soap,
churches, schools, police, law-courts, European medicine and
surgery, and all those higher instruments of civilisation which
require professional classes who must be highly paid in money
and who do not form a native part of the general organisation
which is producing the requirements of the merely nutritive life,
surplus value must be produced by the proletariat, both for their
own direct payments for those services and for the payment of
taxes to the government which supplies them through its institu-
tions. This necessity is the more marked because, whereas in the
old civilised nations the classes who supply these utilities have
been gradually evolved during centuries of national life, and the
root system of their economic support has grown with the rest
of the social organism in the attempt to force an educational
development of native races up to the European standard in a
mixed colony, they generally have to be introduced by the govern-
ment, whether in response to the desires of the colonists themselves
or to the demands of humanitarianism and philanthropic forces
in the sovereign nation ; so that these communities are required
to pass immediately from a system of no education to a system
of state education, from a system of customary courts judged
by the chiefs to a system of paid judges, lawyers, registrars,
documents, processes, and stamps, from a system of witchcraft
and simples in medicine to a government medical service with
hospitals, nurses, surgical instruments, and the British pharmacopoeia.
It is the same with all the institutions of the State which the
European himself requires and which, in a mixed community, he
either deems desirable or is impelled by philanthropy or religion
to provide for the less advanced race. This community has not
evolved an organic economic support for them because as a whole
it has not learned to demand them. The State, or Government,
is therefore called upon to provide these out of taxation. The
sovereign nation may subsidise the dependency for a time by
grants from its exchequer, but it soon wearies of this philanthropic
exercise.
For all these services, then, the produce of the country has
to pay, and it cannot provide the means without either a greater
intensification of individual labour, or the improvement of its pro-
ductiveness by capitalist organisation, or the development of an
export trade whereby to induce an influx of imports on which
customs duties can be levied. So that it comes to pass that the
more philanthropic and humanitarian is the spirit of the aims of
the European in the government of these mixed communities, the
more is it necessary in order to pursue those aims that an internal
300 UNIVERSAL RACES CONGRESS
policy should be adopted which will stimulate the industry and
increase the exploitation and taxation of the native labourer. This
circumstance, quite as much as any individual greed on the part
of the employers of labour, lies at the root of the policy of self-
governing colonies with mixed communities with regard to land
and industry. If the native populations are to be civilised, they
must produce enough to maintain the institutions of civilisation.
It is a very difficult thing for the Government of any tropical
colony to raise by internal tribute (direct taxation) enough means
to provide for the maintenance of the institutions which its civilised
aims demand ; hence the constant tendency to endeavour to
stimulate trade so that its revenue may be raised indirectly by
taxes on that trade, which taxes the native does not feel as
onerous and can hardly attempt to evade. Direct taxation in any
form he detests, and evades if possible by the most extravagant
shifts.
The difficulty is less strongly felt in those older slave-settled
colonies to which I have referred than it is in the newer colonies
of mixed races that are developing their own government ; because
those older colonies were built up as trading colonies specially
supplying tropical produce to the mother country, and their popu-
lation was imported to produce staples for export, so that in the
time of their greater prosperity they were able out of the profits
of that trade to establish to a considerable extent the institutions
of civilised communities demanded by their European settlers,
and, as a matter of fact, the employing class has retained under
its control the greater part of the land from which internal revenue
can be raised. In the invitation which was addressed to me to
write this short paper, I was asked to offer suggestions of how
dependencies of mixed races should be governed. I fear that the
expression of any general opinion of this kind would, in view of the
great diversity of the circumstances of these communities of which
I have given some indication, be a very futile attempt. And my
postulate of what is desirable would doubtless appear individual
and arbitrary. Every colony has its own opinion on such points,
and its opinion may differ from that of the sovereign nation.
Such dependencies can only be governed as Europeans would
like to see them governed when the native races that inhabit them
have become what Europeans would like to see them be and what
they are not now. And that is the whole difficulty of the situation
for those who are practically engaged in the problems of colonial
government.
I have personally a very strong opinion that whatever may
be the case with Asiatics, African peoples generally are not at
FIFTH SESSION 301
all suited by temperament or talent for that kind of industrial
position as wage-workers under capital into which the proletariats
of industrial European countries have come, nor does it appear
to me at all desirable that they should, if they can avoid it, pass
into that position or acquire in all respects the characteristics of
the European wage-worker ; but under present circumstances it
appears that their powers of production cannot be quickly increased
except under organised education by employers of the advanced
or industrial race.
Outside of this, the only method for assisting them to maintain
those services which they are being more and more taught to
require, is a very considerable personal education in agricultural
and technical skill. But this education can only be obtained by
an industry and application upon their part which it is very difficult
to induce them voluntarily to undertake. Under the European
apprenticeship system, craftsmen learned their trades as youths
under the very severe dominion of a skilled master who controlled
and, if necessary, beat them. I do not know of any means except
compulsion of this sort or stress of want to induce the steady
industry that is required for thoroughly learning a trade in com-
petition with the great counter-attractions of indolence and sen-
suality that are continually pressing upon the youth of all tropical
populations.
The European wage-worker is not so free as the tropical native ;
but he is competent because he is trained and disciplined. Unless
the natives of tropical countries will voluntarily undergo industrial
training and discipline, the requirements of a civilised state cannot
be maintained among them except by such pressure of industrial
necessity as has been evolved in civilised European countries, or
by forced labour imposed by the State. Wherever the native has
unrestricted access to land, and is in other respects free from
economic compulsion, all that a progressive government imposed
from without can do is to offer him and coax him to take advantage
of the opportunities of agricultural and technical education, and
strive by every possible means to stimulate and train his intelligence
to perceive their advantages.
This is, in fact, the principal aim of modern progressive states-
manship in all colonies and dependencies inhabited by a mixture
of races. Whether the social, industrial, and religious ideals of
those nations that are pursuing this aim are really destined to
prove suitable to the best development of the races to whose
moulding they are being applied, the future alone can disclose.
[Paper submitted in English."]
302
THE INFLUENCE OF MISSIONS
By ALFRED CALDECOTT, D.D. (Cambridge}, D.Litt. (London},
Professor of Moral Philosophy, King's College, University of London.
IN another paper Professor Rhys Davids is considering the influence
of Religion generally as a consolidating and separating influence:
my task is to call attention to some features of Religious Missionary
enterprise in this respect.
For a Religion to be propagandist the first condition is that it
must believe in the fundamental unity of mankind. A Religion
which admits raciality as an article of its creed confines itself within
the limits of the specified race. In some Religions raciality is, even
if not manifest on the surface, at least so strong an undercurrent
that they have no propagandist force : of living Religions I take it
that this is the case at present with Judaism, which maintains no
propaganda but for any expansion trusts simply to diffusion by
contact. Hinduism contains many forms so much localised as to
be untransferable, and even the fundamental tenets of Brahmanism
are so bound up with raciality that the diffusion which is actually
in process does not look beyond the boundaries of the Indian
peninsula. In China the triplex system established by the State is
not conceived as transferable either as a whole or in its parts, and a
parallel statement is true of Japan. Expansion movement in
Religions has been for some time past, and is at the present
moment, limited to Buddhism, Islam, and Christianity.
Buddhism in its fundamentals is free from racial limitations, and
its history has shown diffusion from race to race on a large scale.
Islam though closely associated with its Founder and his race at
once went forth with open invitation, and though never successful
in Europe had great successes elsewhere, and in Africa it is expand-
ing its range before our eyes. Christianity was in the first gene-
ration seen to be universalistic, and though its dominance was
transferred from Asia into Europe, and later on it had to retreat
before Islam in West Asia and North Africa, it felt this as a
reproach, and in the Crusades made a protest, futile though it proved
to be. At the reopening of Asia after 1492 and the discovery of
the New World, Christianity resumed its world-wide prospect.
I suggest, therefore, that at a gathering of the Races of the world
we do well to note that the three propagandist Religions are now
definitely and explicitly dissociated from race-privileges, and to
proceed to hope that those religions which are still closely attached
to race-limitations will, when brought into mutual conference, be
affected by the sentiment of unity, and consider seriously for them-
FIFTH SESSION 303
selves the possibility of a new valuation of their separative
features, inu
Of the multitudinous forms of religion among the races of lower
culture the connection with raciality in its minute subdivisions has
been too close to permit of their dissociation, and the notion of
propaganda does not come into sight.
A. (a) In studying Religious propaganda I can only select some
principal features : I will take first, The Association with Political
Dominion. A religion may be so deeply ingrained in a Political
system that wherever that polity is extended that religion is
carried with it without a moment of questioning on the part either
of the Nation which is extending or of the people who are sub-
jugated, whether these latter accept the religion of the conquerors
or not. Spanish and Portuguese America entered at once formally
into Christendom in the sixteenth century as clearly as North
Africa passed within Islam under the Arabs and Moors in the
seventh and eighth ; the French colonists carried their Church into
Canada as the Moslem invaders carried theirs to Delhi. But in
different situations very different degrees of success attended the
endeavours to bring the Native populations effectively within the
newly presented religions. The simple expectations of the first
days of conquest soon faded before aboriginal inability or un*
willingness to accept a change, and both in the New World and the
Old very limited success and very nominal kinds of " conversion "
were accepted as time went on. Within the empire of Britain the
religious dissensions at home gave rise to a great variety of policy
in the Colonies and Plantations. The New England colonies
established their own forms of Protestant Christianity ; Virginia
and the West Indian colonies established the Church of England as
at home ; and some colonies were on a toleration basis, notably Penn-
sylvania, founded by the Society of Friends. Official attention to the
Red Indians soon ceased, and indeed was replaced over large areas
by a long period of hostilities : but some voluntary missionary
efforts were put forth, though not in any considerable volume. In
the Southern States and in the West Indies the singular transplan-
tation of large numbers of Negroes brought them within Christen-
dom nominally only, as their civil status was so widely felt to be
inconsistent with Christian rights that their admission was either
ignored or positively refused for many years, although in the end
the result has been the enrolment of not less than ten millions of
people of West African descent more or less completely within the
Christian churches. In India the character of the entry of British
dominion was affected by its being the affair of a commercial
Company, and religious propaganda was wholly separated from it.
304 UNIVERSAL RACES CONGRESS
In Australia the peculiar circumstances of the early colonisation
and the total inability to appreciate what strains of promise there
might be in the unquestionably low-grade Aborigines, left these in
worse than neglect for many years ; in New Zealand the more
enlightened type of colonisation and the superior quality of the
Maoris led to a close alliance of State action with Mission work, as
illustrated by the memorable co-operation of Governor Grey and
Bishop Selwyn. The extension of the Greek Church has been for
a long time limited to the expansion of Russian dominion, which it
accompanies as a matter of course in name, though in Central
Asia Islam has not been officially superseded.
The extension of Islam has always included some conception of
the extension of Dominion on the part of the successors of
Mohammed in the Caliphate, but powerful sovereigns have arisen
with not even nominal allegiance in a secular sense, near the centre,
as Persia, and remote, as Morocco. But recent political changes
have been so sweeping that it is estimated by good authority that
of some 230 millions of Moslems 170 millions live under Christian
rule or protection, and 30 millions under other non-Mohammedan
rule, leaving only 30 millions under Moslem political jurisdiction.
A. (b) The Complete Separation of Religious Propaganda from Ex-
tension of Dominion. — This separation has always marked Buddhism.
As it spread from India to Tibet, Siam, China, and Japan, it moved
as a purely religious change effected by individual monks, teachers,
and pilgrims ; and even in India its diffusion in the times of its
success was not by political means.
In Islam, as seen above, the political aspect has faded as expan-
sion extended to remote regions : it has flowed onward as a religious
system, and the deference paid to the Successor of Mohammed and
the Sheik-ul-Islam now takes the form of a spiritual allegiance,
though doubtless in many minds the old association lingers and
might again assert itself. At present the extension over Africa
is by individual missionaries and traders, and carries with it no
claim for political allegiance.
For Christianity even in the days of the close association of the
Roman Catholic Church with the States a non-political character
was recognised when Roman Catholic missions were sent to China
and Japan with no thought of interference with the political status
of those countries. In the Protestant churches there soon arose a
desire to extend Christianity by private enterprise, and missionary
societies of a purely voluntary kind were formed. Beginning at first
with the Natives of Colonies and dependencies as principal concern
(eg., the New England Company of Cromwell and the Gospel
Propagation Society of Queen Anne) the close of the eighteenth
FIFTH SESSION 305
century saw the institution in Great Britain of several Societies
which took the whole world into view. Similar Societies were
formed in Germany, Switzerland, and the United States which
were necessarily wholly devoid of political intention as they
dealt entirely with the peoples of lands outside the domains of
the people who supported them.
Whilst some of the Missionary Societies undertook the task
of presenting Christianity to the civilised nations, India, China,
Japan, with some endeavours in the lands under Islam also, it
is not surprising that the greatest mass of effective work was
found to be possible among the peoples of lower culture and
of primitive forms of religion. In South and West Africa, Mada-
gascar, and the Pacific Islands the romance of Missions, both Protes-
tant and Roman Catholic, presents a chapter of permanent interest
in the religious history of mankind, remarkable alike in the heroism
of the messengers and in the degree of acceptance of the message.
In this non-political work the Greek Church has shared by means
of the Russian missions to China and Japan.
What I think this gathering of representatives of the different
Races is concerned to note is that in the propaganda of religion
every one now agrees that it must be by absolutely voluntary
effort : that by Churches, Societies, or individuals, but not by
Governments, religions may be proclaimed all over the world.
Two principles may well be asked for : —
That no Government shall disturb the political situation
by including in its programme the propagation of its own
religion, as distinguished from its maintenance ;
That no Government shall refuse to its subjects freedom to
hear religious messages, or prevent them from accepting them
if they so desire.
These principles express a right which may be generally ac-
cepted as lying at the root of the unification of mankind. And
we may find ourselves able to consider together what cases there
may still be in which these principles are obstructed. I should be
extremely sorry to introduce any cause of offence, and perhaps
should not offer any particular cases : but one may hope that in
an atmosphere of mutual respect the representatives of these
peoples may not be unwilling to state their views and to take counsel
with the general assemblage. I would specify the following : the need
for allowing freedom for religious missions in Spain and Russia within
Christendom ; in Turkey and in Persia ; and in French Colonies
Government neutrality as in the French Congo rather than
the adverse attitude even to long-established missions which
x
306 UNIVERSAL RACES CONGRESS
has marked a considerable period of the regime in Madagascar.
In some countries it is the missionaries who need the protec-
tion of the Government, in others it is the religious liberties
of the people which are restricted, if not nominally, in fact.
Of course, the opposition of the people themselves must be allowed
for, and judiciously treated, e.g., in Turkey, Persia, Afghanistan, and
Morocco, where resentment and alarm enter into the popular mind.
But when the people are not unwilling, Governments may be asked
not to interfere, and even where the people are alarmed, Governments
may well seek to reassure them, and to lead them towards respect for
religious freedom. On the other hand, the Missions must be guided
by limitations in the protection they ask for. In this connection I
would assure the representatives of peoples who hesitate to trust to a
wide liberty that for Christian missions at least the future will be
most carefully watched. This very subject engaged close attention at
the " World's Missionary Conference " at Edinburgh last year, which
devoted a whole section of its proceedings to the relations of Missions
to Governments : its decisions are marked by great considerateness,
and Missionary policy is sure to be guided by them in the future
so that respect for Government, loyalty, and patriotism will find every
support from the missionaries of religion in whatever land they
work.
B. I will take as my second theme the extent to which religious
propaganda includes moral and social factors.
(a) First : Religion as including Cultus to a Far-reaching Extent :
carrying with it science, literature, technical arts (especially medicine
and engineering), methods of industry and trade, education, and even
domestic life and social institutions generally.
This is, of course, the earlier condition of religions. In Hinduism,
for example, it is almost impossible to distinguish between sacred and
secular ; and Brahmanism carries a cultus with it, though the admis-
sion of new castes usually involves the acceptance of some modifica-
tions. In Christian missions of the modern era a difference was
soon perceived between missions to peoples of high civilisation and to
the peoples of lower culture. A transference of European cultus to
India, China, or Japan was seen to be on a very different footing from
the task involved in presenting Christianity to primitive peoples. In
India the mark made by the separation between religion and
dominion already alluded to continued, and such reforms in moral
and social institutions as were deemed indispensable were reduced
within narrow limits, and even these were altogether dissociated from
religious sanctions, though some of them were undoubtedly the off-
spring of Christian ethics. In China and Japan a standing coolness
between many of the European residents and the Christian mission-
FIFTH SESSION 307
aries arose in consequence of attempts of the latter to include too
much of social reconstruction in their programme.
But with the peoples of lower culture religious enterprise as a
vehicle of social and ethical reforms has had a free course : it has,
indeed, provided the motive power for lifting up these peoples
towards civilisation. The analysis of the influence of the Christian
missionary settled with an African tribe or on a Pacific island is
replete with interest. Over and over again a single individual has
meant "civilisation" as well as the Gospel to a whole community.
From him have flowed influences regenerating every part of their
social life. From one man's heart and brain have issued not only
the abolition of degrading and cruel customs, but the beginnings of
new industrial organisation, glimpses of science and literature, new
forms of social order. And when he has been accompanied by a
household a new type of domestic life has been exhibited and the
family set in a new light. It is difficult to conceive that the future
history of the world can ever again show example after example of
social elevation on so considerable a scale : important tribes in South
Africa, in the Pacific, in Madagascar, and New Zealand, among the
Red Indians of the North-West and the remote Esquimaux of
Greenland and Labrador, have come to a new birth. So clear has
been the elevation that for many of them it has meant the entry into
the single world-circle now approaching completion, though for the
present in the provisional and preparatory stage of being dependen-
cies or protectorates of European empires. Time fails for particu-
larising as to the effects of Missionary enterprise among these
peoples. From a world point of view we see how it has preserved
some which were in peril of perishing as the stronger races spread
over the globe carrying influences which threatened to be fatal to the
weaker. Saved by the infusion of the counter-influences of religion,
these peoples are now raising their heads and beginning to multiply
again in the vigour of a recovered life. Too late, indeed, for some
of them, as the pathetic story of disappearing and vanished races
shows. But on the whole we may claim that the indigenous inhabi-
tants whom Europe found in tropical and subtropical lands have
passed through the valley of bitterness and are now entered upon
the open fields, and that the chief instrument of their salvation in
the hour of peril has been the sympathetic ardour of religion which
moved messengers to devise and to initiate the ethical and social
reformation which stands on record.
For Islam also there is a long record of peoples brought within
the range of world-civilisation in recent times, over a large part of
Africa especially. Important moral and social reforms have been
adopted by virile communities under powerful native rulers : some of
308 UNIVERSAL RACES CONGRESS
them remain independent, others, as in the Soudan, Zanzibar, and in
Malaysia, have passed under European protection while retaining
their allegiance to the religion which first linked them with the world
at large.
(£) Religion as dissociated from Secular Culture. — Religion
sometimes regards itself as other-worldly, as a concern of men in their
individuality, as appertaining solely to the inner life, leaving external
ranges of life as it finds them, to continue or to reshape themselves
as they may. And, on the other hand, secular culture can also
separate itself and extend on lines independent of religion.
Buddhism essentially holds the secular life in so low esteem that
it is capable of complete detachment and therefore of transfer from
race to race without calling for any social changes. The Brahmanic
philosophy is in like case. The present activity of both of them falls
within this category : they contemplate an extension apart from
criticism of social order or from aims at carrying over the world the
particular culture of India or Japan.
On the other hand, much of European civilisation is now extending
in separation from Christianity. Even within European dominions
this is the case. In India the British Government makes no appeal
to Christian authority even in the Provinces entirely under its ad-
ministration, while in the 688 Native States their established reli-
gions continue unaffected. The moral and social reforms which are
fostered are regarded as secular, introduced and commended apart
from the sanctions of religion. The recent separation of Church
and State in France imposes a purely secular policy in her Colonies
and protectorates ; and the absence of all official connection with
religion in the United States Government places American policy in
the same position.
Again, the outflow of European arts and sciences and commerce
proceeds by a diffusion independent of religion. In some cases it is
not only dissociated but is hostile, sending forth as counter-messages
Materialism and various forms of purely Ethical and Secular culture.
Religious propaganda therefore, to a considerable extent, has to
reconsider itself, and to take account of a parallel extension of culture
for which it need nottake responsibility, and it is therefore impelled to
bring into principal attention the inner and more purely spiritual
elements of its message in its missionary work.
In another way Christianity has been obliged to see in European
extension not a component part of its activity but an antagonistic
influence. The characters of many of the energetic individuals who
for trade or for adventure first visited or settled in those distant
lands were far from being Christian, to say the least : too frequently
they diffused mischief and misery, and aroused hostility and terror
FIFTH SESSION 309
wherever their sinister presence made itself felt. Christianity had to
be separated from Europeanism in all sadness by Las Casas, and
Xavier, and by many a missionary since their day. Even when there
was no ruthless depravity there was a depressing influence requiring
counteraction arising from the fact that so much of the early contact
of Europeans with outside peoples was based simply and solely on
profit from trade. In the ordinary way this was innocuous, often bene-
ficial ; but love of gold is a bad master, and the supply of noxious
and destructive instruments of indulgence was too often the most
profitable line of trade ; while the need of labour was frequently
difficult to satisfy without exploitation of the Native peoples, with
fatal results. And when lands were wanted in which the Natives
were de trop over large areas "extermination proved easier than
civilisation." It has been no small part of the Christian propaganda
to counteract these noxious influences in the past. And to-day the
need for such counteraction has taken effect in the tendency of
Christian agencies to disclaim responsibility for Europeanism, or at
any rate to the forms of it to which circumstances seem to confine
its transplantation to Asia and Africa. In short, the separation
has to some extent to take the form of declining to associate the
Christian name with any racial or national characters whatever, and
to insist on confining it to its essential usage as a religious term.
Islam has had to provide parallel counteraction ; it has been im-
portant in quite similar ways as a protest against the appearance of
higher civilisation in the dreaded forms of the slave-raider and the
pirate, and obliged to present itself in detachment from the Arab
name and race.
(c) There remain the cases, between the above extremes, in which
Religious Propaganda contains some Factors of an Ethical and Social
Kind in its programme without embarking upon wholesale reforms.
Which factors commend themselves as so universal in promise of
beneficence that all Religions would do well to give them support ?
We have seen that political Dominion must be excluded : that
Religion should move onward as a force on the side of loyalty and
civic duty within the Nations. In this Congress it is specially
important to proceed to claim that it must pay a similar respect to
Race. It must welcome the results of Anthropologists in ascertain-
ing differential race-characters and race-capacities, and leave large
freedom for the influence of these in the ethical and social systems
for which Religion will contribute principles and provide sanctions.
In short, the Vocation of Nations and of Races must be accepted.
How widely this is coming into recognition was shown at the recent
" Pan- Anglican Congress" in the Report on Missions, and at the
" World Missionary Conference " in Edinburgh last year. The
310 UNIVERSAL RACES CONGRESS
organisation of national forms of Christianity in Japan, China, India,
Africa, were acclaimed as the method of the future. " Africans are
an Eastern people," said a Negro Bishop at the former Congress ;
there must be Chinese Christians, claimed a scholarly convert from
China ; and these sentiments were endorsed by the Congresses. Most
careful attention was given to the discrimination of the moral and
social institutions which Religion should include and those which it
should leave the different nations and races to work out on their own
lines. It will be an important function of this Congress to assist in
the sifting of moral and social ideas with the view of assigning to them
entrance into the sphere of universal commendation or remitting
them to racial and local determination. I have my own opinion as
to the trend which universal judgment is taking in a good many
cases, but I ought not to set them down in a paper where there is no
room to indicate the evidence upon which I proceed.
But I hope we may take it that all the religions which include a
desire to extend their influence will be glad both to contribute counsel
and to receive it in the important task of selecting the universalia of
humane ethical and social order. I can speak as a Christian believer,
and I hope that the men of other religions will join in this endeavour.
Religions would then be free to enter upon mutually deferential
controversy in the region of the hopes and the sanctions which they
severally offer for the contents of the Faith and the manner of the
Worship which they value for themselves and would commend to
mankind. That there are universalistic and idealistic elements even
in some Religions which make no move outward at present 1 feel
confident, and it may be that this Congress will include among its
beneficial results the determination on the part of those who belong
to them to bring to light these universalistic factors, so that we may
all proceed together in a common task.
In conclusion, the continuance of religious propaganda invites the
sympathy of a Races Congress for these two reasons, amongst
others : —
i. It is a standing witness for Altruism in a world which now, as
aver, needs such witness. The dark shadow of political aggrandise-
ment has indeed passed by, for the present at least ; we are hoping
for the suppression of plunder and exploitation of every kind. But
the universal spread of commerce and industrial arts rests only upon
the desires of men, as individuals or companies, for salaries and
profits ; and even the beneficent arts and sciences are carried round
the world by men who do not profess to be motived by anything
higher than the aim to secure an honourable livelihood by their
means. In religious missions alone have we purely altruistic
agencies on a large scale. And especially noteworthy is this the
FIFTH SESSION 311
case in the immeasurably important sphere of Womanhood. Few
women accompany the extenders of commerce or science, by the
circumstances of the case, and when they go to tropical and sub-
tropical regions their capacity for looking beyond their immediate
circle of duty is naturally reduced to a small compass. But religious
Missions have sent out a constant succession of Women as wives and
daughters of missionaries, or as members of sisterhoods, who bear
altruistic witness from the women of one race to the women of
another.
2. Missionary propaganda is a standing appeal to the Singleness
of the Spiritual Kingdom. It witnesses for this whether taken as a
purely spiritual message or as a support to such universalising of
ethical and social principles as has been indicated above. Absence
of such desire to expand is a sign of acquiescence in separateness, an
acceptance of the divided state of mankind and unequal participation
in highest values. The religious conviction of essential unity allies
itself with the philosophical conception of rational personality and
with the ethical conception of fraternity. Whether or not these can
stand alone is one of the pressing problems of our time. How
extensively personality has been denied to the peoples of the lower
culture is as clearly signified by the designation of them as " Nature-
peoples" as it is by the depreciatory designations current among
travellers and traders. How far fraternity can make itself good in
the atmosphere of Naturalistic evolution is, at the least, dubious.
Certainly the elevation of the peoples of lower culture which has
so far taken place has been largely due to the unswerving reliance
upon personality and fraternity inherent in the Historical Religions
which have gone to work amongst them. What would take place if
these Religions were to be withdrawn by ceasing from further propa-
ganda may be differently estimated ; at any rate, it is clear that
they have been supports of human brotherhood in the past, and are
so to-day. The extension over the world of the physical sciences
as a single complex unity is assured, and needs no support ; and
Religions which are to extend must make their account with this. It
is the same with the organisation of human industry into a single
system ; and this, too, is no way uncongenial to religion.
The varieties of individual character and manners, of racial
idiosyncrasy, and of social and political order are brought into
unity wherever religions deposit the conception of spiritual person-
ality as a substratum underneath them : and the varieties themselves
are thereafter provided with place and opportunity in a developing
world. For taking part in such an endeavour to unify humanity
each Historical Religion must see to it that it has possession of
culture-factors universalist in range and capable of development
312 UNIVERSAL RACES CONGRESS
in their application to the differences of race and circumstance. And
it must be able to show that its co-operation is needed by proving
that it can impress the imagination and stimulate enthusiasm in
the heart, generating and sustaining a degree of faith in the advance
of men towards a unity of mankind such as cannot be attained
without its aid.
[Paper submitted in English.}
INDENTURED AND FORCED LABOUR
By (the late) the Right Hon. Sir CHARLES W. DlLKE, Bart., London.
HONOURED by an invitation to write on " Slavery and Indentured
Labour," I troubled the committee with suggestions as to title —
none of them satisfactory to myself. " Forced Labour " is generally
confined to cases of direct compulsion. "Indentured Labour"
covers many systems, good and bad. No one phrase is in common
use to designate the result, both of such plans and of land and
taxation policy intended by way of indirect compulsion to work
upon plantations managed by Europeans or in mines. The object
of the essay is to describe the most modern forms of malpractices
in respect of labour-recruiting which the old anti-slavery societies
of Europe and America are now concerned to remedy.
The writers of papers are directed to avoid bitterness towards
Governments and nations, while " reasoned blame " is to be directed
to practical ends. An interpretation of the instructions will not be
wrong that takes for guide the wish to prove honesty towards native
labour the best policy — the only policy that can be permanent.
The warning from the Congo State is familiar to us all. It may
be useful to note the singular difference of result produced in various
French colonies of tropical Africa by the rejection or the adoption
of wrong methods — introduced to the French Congo from the
neighbouring Belgian concessions.
The economists have buried the old slavery, and convinced
all that it tended either to become non-productive and benevolently
old-fashioned, or else to promote intensive and exhaustive destruc-
tion of the labour itself, and ultimately of the resources of the
State. Native convict labour, peonage, and some forms of inden-
tured labour here and there still reveal to the inquisitive the old
horrors, now for the most part relegated to the backward tracts
of countries little known. Of the terrors which even an organised
system of indentured labour agreed on between Governments may
contain, the worst example in the time of living men was afforded
FIFTH SESSION 313
by the revelations of the Chinese Imperial Commission sent to
Cuba to investigate the horrible outcome of an organised Chinese
labour system founded after the emancipation of the black slaves
of Spain. The proceedings were watched by Great Britain and
recorded in conclusive documents. I refrain here from noting
similar charges now under examination, inasmuch as the facts
are not officially proved. But it seems probable that Yucatan
and some other districts of Mexico present a field for such research.
More insidious and widespread modern forms of the evils to
be considered are probably on the increase. It is, indeed, not
easy to feel certain whether the anti-slavery cause has lost or
gained ground in our time. There can unfortunately be no doubt
that the principle of equal treatment of white and coloured people
has failed to maintain its hold on the legislation of English-speaking
States. No other example need be given than the inclusion of a
" colour-bar " in our most recent Dominion Constitutions. As
regards practice, the Government of India, backed by the Imperial
Government at home, has lately failed to obtain from some British
States that treatment for emigrating Indian British subjects which
we had once been able to ensure. The correspondence refusing
Indian labour to Reunion forms the main historical document of
a better past. Lord Sanderson's inquiry, however, has reinforced
Lord Salisbury's position that it is " an indispensable condition . . .
that native settlers who have completed the terms of service to
which they agreed " shall " be in all respects free men, with privileges
no whit inferior to those of any other class of H.M.'s subjects resident
in the colonies."
Nevertheless, the moment is one at which there is a real risk
of general recrudescence of slave conditions in disguise. The per-
version of the system established by Europe for the Congo Valley,
the quest for rubber, the development of the Amazon Valley in
South America, the increase of capital rushing for profitable invest-
ment to the tropics, have led the company promoter into every
jungle in the world ; while the need for cotton and the demand
for cocoa have quickened the race for concessions.
As regards " Forced Labour," the corvee, intended for roads
and public works, is found in the legislation of many countries,
as in the customs of almost all the native States. The system,
generally accepted in its simpler and less harmful forms, is obviously
liable to abuse. A familiar case of extension of corvee into virtual
enslavement of the population was presented by Egypt under Ismail.
It was the custom to call out without pay, or without sufficient
wage, thousands of men and women, dragged to great distances
from their homes, often in chains, and urged on by the whip.
314 UNIVERSAL RACES CONGRESS
Such practices are "put down," arid then, sometimes, after being
tentatively revived, at first in far milder form, creep in once more.
To repair the banks by which inundation is averted, or, in the
proper place, encouraged, may be represented as work similar
to the patching-up by unpaid village labour of a road in Switzer-
land. But an Egyptian Minister may accumulate a fortune by the
advantage over rival sugar-planters secured by the use of official
temporary labour. Our latest Reports on Egypt have shown an
enormous new call made on forced child labour for the destruction
of a cotton worm.
In this matter, we have much to learn from French African
experience. The French have found that forced labour is still
forced labour when it is paid. They have, more nearly than any
other nation, secured its abolition in their colonies. So, too, it will
be seen that they have renounced indentured labour on a large
scale under official management, finding that it completely failed
in the nickel mines of New Caledonia when imported from Java
and from Annam. Would that we were able to pronounce the
French record as free from stain in the matter of concessions as
under these two first heads ! French kidnapping in the Southern
Pacific is on a small scale, and, when discovered, is put down by
the Republic, as " blackbirding " is put down by the Germans
and ourselves.
In many of our own possessions there have been, by the ad-
mission of the Colonial Office, cases of corvte used for purposes
which made it liable to abuse — forced labour, paid at rates lower
than those of the open market ; sometimes unpaid, and justified
only by the plea of absolute necessity. Armies, even in Europe,
obtain transport by force. In Africa, where chiefs exact labour
for carrying baggage on the march, the distinction of reserving
force for military operations has never been observed. Porterage
is highly paid when good porterage is available, for no administrator
or explorer is content with the service of the untrained native, so
infinitely superior is the professional from the coast. But the
right men cannot always be obtained. Railways, roads possible
for the motor, and cycle paths have to be made, and abuse by
extension of the corvte has not everywhere been mitigated. In
the case of the Congo, the reply to M. Vandervelde's attacks shows
that even the improved Belgian government of the former State
defends the use of forced labour, on a large scale, at a great distance
from the people's homes, for making railways.
A return laid before Parliament, on "forced labour in British
Colonies," was on the surface fair enough. In self-governing Natal,
though still existing, it was officially condemned, and elsewhere
FIFTH SESSION 315
it was minimised. But in our parliamentary debates of 1910 it
was admitted that it had been again made use of in several of
our African Protectorates at the first starting of the experimental
growth of cotton. Those who read the annual reports from each
colony, as for example from the Kedah Government, or from
Kelantan, and from our older possessions in the Malay Peninsula,
are aware of the difficulties met with. Although the Pacific Phos-
phate Company finds defenders of its proceedings in Ocean Island
and in the Gilbert Islands, it seems to be admitted that our com-
plaint against the Portuguese of mixing native convict labour, forced
labour through chiefs, and indentured labour upon the same plan-
tations applies to the practice of some islands connected by their
labour history with our colony of Fiji. There is more dispute
about the facts in East Africa and Uganda, but Bishop Tucker
is a high and an impartial authority, and he, I believe, still con-
demns the use made of forced labour in our East African posses-
sions. Sometimes, where Governments are innocent, concessionary
companies compromise them and destroy the future of their colonies
by obtaining forced labour through chiefs. This has been a main
cause of the revolt on the French Ivory Coast.
So far as corvte may be retained, it is essential that we should
avoid stretching the native usage by increase of the customary
period of absence from home or the distance from home, thus
impinging on the times for sowing and reaping each kind of
village crop.
The ordinary forced labour of the Congo State, now said to be
ended in half its territory, was of a different kind, happily unusual
except in some of the neighbouring French and Franco-German
concessionary areas. In the Congo alone, the State was the direct
recipient of forest produce collected by forced labour as taxation.
The admitted result of such a system is inevitable destruction of
the economic future of the country. Its horrible incidents rightly
attracted the most attention. That these occurred in a vast territory
solemnly set aside by Europe as a model State increased the direct
responsibility — especially of Belgium, the United States (with the
earliest Treaty) — and the United Kingdom, and justified or
necessitated intervention.
Though there are now more popular forms of forced labour to
be considered, they often involve one main incident of the Congo
system. By the destruction of native law and tribal custom, by
fusing the noble with the slave population, and creating one uni-
versal black proletariat, cheap though inefficient labour is provided
for managers representing European capital. Not only do the
administrators come and go, but the companies themselves are not
316 UNIVERSAL RACES CONGRESS
likely to possess the territorities for more than a few years, and have
no interest in that permanent prosperity of the land which forms
the chief interest of the Power under which they hold.
There is a widespread attempt to produce plentiful cheap labour
by methods less destructive than those at which we have already
glanced. The choice of the planters and mine managers appears to
them to lie between indirect compulsion, through land laws and
taxation, and the introduction of indentured labour from afar. The
official tendency is against indentured labour, and more generally
favourable to various systems offering inducement to the local native
to work for Europeans because his lands are becoming insufficient
for his needs and his taxes cannot otherwise be paid. This tendency
is increased in the British, German, French, and even Liberian parts
of Africa by the costliness of European government. In the African
territories of the three Great Powers the development of railways and
of harbours, and the desire to escape from obligations incurred
towards the mother country in return for large annual subsidies,
cause constant pressure in the same direction.
There is an obvious danger of the diversion of labour from
those forms of agriculture which are most popular with the people
and economically preferable for the local State. High price of
rubber and of cocoa, the desire to stand well with the Govern-
ments of Germany or of Great Britain in the matter of cotton
supply, rabid speculation in company shares, all increase a tendency
regretted by our best administrators. The ownership, or even the
temporary occupation, of increasing territories by absentee capitalists
in Europe, acquiring all the mineral resources and a large share of
the agricultural or forest produce, and paying wage to landless blacks
dependent upon them for existence, are new features in African
economic life. The problems are of European origin. The system
is outside the experience and abhorrent to the customs of the popu-
lation, whose theory is tribal ownership or dependence upon a trustee
chief, and the dangers are increased by religious as well as by race
hostility or prejudice. It is essential that ample land should be
reserved for the use of the native agricultural population ; but, as
Sir Charles Bruce has shown, there has been no uniform policy and
little sign of willingness to face the question, " How can a stable
State be built on such a foundation ? "
The indentured labour remedy has been described in the evidence
given before Lord Sanderson's Committee. Such labour is brought
from a distance to replace local labour, or else to keep down the
wage bill by an active competition, or, again, to yield labour of a
kind so dangerous, so hard, or locally so unusual as to be excep-
tionally distasteful. Deep mining, with its high percentage of
FIFTH SESSION 317
accident and death, is dreaded, at least when novel, whatever may
be the salary attached to this form of toil. When mining has been
for some time in operation it often, if well conducted, attracts a large
supply of temporary labour, but rarely on a scale sufficient for a
European manager's ideas.
The powerful Labour Administration of the Australian Com-
monwealth, having to govern Papua, finds itself faced with a
demand for indentured labour from a distance, although local
labour is singularly plentiful and good, considering the sudden
spread of capitalist enterprise in New Guinea. Meetings have
been held there by prospectors and planters to put pressure upon
the Commonwealth, and investors asked to stay their hand, but
assured that each prospectus issued in London is well within the
mark — in all respects but one. The " public " assemble to show
the Government of Australia that " the companies are in need of
double as many indentured labourers as they can procure," though
the Minister of Labour states that 5,500 were in their service on
June 30, 1910. "The methods of recruiting are inadequate," "the
duration of the indentures " too short ; and the meetings call for
" compulsory labour " at least of " prisoners," perhaps without too
much investigation of how far the sentence of the wished-for convicts
might be colourable. One reverend gentleman, interviewed after the
great meeting, frankly opened his store of " considerable knowledge "
— " I believe in compulsory labour in certain districts."
Lord Sanderson's Committee, nominally reporting in favour of
the continuance of existing indentured Indian emigration, laid stress
upon conditions without which it " might easily become oppressive."
We are to insist on, but seem, in Trinidad at least, unable to obtain,
a staff determined to take seriously the duty for which they are
appointed as " Protectors " of immigrants. Lord Sanderson's Com-
mittee propose only to permit Indian indentured immigration to
" such colonies as have spare land " in suitable situation. This,
however, is exactly what many colonies do not possess, and for
which there is no security in others. Zululand, for example, was
handed over to Natal, of which it now is held to be an ordinary
part, on condition of the reservation to natives of lands now being
granted to concessionary companies, and Natal has been till now
still in receipt of indentured labour from India. Those lately con-
cerned in the government of South Africa, who do not see eye
to eye with many of us, hold the strongest opinion as to the unfair-
ness of displacement of local native labour under the circumstances
of the South African case. Yet Indian indentured labour is an
example specially favourable to the indenture system, for India
possesses and has exercised in the past the right to suspend
3i8 UNIVERSAL RACES CONGRESS
emigration to any country where proper measures are not taken
for the protection of the labourers and for their return if they reject
the favourable conditions stipulated for their permanent settlement
in their new home.
The Committee think that in some colonies the immigration is
required because the indigenous population is diminishing. In Fiji
the terrible decrease in the native population occurred under an
experimental system for dealing with native labour by means as
scientific and in result almost as cruel as the culture system of
Java — like the Fiji system — now abolished. But the death-rate
of Fiji for the substituted Indian labour is also high. In an official
paper on the death-rate in Penang it is admitted that the conditions
in " many of the estates that take indentured labour are such that
unindentured labourers refuse to take employment on them," and
" desertions are numerous." It seems that India is unable always
to enforce her just demands even in her own immediate neighbour-
hood. As regards the West Indies, although the Committee were
disposed to clear the officials from the heavy charges brought against
them, such documents as those which explain why so large a propor-
tion of labourers are sent to gaol, and how the exaction of the legal
task causes the desertion noted, cannot but raise grave misgiving.
" An enormous quantity of suffering" is admitted, and Mr. Norman
Lament's evidence showed the opinion of an estate owner anxious to
be fair as to how little chance the aggrieved labourer has of invoking,
still less obtaining, the real defence of " the Protector."
It is essential to be on guard against the common cry that
the local native will not work. The case of at least three British
colonies possessing negro labour is to be remembered. That of
Jamaica may suffice. Indian indentured labour is thought necessary
for the local plantations, and is largely paid for by the taxation
of the Jamaican negro ; but the latter is in demand in Panama
and even in Dutch Guiana, at high wage, so that it becomes
evident that we are in face, not of unwillingness to work, but of
inability of the planter to pay the wage which the labourer can
earn in the open market. Lord Sanderson's Committee, by weighing
evidence collected from every responsible source, upset the demand
for supplying indentured labour to colonies asking for its extension
to new fields. We find but one exception, and as regards " an
experiment on a small scale," in Uganda, where the decrease of the
native population is " alarming," the Committee place on record
their opinion that it is not likely to be a financial success.
It is often the case that plenty of local labour can be obtained,
but that the willing native wants to return home to superintend
the sowing of his crops, or, as the employer puts it, "leave just
FIFTH SESSION 319
at the moment when he has become efficient." Yes, but leave, and,
all but invariably, return. Such labour makes for peace, and
should be encouraged. The supply of labour from Basutoland
and Bechuanaland to neighbouring colonies illustrates the best side
of the voluntary labour just described ; while that from Portuguese
East Africa to the Transvaal mines lies upon the borderland between
voluntary supply and that obtained by abuse of the power of
corrupted, chiefs. No supervision will avoid the occasional satis-
faction of private grudges, or the payment of commissions, and
no licensing of recruiters will invariably secure that these agents
will keep faith. Yet, where the supply of labour is partly local
and largely voluntary, a certain absence of the worst abuses is
secured by the greater facility in retaining labour enjoyed by
enterprises with the best reputation for good management.
India, like China, exports labour, but in India we have followed
a course wholly different from that adopted by other countries in
their dominions or, recently, by ourselves in colonies. M. Joseph
Chailley points out that " a native policy is a new aspect of colonial
policy," which " proposes itself a double end : to bring the native
population to furnish willingly abundant labour to European enter-
prise, and to prepare the native population to resign itself to the
domination of the stranger." But, according to the French writer,
we "in India have thought only of the second aspect of native
policy. . . . India is not and never has been a colony. She has
not . . . like the Dutch in Java and we French in Further India
and Madagascar, dreamt of bringing . . . colonists to be scattered
through the country, and as capitalists, founding or directing enter-
prises, needing the help of native labour." After naming the tea-
planters, M. Chailley goes on to write : " There are not agricultural
colonists in the plains, near the villages, disputing with these the
land and calling for the labour."
As regards Africa, the Powers have both moral and conventional
duties towards one another. Now, Africa is still by far the greatest
field of our inquiry : some hundred and twenty millions of negroes
in Africa find their present and their future absolutely at the mercy of
the policy of Governments in Europe.
It is difficult to present an accurate view of the obligations
solemnly incurred by the Powers who took part in the Partition,
after arranging with one another its conditions, unless we recall the
sequence of events.
The English are by no means the worst in recent tropical adminis-
tration ; but we can never forget that we were, little more than a
century ago, still the mainstay of the African slave trade, which for
three generations we have done much to put down. We have no
320 UNIVERSAL RACES CONGRESS
uniform policy in affairs concerning native labour, but Herr Dern-
burg, on behalf of the German Empire, paid us repeatedly the
highest testimony ever given in such matters by one nation to
another. French politicians reporting on the Colonial Budget have
called on France to imitate our policy and practice in those cases
where French colonies have been wrecked or endangered by corrupt
concessions happily avoided in the greater part of the French
dominions. The worst of French concessions were those granted
in the neighbourhood of the Belgian Congo to Franco-Belgian
companies, and a destructive policy, complicated in the "con-
ventional area" by defiance of international engagements against
monopoly, may be attributed to the Congo State under its late
ruler.
The " concessionary scandals " revealed in France in recent years
have led to a revival of sound principle in Paris and to a struggle
which is still raging. While paying insufficient regard to inter-
national obligation, already violated with impunity by the Congo
State, French statesmen reach our desired end by fresh consideration
of what France owes to her own reputation, and needs for her future
strength. It is seen that to break up the native organisation of
society in order to substitute ferocious individualism or a dead level
of the lowest form of competitive labour for absentee capital despoti-
cally represented by inferior agents on the spot is neither defensible
nor, in the long run, compatible with colonial prosperity. M. Messimy
in his two reports to the Chamber on the Colonial Budget and in his
book of 1910 has announced the devotion of his efforts to the
creation in France of " a colonial conscience." The share of France
in the African partition is geographically gigantic, and the enterprise
of her officers has caused the acceptance of her rule over a vast field
inhabited by races as diverse as those with which we have ourselves
to deal in India. " The task of France is the most difficult. The
peoples she has to rule are those in Africa who are nearest and
furthest from her civilisation." ..." The prodigious effort
required is the very cause of the enthusiasm with which many
Frenchmen have thrown themselves into the colonial work."
Frenchmen who are at the opposite pole from M. Messimy, and
profess exclusive regard to material interest, agree with him in
holding that it is impossible to retain such gigantic territories if
the institutions to which the natives cling are broken up and
replaced by practices universally odious.
In the second half of 1910 the French Ministry of the Colonies
published the new arrangement come to with those companies in the
French Congo of which there had been the heaviest complaint.
Apart from the special trouble on the Ivory Coast the complaints
FIFTH SESSION 321
have chiefly concerned the middle Congo and the Gaboon, where
seven millions of black people, out of thirty millions in the French
African colonies, are to be found in thickly populated areas. The
companies were forced into an agreement to give up a large
portion of territory improperly conceded in 1899; and this partly
on the ground that there had been a breach of the General Act
of Berlin.
The Gold Coast presents an example of complete knowledge of
the new facts as they affect a British colony. Behind the old settle-
ments, such as Cape Coast Castle, come the newer territories like
Ashanti, and then those " Northern Territories " which resemble the
Hinterland Protectorates of Northern Nigeria and of neighbouring
French and German possessions. There is a special law to protect the
natives against reckless concessions ; but a circular from the Colonial
Office, pointing out that grants of lands and other rights by chiefs
are not valid unless ratified, showed a year ago that alarm was
rightly felt at the rapid alienation to Europeans of tribal territory
held in trusteeship for the people. The case of one concession in
particular was brought before Parliament. It was forty miles long,
granted for ninety-nine years, and vouched for in the advertisements
as having received official guarantee. It appeared also to violate the
conditions laid down as to adequacy of consideration. The agitation
led to a despatch from the Secretary of State at the end of July,
couched in terms according with the views put forward in this essay ;
but at the end of December we do not yet know how far the stable
gate has now been shut. By the loss of the ultimate resources of
the colony local labour in the long run must become oppressed, even
though there be temporarily high wage and prosperity.
The practical lessons to be drawn from recent success and failure
are best studied in that part of West Africa where France is sand-
wiched between three British and two German coast tracts. The
most interesting diversities are those presented by the French and
British colonies in question, and many a moral might be drawn from
consideration of the peculiarities of some six of the Governments
concerned. Of the British colonies, the Gold Coast may be taken as
an example ; while the French range through the whole scale of
possible variety, from Senegal to the Gaboon or coast district of what
used to be "the French Congo." In Senegal the natives vote ; they
engage almost exclusively in their favourite old forms of oil culture ;
there are no concessions, and France reaps her profit in large trade.
In the Hinterland, the Government is military, but in its way as
good. In French Guinea, too much has been done through the
agency of the chiefs, who grind their people. The Ivory Coast is a
colony which once was as prosperous as the others, but has been
Y
322 UNIVERSAL RACES CONGRESS
thrown back by a hard administration, one incident of which was
the forced planting by each village of certain new kinds of crop. In
the long run the taxes went unpaid, and the people sold themselves
to traders till all the labour was virtually forced labour, and insur-
rection followed. In the middle Congo and the Gaboon there still
reign the great companies above named, who rid themselves of the
competition of our Liverpool merchants, but have now lost all real
hold of the country. Trade with France from the French Congo
has dwindled to a half of what it was a few years ago, and it is now
universally admitted that the whole concessionnaire principle has been
disastrous, as well as, to the natives, cruel. It is disagreeable to
have to add that one of the companies brought out by a new con-
cession is described as English. Another such is the Ivory Coast
Corporation, formed to acquire more than a thousand square miles in
absolute ownership.
We ourselves have no more completely escaped the granting of
concessions than have the Germans in the Cameroons.
There is no difference of opinion among those in general
sympathy with our views in Germany and France, as well as the
United Kingdom, that concessions are best avoided, but, where
granted, should be small in area, short in time, and subject to close
scrutiny and continual publication of facts. The interchange of
knowledge on the subject between the three great Governments
principally concerned is already active and might well be formal.
It may be right to add a warning against a rapid spread of
Government plantations. In the case of the Congo State, the rubber
plantations are large, and may carry with them a revival of com-
pulsion applied to labour on a considerable scale. Late in October
the introduction of a new form of virtual slavery in this shape was
placed on record as discovered in and near "the A.B.I.R." Not only
Congo reformers, but also Colonel Thys (" the Belgian Rhodes ")
oppose State plantations. Although our own operations in the
experimental growth of cotton are smaller and less dangerous, they
must be subject to the consideration that the risk of fall of price may
make it unreasonable to expect that the African native will plant
cotton without subsidy, or virtual compulsion. We cannot forget the
risk of creating an alarm among the industrious natives of our most
populous African protectorates. On our West Coast available labour
is fully occupied in the most remunerative form of agriculture or of
industry connected with it ; and the warning of the Ivory Coast is
there to show the danger of interfering rapidly with the long-settled
habits of a peaceful but vigorous population.
[Paper submitted in English.]
FIFTH SESSION 323
SUPPLEMENT TO SIR CHARLES DILKE'S
PAPER
By JOSEPH BURTT, Matlock (England).
THE racial problem was never more prominent than now. So far from the day
of the probation of the races being past, their struggle for supremacy has
become a thrilling drama watched by anxious nations. After ages of isolation
the yellow man has come forward and defeated a white nation ; and the negro,
a century ago either a slave in a foreign land, or living unknown in a remote
continent, is now free and demanding equality, or waking to progress in a land
partitioned among the European Powers.
How the negroid races shall be treated is a problem of cosmic importance,
demanding not only justice and wisdom, but an appreciation of ethnological
facts.
History with its surprises should teach us not to despise the so-called back-
ward races. Capacity may lie dormant for ages and yet awake under the
influence of suitable stimuli, as in the case of the ancient Greeks. The Zulus,
an eastern branch of the Bantu stock, and one of the highest types of the
negritic races, have been compared with those blonde barbarians who two
thousand years ago were despised by the Romans, but who to-day as Teutons
are among the leaders of civilisation.
Unlike the red man of America, or the Maori of New Zealand, the negro of
Africa appears to be an enduring, world race. His physical vitality, ready
emotionalism, and joy in life show a vital youth, as the hopelessness, lack of
fecundity, and joyless pursuit of materialism point to the declining age of more
advanced nations.
The black and white races cannot keep apart.
Africa is to the modern man what the Americas were to the Elizabethan.
Her wealth of gold, precious stones, ivory, rubber, oil, and cocoa is so great that
no perils can keep him from her shores. Once there he finds himself in a land
of mystery and death, where, surrounded by swarms of poisonous flies,
Beelzebub is over-lord. The sun strikes him by day and deadly diseases attack
him by night, and he has no strength to gather the treasure he covets. In his
need he turns for help to the enduring muscle, the thick skull, and the germ-
defying constitution of the negro. To-day, as blue-books testify, there rings
through all Africa a cry for coloured labour. To this cry the black man lends a
willing ear, for he, on his part, is fascinated by the cloth, beads, tools, and
even the learning of the white man.
It is here indentured labour becomes an important factor in the position.
The 1 20 millions of negroes in Africa, now under the rule of European
parliaments, are influenced by government, secular and religious education, and
by the mere proximity of whites. But probably the chief factor is the
relationship of employer and labourer.
This relationship in the past was slavery, for which crime the white man has
paid not only in self-degradation, but in the material outcome of wrong-doing,
as in America, where the results of slavery hang like an incubus over the
Southern States.
That the indentured labour system, now widely employed, is an enormous
advance on slavery no one can doubt who, like myself, has seen the happy
natives returning from the Transvaal mines at the end of their contract.
But, as in the case of Cuba, indentured labour may lead to grave abuses, and
become slavery in all but name ,- and this is the more to be dreaded that of late
324 UNIVERSAL RACES CONGRESS
years there has been a definite reaction from the strong anti-slavery feeling of a
century ago.
The methods of providing labour for the cultivation of cocoa in the islands
of S. Thome and Principe during the last twenty years illustrate the abuse of the
indentured system. During two years spent in Africa to investigate this case, I
visited the islands and travelled for months along the main labour route from
the interior. Lean and scarred natives, slaves in all but name, were to be seen
totteriifg under heavy loads ; in places the road was strewn with shackles, and
gruesome sights gave evidence of the cruelty connected with this so-called free
system. Dread of the slaver hung over the people like a cloud ; and the
pernicious traffic with its many ramifications struck at the root of honest trade
and progress.
That this took place under the Portuguese flag is not pertinent to our inquiry.
The Republican Government is doing its best to correct these abuses, and we
must remember they are the result of lawlessness of the white and helplessness
of the black— factors not confined to the colonies of any one nation.
The fact that the labour was sent to another colony of the same nation, that
the laws referring to it were just, and that the cultivation of cocoa is one of the
healthiest forms of agriculture, show what evils may arise from the system,
even when, as in this case, it has circumstances in its favour.
Let us clearly recognise that indentured labour has many inherent evils. It
takes the native from his home, often separates him from his family for a long
period, and tends to make him a landless unit, dependent on capital. It
operates in remote regions between parties incredibly unequal — the happy-go-
lucky black, and the determined white armed with the modern gun and
supported by experience, capital, and the tradition of power.
It is obvious that such a system must be watched with the utmost vigilance.
The recruiting must be absolutely free, the period of contract short, and the
native should return periodically to his home and family.
But while making the best of indentured labour, we should stretch forward
to a system in which the native himself practises industries or cultivates his
own land.
The successful administration of Senegal has been cited. Our own colony of
the Gold Coast is a further example, and is one of the most hopeful develop-
ments in Africa. There tribes who a few years ago were notorious for bloodshed
are now devoting themselves to agriculture. Such work is natural to the native,
is in accord with his best traditions, and is the most certain method of developing
character and educating him in habits of industry.
Added to this, such a system builds up a lasting and prosperous state, which
is at once easy to rule and profitable to the home government.
[Paper submitted in Etiglish.]
TRAFFIC IN INTOXICANTS AND OPIUM
By Dr. J. H. ABENDANON, The Hague,
Late Director of Public Instruction, &c.> in the Netherlands East Indies.
THE Committee of the Races Congress has done me the honour
of asking me for a paper concerning the traffic in intoxicants
and opium as between different races.
This paper, however, must be kept within certain narrow limits.
FIFTH SESSION 325
I can, therefore, pass over the doleful records of the past, when
the attractive name of " Eau de Vie" was invented as a euphemism
for intoxicating drinks, and as an apology for all the misery they
brought with them.
Nor is it necessary to speak of what happened in former times
in the various colonies, and in other countries where the European
races had some influence. The statement would have the appearance
of a sombre indictment, and would form a long enumeration of
lamentable facts which cannot be altered now.
Nor shall I dwell upon the different kinds of intoxicants and
the danger, greater or less, which each of them represents.
We can safely accept the point of view that all intoxicants are
dangerous unless they are used for medical purposes under
medical advice.
What we have stated concerning intoxicants holds equally of
opium. Not only is the use of this drug injurious in itself, but
it is still more so because the need of taking more and more
becomes imperious. The consumer of opium requires an ever-
increasing quantity to give him satisfaction, and when he cannot
afford to buy it, he will not shrink from using the basest means
to procure what he longs for. Opium enslaves the consumer.
We cannot, therefore, sufficiently insist on the necessity of
avoiding the dangers involved in the use of either intoxicating
liquors or opium.
Even those who do not consider intoxicants and opium
injurious, will have to confess that both are of no service to the
human constitution except in cases of illness. We positively know
that the use and abuse of alcoholic liquors and opium are closely
connected with, and, we may even say with confidence, are the
cause of loss of energy ; and loss of energy is loss of power, which
means ruin to individuals as well as to nations.
This being the case, is it not our duty, a most sacred duty, to
do all in our power to warn mankind of this fatal danger, and see
that all necessary measures are taken to avert it?
When we turn to the future, the question arises as to the task
in this direction of the different Governments, and of those who
think not only of their own profit, but also of the progress and
welfare of the nations with whom they come in contact. We
have also to consider the possibility of inducing exporters of
these dangerous products to join their efforts to those of Govern-
ments and reformers ; to change their trade if necessary for one
that is more in accordance with the principles of humanity ; and
especially to bear in mind, besides their own interest, the welfare
of those nations who are not yet in the full light of civilisation.
326 UNIVERSAL RACES CONGRESS
A most efficacious preventive measure is what is known as
the Rtgie, which enables Governments to decide the quantity
and quality of the articles to be sold, and to prevent any forcing
of the demand. The sale is too often forced when it is left to
any one who cares to take it in hand, or who has acquired a right of
monopoly from the Government.
Another means would be to impose heavy import duties ; but
this alone would not suffice, for it would only increase prices and
probably lead to adulteration. Still, this measure should certainly
be taken. It might have the effect of stopping the importation
altogether, not suddenly, but gradually, by diminishing the amount
every year.
Another way would be to prohibit the sale of these articles to
natives, or at least to limit it as much as possible.
Here, however, we must agree that, in countries where up to
the present day opium has been the only, or the most important,
agricultural product, these measures should be framed with due
care, so as to avoid economic disaster. Special care should be
taken, moreover, to prevent the substitution for opium of intoxicants
or other kinds of drugs, prepared from other plants or ingredients,
and producing similar effects such as morphine, the so-called
"anti-opium pills," hashish, and similar concoctions. We would
suggest also great care in regulating the use of palm-wine, which,
owing to the facility with which it can be prepared, is a real
danger.
However, it cannot be repeated too often and too emphatically :
nothing must be done by force. No violence will prevent those who
wish to drink from drinking, or those who wish to smoke from
smoking. The sufferer must be peacefully educated to resist those
stimulants because he knows that they are bad, and, in order not to
desire them, he must fully understand their effect. The very best
way of fighting the evil, therefore, is by a sound and widespread
system of public instruction. And this instruction must be of such
a character that the young may acquire an adequate knowledge of
the devastating influences of both intoxicants and opium, for the
mind as well for the body. When they have this knowledge, they
cannot fail to see and feel that the abuse of these stimulants is not only
injurious, but even wicked and immoral.
In order to inspire the young with this strength of will and
soundness of principle, it is absolutely necessary to choose their
teachers among men of solid character and high principles, since
their task is to educate as well as to instruct. Nothing conduces so
much to the material and intellectual progress of a nation as a most
extensive public education both of mind and character.
FIFTH SESSION 327
If the mind is developed, and the character formed, as we suggest,
the conviction will be no doubt so firm that it will not easily be
shaken. Examples should be given. Even what seems a little
exaggerated would do no harm at the outset.
The engravings sometimes seen in schools and at hygienic
exhibitions, which give an idea of the ravages caused in the human
frame by the abuse of spirits, such as enlargement of the stomach
and the heart, atrophy of the liver, dulness of the brain, general
enervation, weak muscles, &c., are well fitted to influence primitive
races, if at the same time they are made to appreciate the functions
and the importance of the principal organs in the human body,
especially of the brain. It should be well understood that the brain
cannot act in the way it should, and is expected to do, unless the
whole organism is normal and each part of the body functions
properly. To the engravings just mentioned might be added
photographs of confirmed opium-smokers looking like living
skeletons.
I should finally like to state, in regard to the preventive measures
referred to above: (i) In Norway the sale of intoxicants in small
quantities is forbidden, a measure which has helped to lessen the
amount of drinking. (2) In the Netherlands the number of public-
houses has been restricted, and the sale of spirits is only permitted
under special authorisation. On the other hand, there exist several
associations which encourage the cheap consumption of milk, coffee,
cocoa, broth, lemonade, &c., by establishing small kiosks in all direc-
tions, some even in solitary places in the suburbs of large towns.
(3) In China the cultivation of the poppy (papaver) is being
systematically restricted, with a view to prohibiting the production of
opium. The measures taken in this matter by the Chinese Govern-
ment are of great importance for the agricultural and economic
welfare of China, and so are the steps that are being taken in this
matter by other Governments, who are entering into a Conference
at The Hague in July of this year for this very purpose.
[Paper submitted in English.}
SIXTH SESSION
THE MODERN CONSCIENCE IN RELATION TO
RACIAL QUESTIONS (THE NEGRO AND THE
AMERICAN INDIAN}
THE WORLD-POSITION OF THE NEGRO AND
NEGROID
By Sir HARRY H. JOHNSTON, G.C.M.G., K.C.B., D.Sc.,
Formerly British Commissioner and Consul-General in Africa, &c.
BY negro must also be understood negroid, that is to say, any
human race, nationality, or people sufficiently tinged with negro
blood to display the negroid characteristics of a dark skin and a
spirally coiled hair. No existing type of the human species is so
markedly set off from the white or Caucasian division as the negro.
Any type of Mongol or Amerindian can mingle with a white race,
and a hybrid in the first generation will not be so alien or repellant
to the pure white type that it may not quickly and easily fuse into
the white community ; and, of course, the more the white inter-
marries with the Tartar, the Chinese, the Japanese, the Eskimo, the
Amerindian, or the Malay, the more those races are approximated
to the Caucasian group. Indeed, some comparative anatomists like
Professor W. H. L. Duckworth scarcely pretend to discriminate
anatomically between the white man, the Mongolian, or the Amer-
indian : merely between the Caucasian type and the Eskimo, which
last, though specialised in some directions, may be held to represent
very nearly the primitive Mongolian offshoot from the basal stock of
Homo sapiens. There is less racial bar between the Caucasian and
the Mongol than there is between the Australoid and the Caucasian.
Yet these two last named have freely intermingled, though, according
to anatomists, the Australoid type represents more nearly than any
328
SIXTH SESSION 329
other living human variety the Neanderthaloid man of Palaeolithic
Europe, and perhaps in a lesser degree the original basal form of
Homo sapiens t from which all existing human races, varieties, or
subspecies have been derived.
Thus we see in the peoples of Polynesia and of India the results,
ancient and modern, of a direct mingling between the Caucasian
and the Australoid, and these results, where they are more or less
free from any intermixture with the negro stock, constitute peoples
that, when their social status has been raised, have fused without
difficulty into the white world. For instance, a German planter
in Samoa might have children by a native woman, a Frenchman
likewise in Tahiti, or an Englishman by a New Zealand Maori,
and their male offspring not find any sensible colour bar standing
in the way of their marrying in turn white women of social status
equivalent to their own. There is more difficulty in this respect in
regard to India, simply because the whole Indian Peninsula (like
some of the Malay Islands and New Guinea) is permeated with
negro blood of the original Asiatic negro stock which we find
subsisting in a more or less pure form in the Andaman Islands, in a
few Nilgiri tribes of Southern India, in the Malay Peninsula and one
or two Malay Islands, and, above all, in the great islands to the
north-east of New Guinea and in New Guinea itself. The indigenes
of Tasmania, before they were exterminated by the British settlers,
probably exhibited the survival either of examples of the negro
stock in a stage very near to that at which it first diverged from the
Australoid form, or a more recent hybrid between the Oceanic
negroid and the Australoid. The peoples of New Caledonia, of
Fiji, the New Hebrides, many parts of New Guinea, the Philippine
Islands, and even Annam and Burma, are more or less tinged with
ancient negro intermixture, the degree ranging from an almost pure
negro form to the very faintest indications of negro affinities.
Consequently, it happens that many of the Eurasians derived from a
cross between certain Indian, South Asiatic and Western Polynesian
types are distinctly less pleasing to the racial prejudice of the pure
white man than would be an Amerindian half-breed or a cross
between a European and a Samoan or Maori, or between Japanese
and Chinese on the one hand and Europeans on the other ; but
simply for the reason that in the cross between the average Indian
or Malaysian and the white people, there is betrayed some negroid
characteristic which for deep-seated, unexplained reasons arouses an
inherent dislike in the absolutely pure-blood white people of Central
and Northern Europe, of North America, or of white Australia.
Herein lies, indeed (I believe), the explanation of the nearly-extinct
hatred of the Jew, and of the results of Jewish intermarriage, or of
330 UNIVERSAL RACES CONGRESS
the similar desire to decry the appearance of the offspring proceeding
from the rare unions between Nordic white men and Egyptian or
Moorish women : simply the fact that in the Jew, as in the Egyptian
and the Moor, there is a varying but still discernible element of the
negro, derived in the case of the Jew from the strong infusion of
Elamite blood, and in the case of the Moor, from the obvious con-
nection with negro Africa. The same remarks apply in certain
cases to the peoples of Southern Persia or Eastern Arabia, the negro
intermixture there being due not only to the Elamite element of
ancient times, but to the importation on a large scale of negro
slaves during the whole Islamic period.
Recent discoveries made in the vicinity of the principality of
Monaco, and others in Italy and Western France — all of them
analysed in the monograph on the skulls found in the grottoes of
Grimaldi, edited by Dr. Verneaux, of Paris, and published in 1909
by the Prince of Monaco — would seem to reveal, even if some of
their deductions are discounted and a few statements regarded as
erroneous, the actual fact that many thousand years ago a negroid
race had penetrated through Italy into France, leaving traces at the
present day in the physiognomy of the peoples of Southern Italy,
Sicily, Sardinia, Southern and Western France, and even in the
western parts of the United Kingdom of Great Britain and Ireland.
There are even at the present day some examples of the Keltiberian
peoples of Western Scotland, Southern and Western Wales, Southern
and Western Ireland, of distinctly negroid aspect, and in whose
ancestry there is no indication whatever of any connection with the
West Indies or with modern Africa. Still more marked is this
feature in the peoples of Southern and Western France and of the
other parts of the Mediterranean already mentioned. There is a
strong negroid element in the south of Spain and the south of
Portugal, but we are not entitled in default of other evidence to
assume that this is due to such an ancient negroid immigration as
seems to be indicated in France and Italy. Because, in the first
place, the repeated Moorish invasions of Spain obviously brought
thither a very considerable infusion of negro blood from the Nigerian
Sudan, while Portugal in the fifteenth and sixteenth centuries
deliberately imported negro slaves to do the agricultural work of
her southern provinces. Hitherto — I speak under correction — there
has been discovered no deeply-buried skull in Portugal or Spain
having the same obvious negroid characteristics as the skulls found
in ancient burial-places in Italy or in France.
Formerly, it was the fashion amongst anthropologists to attribute
the black-avised peoples of Western or North- Western Europe —
their dark hair, brown eyes, tendency to a swarthy skin, and
SIXTH SESSION 331
comparative length or shortness of limb bones and other anatomical
features — to the persistence in those regions of a strain of Neander-
thaloid or Palaeolithic man. And it was assumed that because the
modern black Australian is the nearest living representative of the
Neanderthaloid type, and at the same time is more or less of a
" black " man, the man of Neanderthal, Spy, Heidelberg, Krapina,
Galley Hill and the Correze must have been similarly black-skinned
or of a very dark brown skin colour, possessing likewise black hair
and brown eyes. It is permissible from the little we know to assume
that Homo primigenius was black-haired and had a brown or hazel-
coloured iris (blue-grey, no doubt, in newly-born children, as it
is so often with infant negroes and Asiatics), and there may have
been in this primitive type of man an occasional outbreak of
erythrism, or individuals with red hair and a light yellow iris ; but I
see no reason whatever to assume that the parent of the European
white man — the heavy-browed, slightly Simian type, which we now
know ranged over parts of North Africa, of Spain, and the greater
part of Europe — had a black or a dark-brown skin or had hair which
was flattened to an ellipse and inclined to be spirally twisted in
its growth. On the contrary, Homo primigenius, or, at any rate, the
Neanderthaloid type, may have had a skin like that of some chim-
panzees or of the orang-utan, ranging in colour from a dirty-white
to a yellowish-gray ; while the hair of his head and body, though
normally black, may have had a considerable tendency towards
brown. If this was the case, then it would seem as though the dark
strain of pigmented skin and curly hair which permeates so much
of Europe and Asia is due not to the retention of the Homo
primigenius element, but to the invasion of those regions in ancient
times by negro peoples emigrating from Southern Asia : the original
development area, as far as we can guess, of the negro subspecies.
Of course, in considering all points of view, we must bear in mind
that a section of the negro race — the Bushman element in South
Africa — is not black-skinned, but yellow, or yellow-brown ; while
certain tribes of Congo pigmies are a clear reddish-yellow ; and that
the majority of negro babies are born with a yellowish skin, which
only darkens into brown or black a few weeks after birth. These
facts, however, may only tend to show that the basal stock of
humanity was yellow-skinned, and that in the case of the negro
and negroid the yellow, as soon as the specialisation of this type
began, deepened rapidly into dark-brown or black. We know that
certain races of Amerindians absolutely devoid of any recent inter-
mixture with the negro, or of any other intermixture at any time,
have under conditions of local environment developed very dark-
coloured skins. The Bushman may possibly have retained the
332 UNIVERSAL RACES CONGRESS
original light-coloured skin of the negroid ancestor ; or, as in the
case of those Congo pigmies dwelling in the densest forests, have
under diverse conditions of environment eliminated much of the skin
pigment and become in course of time yellow-skinned instead of
dark brown. The tendency in the case of Congo pigmies is for
their skin colour to darken in the next generation which is born
under better conditions of life, and, above all, away from the deep
shade of the Congo forests. But it is probable that the light-coloured
skin of the Bushman is a very ancient feature. There are sparse
indications here and there that the Bushman type once inhabited
the valley of the Upper Niger and the adjacent plateaus, and also
parts of North-East and East Africa; and native traditions regarding
this vanished type assert that it was "red-skinned," that is to say,
sufficiently light in colour to be a contrast to the black or dark-
brown negroes who dispossessed it, yet at the same time sufficiently
sombre in tone to be remarked as "red-skinned" by the yellow-white
Fulas.
The nigrescence, therefore, of Europe, Asia, North Africa, and
Oceania may be due to the negro, who in many other respects is the
opposite pole to the white man. Gradually we seem to see approach-
ing a period in the segregation of humanity when there may be two
rival camps, black and white, though the black may have been
toned down to a pale brown and the white toned up to a warm
yellow.
But such an eventuality, with 800,000,000 of Dravidian or Mongo-
loid Asiatics and Amerindians to be absorbed into the white camp
would occupy such a lengthy period that the results which might
accrue from this division of the human species into two rival and
diverging types need not occupy the attention of practical men and
women at the present day. The point which this Congress may
prefer to discuss is the degree to which the negro and negroid may
make common cause with the white peoples, and the effect which
might consequently be produced by any considerable extension of
intermarriage.
The matter of skin colour, facial outline, and of hair texture, is
largely a question of aesthetics. If we could imagine some super-
human agency looking down on this little planet with a knowledge
and appreciation of things far superior to that possessed by the
wisest human being, we might hold it conceivable that such an
intelligence would either see that there was not a pin to choose be-
tween being pink-skinned or brown-skinned, that curly hair was no
uglier than straight hair, or a Wellington nose not more beautiful
than one of low bridge with widespreading nostrils : in short, that a
well-developed negro or negress was no uglier than a well-developed
SIXTH SESSION 333
white man or white woman, provided that both alike were good
examples of physical and mental efficiency. Such a being might
also happen to know that of which we are at present uncertain,
namely, that the negro originally — say forty thousand to ten thousand
years ago — had a greater innate feeling for art and music than his
white or yellow relations, equally with himself mere hunters of wild
beasts. There are sufficient indications not to prove, but certainly
to make not ridiculous, a theory which might attribute to the ancient
negroid permeation of Europe and Asia a love of music and a desire
to reproduce in painting, engraving, or sculpture the striking aspects
of beasts and birds or of human life.
It may be also that the negro has acquired in a severe struggle
against the micro-organisms of the Tropics a power of resistance to
certain diseases not as yet possessed by the white man or the yellow.
He has certainly been endowed by nature with a degree of race-
fertility probably surpassing that of the European, Asiatic, and
Amerindian living under conditions similarly unfavourable to the
struggle for existence. Those few scientific men in Britain, Germany,
France, the United States, and Brazil who have striven to understand
the anthropology of the negro, and to compare it with that of the
white man, are rather inclined than otherwise to argue now that the
negro and the negroid have contributed in the past, and still more may
contribute in the future, a very important quota to the whole sum of
humanity, an element of soundness and stability in physical develop-
ment and certain mental qualities which the perfected man of, let us
say, twenty-two or twenty-three centuries after Christ cannot afford
to do without. Such advisers would attempt to hold us back from
furious raging against racial intermixture, and above all, from any
policy of oppression or extirpation to which from time to time the
white man is prone when he thinks that the negro or negroid gets in
his way.
Some people claiming to be equally farsighted and superior to
the temporary prejudices of the human mind hold the theory that
the negro should never have been regarded as anything better than a
slave to the white peoples and to the yellow ; and that the enemies
of the perfect man of the future — those who would seek to delay the
advance of human perfection — are the philanthropists who in the
eighteenth and nineteenth centuries used their great influence to
forbid the slave trade, to abolish slavery, and to erect the negro into
the position of a citizen with no legal bar to his equality of standing
with the white man. These open foes of the negro are spiritually
the brothers of the persons who hold, or who have held in their past
writings, that we committed a fatal mistake when we introduced
European ideas of education into India.
334 UNIVERSAL RACES CONGRESS
These last are right, no doubt. When we commenced a hundred
years ago to spread education broadcast amongst our subject black
and yellow peoples, we sowed the dragon's teeth. We made it
possible for generations to come into being who should see the
world through our eyes, who should acquire our knowledge of good
and evil — that knowledge we had so painfully gained by a hundred
thousand years of martyrdom, of unremitting struggle with natural
forces — and should seek to apply to their own social and racial
troubles the solutions we had found so advantageous in our own case.
But the fact is, if these persons are right, that the mischief began,
not with the introduction of modern education into India fifty years
ago, or a hundred years ago, or, first, the setting free, and, secondly,
the missionary education of the natives of Africa and the negroes of
America, but with the mission and the teaching of Christ.
Jesus Christ had a notable forerunner in the person of Sakya-
Muni, the Buddha, whom some have supposed (like Christ Himself)
to have been of what is called conventionally " Aryan " stock ; that is
to say, descended more or less from that Nordic white race which has
been the principal channel of human improvement, the main fount of
world-moving ideas. Had Buddha's teaching not been swamped in
Mongolian petty-mindedness and Dravidian dreams, it might have
done the work of Christianity. Undoubtedly it was a revolt against
the caste prejudice of the Aryan, and its fundamental teaching was
the racial equality of all men. But its ultimate effect on Asia has
been of little purport. It has not prevented or even much mitigated
the horrible wars, massacres, and ravages which made Southern Asia
a perpetual battleground for the two thousand years preceding the
middle of the nineteenth century.
This long martyrdom of the brown and yellow peoples of Asia
was due primarily to the attempts of the white man — in the form of
Persian, Greek, Arab, Afghan, Portuguese, Frenchman, Dutchman,
and Englishman — to push the stubborn Mongol before him, and to
enslave more or less the weaker, more negroid, Dravidian populations ;
a task in which the Buddhist Mongol, whenever he was permitted to
take a hand, showed himself quite as ruthless as the Muhammadan
or mediaeval-Christian white man. But, strange to say, the teaching
of Christ and His apostles — however much it might be overloaded
with dogma as silly as those of Asia and Africa, and myths no more
precious in our modern eyes than those of the more primitive
religions — has possessed some unconquerable surviving influence,
which began to make itself felt from the end of the fifteenth century
in the humanitarian teachings of both Catholic and Protestant.
These doctrines prevailed sufficiently on the public opinion of the
white world not only to hold back the white man (when he had the
SIXTH SESSION 335
power) from exterminating or dehumanising the dark-skinned races
which had become subject to him ; but prevailed even to force him to
extend the gospel of Christ to those peoples, to regard them theoreti-
cally as equally men with his own race, and, above all, to give them the
advantages of a European education.
For aught I know, the teaching of Christ may have been the
work of reactionary Nature : judging from the writings of not a few
amongst my fellow-countrymen and others in the United States and
in Germany, it must have been a wrong idea, since its practical
application would inevitably tend to draw all branches of the human
race together, with the ultimate result of racial fusion, of equal
privileges for all human beings possessing the same degree of edu-
cation, of moral and physical worth.
On the other hand, the coming and the teaching of Christ may
have been the most remarkable event in the history of the human
species since man emerged definitely from apehood ; and the logical
carrying out of Christian principles may lead not only to the gradual
extinction of race-hatred, envy, and malice, but more quickly to the
formation of the perfect man than might be brought about under
other religious systems.
According to the nearest estimate one can make, there are at
present about 135,000,000 of negroes and negroids in the world, as
contrasted with 575,000,000 of white or Caucasian people, about
520,000,000 yellow or Mongolian, 300,000 Dravidians, &c. (dark-
skinned, straight-haired, well-featured Asiatics, compounded mainly
of Caucasian and Australoid elements), and 10,000,000 Amerindians
(who are probably an ancient mingling between the Caucasian and
the Mongol).
Of these 135,000,000 negroes and negroids, some 109,000,000 live
in Africa, 24,000,000 in the New World, and perhaps 2,000,000 in
India, the Andaman Islands, Malay Peninsula, Philippines, New
Guinea, the Bismarck Archipelago, Neu Pommern, and Oceania
generally. It is noteworthy that with the doubtful exception of the
Mongolian (as represented by the very mixed population of Japan,
an Empire which contains much " white " blood of ancient stock over
an Asiatic negroid strain), the negro is the only non-Caucasian race
which has so far furnished rivals to the white man in science, the
arts, literature, and mathematics. So far — excepting a few Dravi-
dians, Amerindians, and Japanese, all of these half-brothers of the
white man — the other peoples of Asia, Africa, Oceania, and abori-
ginal America have kept themselves to themselves, and have never
ventured to compete with the white man in his own sphere. But a
negro has now been to the North Pole, and there are famous negro
or negroid painters, musicians, novelists, botanists, legists, philologists,
336 UNIVERSAL RACES CONGRESS
philosophers, mathematicians, engineers, and general officers whose
work is done in the white world and in emulation with the first
talent of Europe and America. Here on the French Riviera, where
this paper is being finished, negro chauffeurs are much en evidence
because of their skilful and careful driving.
The negro will probably die out in Asia (though leaving in the
new peoples of Polynesia and Malaysia and India an ineffaceable
trace of his former presence in the land) ; but in Africa and in
America he has a very important part to play, and he may even
permeate the life of Europe in the coming centuries.
France has become an African Power of the first magnitude, with
a negro army of forty thousand men. Britain and Germany look
more and more to Africa for their commerce and the raw material of
their industries. The ten million negroes and negroids in the United
States occupy in that country a position of capital importance in
industry and agriculture.
[Paper submitted in English.]
NATIVE RACES OF SOUTH AFRICA
By J. TENGO JABAVU, Kingwilliamstown, South Africa.
AT the extreme south of Africa, co-extensive with and outside the
Union, there exists a large population of aborigines, estimated,
approximately, at six million. They have proudly arrogated to
themselves the name Bantu (people), in the same manner as the early
Aryans assumed their name. Those who do not answer to this
description are superciliously designated either by their colour or
by some striking peculiarity in their physique. Thus the now extinct
Bushmen (Batwa) and decayed Hottentots, whom the Bantu met about
three or four centuries back in their noiseless but certain migration
from the north to the south, they contemptuously described as ama
Lawu and Abatwa by reason of their diminutive stature, and the
white man was called Umlungu after the colour of his skin.
Abantu readily divide themselves into two great families —
Abesutho and Abantu — about equal in numbers, the abe and aba in
both words being the plural nominative form, and the root word being
tho and ntu. What divides them is their language, the one being as
different from the other as German is from Dutch. They would
appear to have moved down along parallel lines, the Bantu hugging
the east coast, while the Besutho kept to the central table-land, the
language of the latter being greatly affected by the negro races they
met or assimilated along their course.
SIXTH SESSION 337
They were a strong, healthy, virile people, devoted to the chase,
and depending on their domesticated animals for their livelihood,
They appear to have evolved political organisations and systems of
law and jurisprudence that observers sometimes deem superior to
those that European civilisations have developed, notwithstanding
the old civilisations of the latter. The fact that their laws and legal
practice have sustained them through the long dark night that has
enveloped Africa, and that the dawn finds them healthy and strong,
free from malignant, infectious diseases of the blood, and other
plagues so common to civilised communities, is added testimony to
the effectiveness of their code of morals and mode of life. It is
generally conceded that in their original state the standard of
morality was very high — so high that crimes of personal violence
between the sexes had become so rare that delinquencies were
punishable by death. That they were thoroughly inured to law and
order is evidenced by their famed docility and law-abiding character,
while ready obedience to authority is to this very day rendered,
at the instance of the chief or headman, without the need of any
local police.
As to strong drink, their habits were uniformly temperate.
Although they had their native beer, of little alcoholic strength,
it was partaken of only by the grown-up and middle-aged men.
To young men and the womenfolk it was entirely prohibited. This
fact may also serve to indicate the stage reached by their legislation
in regard to a matter that is still exciting the curiosity and exercising
the ingenuity of civilised legislatures throughout the world.
In regard to religion they had a deep veneration for a Great
Omnipresent, Omnipotent Unknown, and the spirits of their departed
fathers were supposed to plead in their behalf concerning all the
circumstances of their life. No temples were consequently reared.
They neither worshipped the spirits of their fathers, as is commonly
supposed, nor was their faith pinned to creatures " in the heaven
above, or that are in the earth below, or that are in the water under
the earth." In their customs may be discerned much of what one
reads in the Pentateuch.
Possibly owing to their pastoral pursuits they reared no sub-
stantial cities ; nor did they acquire the art of writing. What
cultivation of the soil there was, sufficed for their immediate
requirements.
Such was the condition of these people when the white man came
into contact with them, with his paraphernalia of civilisation. The
ruling powers among the Europeans did not then, as now, passion-
ately give themselves over to improving the conditions of their
new wards. Content with getting from them what taxes they could
z
s
338 UNIVERSAL RACES CONGRESS
exact, they were satisfied with a policy of laisser-faire. Colonists
were on the whole not cruel to the natives, although so much may have
been made of occasional cases of inhumanity, as to eclipse much of
what was good.
To this day, however, one is afraid the average South African
European's concern for the native does not go beyond exploiting
his labour for his own benefit and advantage. In other spheres
he betrays a hardly justifiable dread of him as a possible competitor
and superior. The tendency is thus to elbow the Bantu out in what
is believed to be self-defence, although to the cool and unprejudiced
thinkers South Africa is large and quite capable of containing twice
the population of Great Britain without harm to any particular
race or individual. Indeed, it seems to be the paucity of the
European population, with the inevitable short and circumscribed
outlook, that is the bane of South Africa. Affairs have a tendency
to be regarded from a personal point of view. The smaller the
hamlet, village, or town, the more pronounced are the prejudices
and antagonisms towards the aboriginal races ; while the larger the
cities the more liberal and tolerant the atmosphere towards these
people. The net result of the policy of regarding, or treating, the
aborigines as merely beasts of burden has been graphically
described by Mr. Merriman, one of the most intellectual statesmen
in the Union Parliament, who, from his seat in the House, recently
observed : —
" The House little thought what was being done ; there were
200,000 on the mines alone, most of them barbarians, from all
parts of South Africa gathered together, breaking down their
tribal customs, being brought into contact with the most un-
desirable sort of white men. They picked up the white man's
vices and took them back to their kraals, things never dreamed
of before. The responsibility lay upon them as the superior race,
and must give every Government the greatest concern, and give
all members food for thought. They should remember that
Johannesburg was a criminal university for these natives. Every-
thing lay in the way these people were treated."
It is, however, conceded that the Government is doing its best
to cope with this peculiar situation, but as yet no distinctly
constructive policy for the amelioration of the condition of the
natives on the mines has been subjected to the test of time ; nor,
beyond the regulation for recruiting labour, has the administration
attempted any measures for bettering the condition of the Bantu
in the way of education, promoting their happiness and content-
ment, and making it easy for them to do right and difficult to do
wrong.
SIXTH SESSION 339
The Parliamentary franchise is conceded to natives in a limited
form only in the Cape Province, while the Bantu in three other
Provinces of the Union are voteless. The consequence is that the
members from the latter only regard themselves as mouthpieces
of the whites and care not for the rights and interests of the blacks.
It is easy to see that the upshot of this in the long run will be the
oppression of the Bantu in those Provinces.
Christian missionaries and missions have so far been the sole
philanthropic agencies operating on the primitive conditions of Bantu
life. They have been labouring among the people for little short of a
century, but have scarcely touched the masses. Of the 6,000,000
it would be safe to say that only half a million have been influenced
by them. And it is only now being discovered by missionaries them-
selves that in pushing on their propaganda they have not always been
as wise as they were benevolent. Coming with preconceived notions
that they were sent to a barbarous society, they began by denouncing
and pulling down every organisation they found in order to rear
Christianity on the ruins thereof. No time appears to have been
devoted to studying and cataloguing what was good in the tribal laws
and customs of the people, with a view to eliminating what was bad
and retaining the good. The saving principle in all teaching, of
passing from the known to the unknown, was lightly flung to the
four winds of heaven. The result has been more or less a breaking
up of Bantu society, which now requires earnest and hearty workers
to reconstruct it, even from the missionary point of view. Mean-
time those still uninfluenced are shrinking from an agency that has
wrought such evils, and progress is, as it were, blocked for the time
being. Here is the conclusion of a missionary of some years' standing
on the results up to date. The Rev. W. Y. Stead, of St. Philip's
Mission, Grahamstown, says in a letter to a newspaper : —
" It is a great pity that the unhinderable advance of the native
races, however slow, could not have been by the development of their
own ethics, under the ancient organisation of the clan under the chief,
and by helping them to assimilate, as they went forward, what suited
their state, in acceptable selections out of the civilisation of Europe ;
instead of being forced by the crushing power of our strange laws to
enter into a condition of mere rapid imitation of what we think is our
best, and becomes in them their worst, raising antagonisms and
hatred against the white race, or at least irritation instead of trust.
" As I travelled down these many hundreds of miles from the
border of Natal, the gradual increase of the influence of our white
manners was very visible in many various ways, both among the men
and women. The men are now more apt and shrewd, because more
educated, with the enlarged intelligence that comes by contact with
340 UNIVERSAL RACES CONGRESS
the long, widely experienced and scientific people who are now ruling
as conquerors. There is no increasing degradation as a people ; there
are some lost individuals indeed among them ; but as a people they
have not deteriorated ; there is no sign of degeneracy in them as
a race physically. The Batwa are passed away. The Hottentot
tribe, too, is passing away altogether, even in the double-blood fusion
of the throng bearing among them many old and honoured names of
Holland and France who followed Adam Kok. But the brown race,
the Aba Ntsundu, have force of character and stamina of breed ; they
have not gone down in physique or lessened in numbers. The white
man cannot take his arms of precision and blow them off the face of
South Africa. Here they must remain. We shall have them always
with us, or they will have us."
The question of what can be done to uplift the Bantu is of great
importance in the interests of all in South Africa, as the influence
of race acts and re-acts mutually. The hope seems to be in
education. Education of a kind there is. It is occasionally advertised
by imposing statistics, but it is feared much of it is of the character
which gives painful demonstration of the dangers of a little education.
Nor is the bulk of its recipients keen on acquiring and profiting
by it. The solution of the problem seems to consist in instructing
the masses in the vernacular, while concentrating on the few who
are to be the leaders and uplifters of the rest. Dr. Stewart, of
Lovedale fame, was wont to say " Light came from above," meaning
that the masses were to be enlightened and helped by certain
educated luminaries of their race ; and the immediate task was to
train and equip such well. The efficacy of this policy is demonstrated
by a native, here and there, who has outstripped his fellows after
breaking the chains of environment and drinking deep in education.
Such have made a favourable impression not only on their fellows,
but also on their European neighbours. They have, moreover,
proved, beyond the shadow of a doubt, that if a Native College
were, as is proposed, established to provide a hundred or two
well-educated instructors of their people, what looked like an
insoluble problem would disappear. On this head a coloured writer
recently said :—
"What we have to do is to act for ourselves. In proportion,
as our facilities for education are diminished, our efforts on our own
behalf must be increased. We must, individually and collectively,
do our utmost to see that our people receive the fullest opportunity
possible for self-improvement. . . . What we want is a large body
of highly trained educationalists of our own people, and these could
be gradually secured if we had a fund for assisting deserving young
men to obtain the necessary assistance at some qualified College."
SIXTH SESSION 341
But the College is the pressing need, and the Universal Races
Congress has a capital opportunity to give needed help to their
weaker brothers in South Africa by espousing and furthering the
appeal of the South African Native Races for the raising of
the remaining £10,000 to train native talent for the great task
of uplifting its people. The sum required for the establishment
of the College, even on a moderate scale, is £50,000. Including
the value of the site, the following amounts have been already
received or promised : —
From European sources £22,500
From Native sources I7»75o
Total ... £40,250
A further sum of ,£10,000 is thus required.
There is now, as has been said, a pressing need of adequate
provision for the training of native teachers for secondary and higher
education for natives capable of taking advantage of it. Such
teachers cannot secure the required training in South Africa, and
have to look to England and America, a system which has been
found disadvantageous. The old tribal system is breaking down.
With it go the wholesome restraints of tribal law and custom
and morality. The results have already been extremely disastrous.
Many natives have been demoralised and ruined, and the effects
on the white community have been scarcely less deplorable. At
this stage the guidance which really educated natives would be able
to give to their people might well be of great value. These natives
might train their people to meet the new conditions of civilised life,
teaching them also improved methods of agriculture and industry.
If the first Races Congress succeeds in helping on the inaugura-
tion of the first Native College in South Africa, it will impress
itself indelibly on the future of the aboriginal races, as having
thrown itself heartily into the laudable effort of ushering in the
Dawn into what has long remained in truth the Dark Continent.
[Paper submitted in English.]
THE WEST AFRICAN PROBLEM
By Pastor MojOLA AGBEBI, D.D., Lagos,
Director of the Niger Delta Mission.
General. — The appropriation of the tropical parts of Africa by
the European nations has added one more to the race problems
confronting Europe. From the African standpoint the African
problem presents a twofold aspect — one relating to the question
342 UNIVERSAL RACES CONGRESS
involved as affecting the European ; another as affecting the African
himself. The problem for the European obviously involves the
objects he has in view in assuming the government of Tropical
West Africa, and the means for attaining that object. Such objects
resolve themselves into ends political and economic, embodying
political sway and a process of commercial or industrial development
designed to benefit both the ruler and the ruled. On the African
side the problem chiefly relates to the effect which the close contact
and dominating influence of Europe will exert upon the African
living under primitive conditions, whose mode of life is entirely dis-
similar to that of the European, if not actually opposed to it. The
resultant effect of bringing two dissimilar life-problems into contact
and collision must necessarily be far-reaching, and disturb not
a little the morals and the social arrangements of a people whose
simple lives and indigenous characteristics render them liable to
be easily affected. It is this effect upon his morals, his idea of
society, and his view of an All-Father which vests the expropriation
of Tropical Africa by the nations of Europe with a problem for the
African. The problem is accentuated by the fact that it is the
foundation and vital part of African life that is thus affected.
The problem, however, with its many complexities and com-
plications, offers an easy way of being solved successfully if only
a measure of sincerity, earnestness, and particularly sympathy is
brought to bear on the solution. The tractable character of the
African, and his having lived under political systems different from
the European organised systems of rule on a large scale, combined
with a possible indifference here and there to formal governments,
ought to make the political object of the European nations easy
of attainment. The one essential feature in the premises would
be to make the political yoke as light as possible, in order that
it might not bear too heavily upon a people quite unaccustomed
to it. The difference between the social laws and institutions of
Africa as contrasted with those of Europe, and exemplified in
the absence from the former of policemen and detectives, bolts
and bars, ought to suggest the prudence of modifying social methods
which carry such factors as accessories. The absence of any arrange-
ment for enforcing compulsory restraint denotes emphatically order
and right living on the part of the people sought to be governed.
It would seem that the simplicity of the political part of the problem
for the European is really what has rendered it complex and
bewildering for him. Accustomed to a regime of government
altogether different, which calls for the exercise of restraint
as its chief controlling factor, the European finds it difficult to
divest himself of prejudice to European ways in his dealing with
SIXTH SESSION 343
the African. And this prejudice is sustained, as it were, by reason
of the fact that European rule over the African is based upon
the principle of might, from which the idea of force is inseparable.
Circumstances alter cases, however, in every domain of human energy
and activity, and if this idea were prominently kept in view the
solution of the political problem to which Europe is committed
in regard to Tropical Africa would be rendered much more easy.
If Europe could realise that its political r61e in Tropical Africa
entailed dealing with a new and altogether different set of circum-
stances which chiefly called for the exercise of sympathy and patience
to study and understand, and the readiness to deal with them upon
the basis of the knowledge gained of them, there can be no doubt
that the problem would be solved in both its political and economic
aspects to the advantage of both European and African.
The exercise of sympathy and patience would avail to bring the
European and African closer together, thus promoting that unity and
co-operation which are essential and indispensable, imparting con-
solidation to European rule, and communicating stimulus and
progress to economic development.
The cardinal essential in both cases is the cultivation of knowledge
of the African ; such knowledge as is calculated to engender respect
and consideration for him and his institutions. Where such knowledge
is acquired, it will reveal the effects which the complex and artificial
systems of European life are calculated to produce upon the moral
and other conditions of a people addicted to simple living. The lack
of knowledge of the effects wrought, and the unremitting help lent
them in consequence, have invested the African problem with
grave consequences for the African. The introduction of the usages
and institutions of European life into the African social system has
resulted in a disordering and a dislocation of the latter which
threatens to overthrow the system altogether and produce a state
of social anarchy. Dire evidence of the resultant social chaos is to
be found in the total breakdown of parental control, and the advent
of a life of wild licence mistakenly taken to mean the rightful
exercise of the rights and prerogatives of individual liberty, as
defined and permitted under the customs and usages of European
life. This fatal mistake, with the fundamental fallacy it involves of
abnegating African social laws on the part of Europeanised Africans,
growing out of the dislike and contempt for which unfamiliarity with
African customs on the part of the European is largely responsible,
comprises a phase of the African problem which calls urgently for
attention and consideration. Social organisations are the outgrowth
of a people's life, and, founded more or less upon innate racial charac-
teristics, are incapable of being transferred from one people of a
344 UNIVERSAL RACES CONGRESS
certain type to another of a different type and condition. The
phrase " state of transition " usually applied to people who are sup-
posed to be affected by passing social conditions, but who really are
in the unfortunate dilemma of having their social order of life dislo-
cated by the introduction of a foreign order, really implies a state of
transition from a regular order of life ingrained in a people and
practised by them, to a social whirlpool of confusion and disorder,
where there is not sufficient material for, or the materials which
exist do not contribute to, social reconstruction. On the other hand,
there is the powerful and irresistible current of man's wild will and
passions arrayed against reconstruction and social regulation. It is
conceivable what a state of social anarchy means in the sense of
moral deterioration, with its concomitant of physical impairment.
By most positive and impressive evidences the African has come to
feel that this is the heritage which the African problem entails for
him, a heritage due to lack of knowledge of and contempt for his
institutions and customs, and also for the life- problems founded upon
these customs and institutions.
Inter-racial Marriage. — No un-Europeanised native of Tropical
Africa seeks intermarriage with white people. Commercial inter-
course and other unavoidable contact with white people may lead to
a progeny of mixed blood, but no Tropical African pure and simple
is inclined to marry a European or appreciates mixed marriages.
Segregation. — The fad of segregation in social gatherings and
religious worship recently brought into prominence by the imprudent
and impolitic among white people is not distasteful to the un-
Europeanised African. The great Architect of the Universe has
originally " determined the bounds of the habitation " of every race
of man. The African has not overstepped those bounds to seek
fellowship, social, religious, or otherwise, with white people. It is a
matter of ridicule to the African therefore that white people should
not only trespass into Africa, but come there to propound the
doctrine of segregation which Nature has all along placed boundless
seas and countless barriers to indicate. The unsophisticated African
entertains aversion to white people, and when, on accidentally or
unexpectedly meeting a white man he turns or takes to his heels, it
is because he feels that he has come upon some unusual or unearthly
creature, some hobgoblin, ghost, or sprite ; and when he does not
look straight in a white man's face, it is because he believes in the
" evil eye," and that an aquiline nose, scant lips, and cat-like eyes
afflict him. The Yoruba word for a European means a peeled
man, and to many an African the white man exudes some rancid
odour not agreeable to his olfactory nerves.
Moreover, Europeans are regarded as plague carriers. The
SIXTH SESSION 345
plagues hitherto known to the people of Tropical Africa are very few,
and are subject to already known treatments ; but the advent of an
influx of Europeans is regarded with evil foreboding by a great many,
owing to the plagues and diseases that follow in their wake, and to
which Africans are strangers. Witness bubonic plague, syphilis,
cholera, and others.
Secret Societies. — Secret societies are many in Africa, and are
founded for many and various reasons. If carefully investigated, it
will possibly be discovered that the secret societies of Europe and
other Western peoples took their rise from Africa.
The rites and ceremonies of some secret societies in Africa tally
in a large measure with some of those in Europe, and while many
secret societies in Europe can show no greater uses than occasional
deeds of benevolence, post-mortem benefactions, encouraging temper-
ance and thrift, some secret societies in Africa are cults for initiation
into the mysteries of womanhood, for teaching the art of midwifery
and motherhood, to inaugurate funeral obsequies, to inculcate the
principle of immortality or life after death, some to fulfil the role of
a national court of appeal, some to protect trade, others to preserve
national pedigree or tribal dignity, some to assist men, others to
assist women, and all for, as believed by the promoters, the general
well-being of society. Freemasonry in its most exalted degrees can
show no better or more innocent rites than those of some of the
secret societies of Africa. The principle is the same. Even when
their deeds may not be branded as evil, " men love darkness rather
than light " for secret society purposes. The more a man proceeds
to the higher degrees in Freemasonry the more undignified, should I
not say degraded, are the rites he has to perform, and Freemasonry is
regarded as a European production and not African. Freemasonry
as a secret society excludes women from its membership ; but in
Africa there are not only secret societies formed of and by men, but
there are also secret societies formed of and by women. Sometimes
a place of importance in a man's secret society is filled by a woman.
In Freemasonry even men who are not members are not admitted
into its lodges ; but in the Egungun and the Oro, African secret
societies in the Lagos district, men of whatever colour and clime can
enter the grove and pass free and unmolested through a whole town
which is " under orders " from one or other of these secret
societies.
Human Sacrifice. — Human sacrifice in Africa is based on strictly
religious principles. There is no wanton massacre of human lives or
uncalled-for immolation of men. European intervention has put a
stop to it in many parts. But it should be understood that it repre-
sents the highest of human motives, though Self-sacrifice — the sacrifice
346 UNIVERSAL RACES CONGRESS
of one's self — is superior to it Self-sacrifice, however, is also human
sacrifice. Christianity is based on human sacrifice, its Founder being
" the Lamb slain from the foundations of the world."
Ancestral and Hero-worship. — Ancestral and hero-worship, styled
" heathenism " or " fetishism," abound in many parts of Nigeria.
Respect for the aged and for all who are older than one's self is a
cardinal virtue in Tropical Africa. Shango, Oya, Shoponna of the
Yorubas, Atakunmosa Obokun, lyarere, Oluwashe of the Ijeshus
were national heroes, and on the Niger Delta every family has its
ancestral fane. The worship of these may or may not be accom-
panied with visible or material symbols, and Jesus Christ is the
highest type of a hero.
Witchcraft. — To the man of Tropical Africa European spiri-
tualism is a form of witchcraft, and hypnotism, mesmerism,
telepathy, mind or thought reading, mental attraction, clairvoyance
or second sight, black arts, the evil eye, conjuration of Satan,
low occultism, charms, spells, poisoning, &c., are all comprised
under what the man of Africa calls " witchcraft," and, except
for European intervention, are more or less visited with the
death penalty whenever the exercise of them raises suspicion of
criminality.
Cannibalism. — Cannibalism is not general in Africa. What led
some communities to institute a sacrifice of human victims led other
communities to go a step further and turn the sacrifice into what they
consider profitable use by solemnly partaking of it as a sacrament.
In some cases victims of human sacrifice consider it more honourable
to be eaten by men to whom they are supposed to be imparting some
virtue or for whom they are fulfilling some indispensable and impor-
tant function, than to be devoured by senseless and ignominious
worms. The eating of human or non-human flesh differs only in
kind, and human flesh is said to be the most delicious of all
viands ; superior in culinary taste to the flesh of either bird, beast,
fish, or creeping things. Christianity itself is a superstructure of
cannibalism. The Founder of the Faith is recorded to have said,
" Except ye eat the flesh of the Son of man, and drink his blood,
ye have no life in you." In administering the Lord's Supper to
converts from cannibalism I have often felt some uneasiness in
repeating the formula, " Take, eat, this is my body," and the other
" This is my blood."
Marriage in Africa. — Plural marriage is the social law of
Africa. It is the basis of political economy and human happiness
in the country. Single marriage is sin in Africa, and plural marriage
is righteousness. The woman inherits her husband's property in
Europe ; but in Africa woman is property, and is subject to in-
SIXTH SESSION 347
heritance as other property. It is on record in the Christian
Scriptures that —
" There were with us seven brethren ; and the first, when he had married a
wife deceased, and having no issue, left his wife unto his brother. Likewise the
second also, and the third, unto the seventh. And last of all the woman died
also. Therefore in the resurrection whose wife shall she be of the seven ? for
they all had her."
She was their property. In the social and religious economy of
Africa, therefore, it would be wise to recognise the social laws of
the country and to deal with plural marriage as the foundation
of the home and, consequently, of abiding welfare in the country.
In Tropical Africa no un-Europeanised woman desires to live alone
in her husband's house. She prefers to have company, and often
plans and paves the way for such company. So-called " holy matri-
mony " has placed human life in jeopardy in Africa. " In the midst
of life we are in death." By single marriage many marriage beds
have been defiled and " holy matrimony " rendered unholy by the
unrestrained and criminal liberties taken by monogamic husbands
under the sanction of European law, while their children are in
the womb and while they are at the breasts. Men are reduced
below the level of the brutes that perish.
The doctrine of plural marriage in Africa does not stand in
the way of the progress of womanhood in any of the activities
of human life. Careful and sympathetic inquiry will reveal the
fact that women have not only been rulers, leaders, " mothers in
Israel," priestesses and heroines in Africa, but have also been
deified after their death and worshipped by men and women alike.
The homage paid to womanhood in Africa is the homage of worth,
not of words, of love not of law. Unless perhaps as a religious
leader, officer or functionary, or as a man of poor means, the African
as a rule will publicly or privately always be a polygamist.
Islam. — Islam has been up to the present not less than one
thousand three hundred years in Africa. Christianity, the earliest
European form of it, is not much above one hundred years old.
Ought not Christianity to learn from her older and more experienced
rival ? May not a man learn even from an enemy ? Islam in
Africa is a demonstrative and attractive faith. It is a religion,
the only religion which, besides Christianity, boasts of a literature
that lays claim to Divine inspiration. Both the Christian and
Moslem scriptures promise material joys to the faithful after death
— " golden streets," " pearly gates," " beauteous maidens." Chris-
tianity and Islam have many things in common, and many of our
own relatives and friends are followers of the prophet of Mecca,
as some of us are followers of Jesus of Nazareth. Islam is a per-
348 UNIVERSAL RACES CONGRESS
manent faith in Africa. Its calls to prayer, its manner of praying,
its annual fasts, its annual feasts, which are all subject to ocular
demonstration, appeal to high and low alike from day to day.
Its adaptation to the social laws, domestic arrangements, religious
aspiration, political ambition, intellectual aptitude, mental energy,
and racial instincts of the people, is no longer a matter of dispute.
The African is no big child, no child-race, according to the current
expression of some Europeans ; but a full-fledged man in the
" eternal providence " of the world. He may be a child in respect
of European greed and aggrandisement, European subtlety and
guile, European trespasses and sins ; but he is not a child to his
creation or to the law of his being.
Five times a day from turrets and minarets Islam's call to
prayer startles Africa, demanding attention from dawn to dark,
and Christianity in its best form, whatever that may be, has not
presented a formula more arousing than
Rise, ye believers !
Prayer is better than sleep,
Prayer is better than sleep.
The object of the Universal Races Congress is to cultivate mutual
knowledge and respect between Occidental and Oriental peoples,
including even the lowliest ones. The triumph of the principles
for which the Congress stands will, I believe, go a long way towards
the solution of the African problem.
[Paper sttbmittcd in English.]
THE NEGRO RACE IN THE UNITED
STATES OF AMERICA'
By Dr. W. E. B. DuBoiS, New York,
Late Professor of History and Political Economy in Atlanta
University, United States.
THERE were in 1900 in the United States and its dependencies
8,840,789 persons of acknowledged Negro descent To-day the
number is probably ten millions. These persons are almost entirely
descendants of the African slaves brought to America in the
sixteenth, seventeenth, eighteenth, and nineteenth centuries.
I. The Slave Trade. — The African slave trade to America arose from the
desire of the Spanish and other nations to exploit rapidly the resources of the
New World. The attempt to use the native races for this purpose failed
because of the weakness and comparative scarcity of the Indians. Conditions
1 Owing to its special value, this paper is published in full ; but owing to its great length
and the limited space at our disposal, it appears in smaller type. — EDITOR.
SIXTH SESSION
349
in Africa, on the other hand, favoured the organisation of the slave traffic. A strong
Negro-Arabian civilisation in the Soudan had forced back the barbarians to the
fever-cursed Centre and West, and there the stronger and fiercer Bantu and
other nations dominated and enslaved the weaker tribes. The coming of the
Portuguese in the middle of the fifteenth century was the occasion of trans-
porting some of these slaves to Portugal, and from this, in time, came the slave
trade to the West Indies.
The African slave trade soon became a profitable venture, for which the
Portuguese, Dutch, and English competed. Finally, in 1714, the English secured
a virtual monopoly of the North American trade and poured large numbers of
slaves into the West. The exact number of slaves imported is not known.
Dunbar estimates that nearly 900,000 came to America in the sixteenth century,
2,750,000 in the seventeenth, 7,000,000 in the eighteenth, and over 4,000,000 in
the nineteenth, perhaps 15,000,000 in all. It goes without saying that the
cruelty incident in this forced migration of men was very great. For a long
time the policy of the slave owners was to kill off the Negroes by over- work and
buy more. Family life was impossible, there being few women imported, and
sexual promiscuity and concubinage ensued. When finally, for physical
and moral reasons, the supply of slaves began to fall off a new development
began.
II. Growth and Physique of the Negro- American Population. — The growth of
the Negro population in the English colonies in America may be estimated as
follows : —
1710 50,000
1725 75>°°°
1750 220,000
1754 , ... 260,000
1760 310,000
1770 462,000
1780 462,000
The United States censuses give the following figures : —
Date.
Total Negroes.
Per Cent, of
Increase.
Per Cent, of
Increase
of Whites.
Per Cent, of
Negroes in Total
Population.
1790
757,208
__
19-27
I800
1,002,037
32>33
3576
18-88
1810
1,377.808
37-50
36-12
19-03
1820
1,771,656
28-59
34-12
18-39
l830
2,328,642
3i-44
34'03
18-10
1840
2,873,648
23-40
3472
16-84
1850
3,638,808
26-63
3774
15-69
1860
4,441,830
22-07
37-69
M'13
1870
4,880,009
9-86
24-76
12-66
1880
0,580,793
34-85
29*22
13*12
1890
7,488,789
13-79
26-68
11 '93
1900
8,840,789
18-1
21-4
1 1-6
1910
IO,OOO,OOO
—
—
—
(estimated)
The census of 1870 was defective, and probably that of 1890 also, which
would explain the chief irregularities in the rate of increase of Negroes. The
higher rate of increase of the whites is due mainly to the large immigration.
The present so-called " Negro " population of the United States is : —
i. A mixture of the various African populations — Bantu, Soudanese, West
350 UNIVERSAL RACES CONGRESS
Coast Negroes, some dwarfs, &c. There are traces of Arab and Semitic
blood.
2. A mixture of these strains with the blood of white Americans through
a long system of concubinage of coloured women in slavery days together with
some legal intermarriage. The official figures for mulattoes are as follows : —
1850, mulattoes formed n'2 per cent, of the total Negro population.
1860, mulattoes formed \yz per cent, of the total Negro population.
1870, mulattoes formed 12 per cent, of the total Negro population.
1890, mulattoes formed 15*2 per cent, of the total Negro population.
Or in actual numbers : —
1850, 405,751 mulattoes.
1860, 588,352 mulattoes.
1870, 585,601 mulattoes.
1890, 1,132,060 mulattoes.
These figures are of doubtful validity and officially acknowledged to be
misleading. From observation and local studies in all parts of the United
States I am inclined to believe that at least one-third of the Negroes of the
United States have distinct traces of white blood, and there is also a large
amount of Negro blood in the white population. This blending of the races has
led to new and interesting human types, but race prejudice has hitherto pre-
vented any scientific study of the matter.
Scientific physical measurements of Negro-Americans have not been made
on any sufficiently large scale for valuable conclusions to be formed.
The Negro population shows, so far as known, a greater death-rate than
the white. Throughout the registration area of the United States the
figures are : —
DEATH-RATE PER 1,000 LIVING, UNITED STATES REGISTRATION AREA.
1890. 1900.
Coloured ... '"'.•.;' ... 29^9 ... 29^6
White 19-1 ... 17-3
These figures apply to only i J million of the Negro population, and those
mainly in cities. Of the death-rate of the mass of the population living in the
country we know nothing. The chief causes of death among Negroes are :
Consumption, pneumonia, nervous disorders, malaria, and infant mortality.
The figures are : —
DEATHS PER 100,000 LIVING NEGROES.
1890. 1900.
Consumption ... .f. ... 546 ... 485
Pneumonia 279 ... 355
Nervous disorders 333 ... 308
Malaria 72 ... 63
To every 1,000 living coloured children, there were each year the following
number who died : —
CHILDREN UNDER i YEAR OP AGE.
1890. 1900.
Registration States 458 ... 344
Cities 580 ... 397
Country 204 ... 219
SIXTH SESSION
The birth-rate is conjectural : —
NUMBER OF CHILDREN UNDER 5 YEARS OF AGE TO 1,000 FEMALES 15 TO
44 YEARS OF AGE FOR THE CONTINENTAL UNITED STATES.
Total.
White.
Coloured.
Excess of Coloured.
IOOO
474
465
543
78
1890
4«5
473
574
101
1880
559
537
706
169
1870
572
562
641
79
1860
634
627
675
A A
1850
626
613
694
81
1840*
—
744
—
—
1830*
781
* Women 15 to 49 years of age
From this we may conclude : —
1. The Negro birth-rate exceeds and has always exceeded the white
birth-rate.
2. The Negro birth-rate probably decreased largely until 1870 ; then it
possibly increased somewhat, and afterwards rapidly decreased.
3. The Negro birth-rate in the country districts is high. In the city it is
low because of the immigrant character of the population.
In general the Negro population of the United States is brown in colour,
darkening to almost black and shading off in the other directions to yellow
and white, indistinguishable in many cases from the white population. The
race is strong and virile, and, although hard pressed by economic and mental
strain, is more than holding its own.
III. Social History. — Negroes came to America with the early explorers, and
they took some part in exploration. Stephen Dorantes, a Negro of the Fray
Marcos Expedition, was the discoverer of the South-Western part of North
America ; and there were many Negroes with Balboa, Pizarro, D'Ayllon, and
Cortez. As the Dutch and English slave trade of the seventeenth century
poured in larger numbers of Negroes, the question of their control and
organisation became serious. They were carefully mixed by race and language
so as to prevent conspiracy, and worked in gangs by severe taskmasters. This
led to repeated revolts throughout the islands and on the Continent. Only two
of these were large and successful — that of the Maroons in Jamaica in the
seventeenth century, and of Touissant L'Ouverture in Hayti in the eighteenth
century.
The moral theory of early Negro slavery was that the heathen were by this
means brought to Christianity, and efforts were gradually made to convert
them. The result was that after slow and hesitating advance the slaves were
by the middle of the nineteenth century nominal Christians, and spoke the
English tongue. The work of conversion and uplift was, however, greatly
retarded by the rapid importation of Negroes after the Assiento treaty between
England and Spain in 1714. England forced slaves on the colonies, and found
them at first complacent ; but at last they were frightened, and a distinct moral
revolt against the system arose.
Finally a sort of new American feudalism was evolved out of which free
Negroes from time to time escaped into the full privileges of freemen.
This was the situation at the time of the War for Independence with
England. Probably ten thousand Negro soldiers fought for the independence
352 UNIVERSAL RACES CONGRESS
of the American colonies, and they were recognised as citizens. The undoubted
thought of the founders of the Republic was that slavery would gradually
die out, and the Negroes either become American citizens or migrate to
Africa. This assumption received encouragement by the economic failure of
slavery in the North and the emancipation of slaves.
Among the Negroes there were signs of awakening. The freedmen began to
demand the ballot in Massachusetts and to organise churches and associations in
Rhode Island, New York, and Pennsylvania, and some black persons of distinc-
tion arose like Benjamin Banneker, the almanac maker, and Phillis Wheatley,
the poet. Negroes fought in the war of 1812 — there being black sailors with
Perry and McDonough, and four hundred coloured soldiers with Jackson at New
Orleans. About this time, too, definite steps were taken to suppress the slave
trade from Africa.
Gradually, however, the strength of this liberal movement waned as the
importance of the cotton crop increased. Signs of increased severity against
slaves were manifest, and several slave revolts were attempted, that of Nat
Turner, in 1831, being the most bloody.
From 1830 on the South took a new tone and began to defend slavery as an
economic system against the growing attacks of the abolitionists, while the
systematic running away of slaves gave rise to bitterness and recrimination.
The free Negroes began to meet in conventions, the anti-slavery crusade was
organised, and gradually slavery became the burning political issue. Negro
leaders like Frederick Douglass now came forward, Harriet Beecher Stowe's
Uncle Tom's Cabin was published, fugitive slaves increased in number, and the
nation was in a ferment.
When the civil war broke out because of the slavery issue, Negro soldiers
were at first refused, but eventually two hundred thousand were enlisted, and
even the South tried to arm the slaves.
From the first these slaves were a source of weakness and apprehension to
the South. During most of the war the blacks remained quiet, and protected
the white women and children while the masters were in the field fighting for
their enslavement. Gradually, however, the meaning of the war dawned on
them and they began to run away and join the Northern armies. Finally, as a
war measure, the mass of them were emancipated, and this was later confirmed
by a constitutional amendment.
When after the declaration of peace the question of the protection of the
new freedmen arose, the nation paused in puzzled hesitation. Three courses
were open : —
(a) To leave the Negroes to the mercy of the whites, on condition that the
whites accepted the constitutional amendment abolishing slavery.
(6) To put the Negroes under special guardianship designed to help them as
labourers, educate them, and secure justice for them in the courts.
(c) To give the Negroes the power of self-protection by insisting on full
manhood suffrage in the States with any restrictions the State wished to im-
pose except restrictions based on "race, colour, or previous condition of
servitude."
The first method was tried by Johnson. The result was a series of " black
codes " which practically restored Negro slavery in almost every essential except
name. As Carl Schurz reported : —
" Some planters held back their former slaves on their plantations by brute
force. Armed bands of white men patrolled the country roads to drive back
the Negroes wandering about. Dead bodies of murdered Negroes were found
on and near the highways and by-paths. Gruesome reports came from the
hospitals — reports of coloured men and women whose ears had been cut off,
whose skulls had been broken by blows, whose bodies had been slashed by
SIXTH SESSION 353
knives or lacerated with scourges. A number of such cases I had occasion to
examine myself. A veritable reign of terror prevailed in many parts of the
South. The Negro found scant justice in the local courts against the white
man. He could look for protection only to the military forces of the United
States still garrisoning the 'States lately in rebellion,' and to the Freedmen's
Bureau."
The second method was tried in the establishment of the Freedmen's Bureau,
but the North demurred at the cost> the South complained at the principle, and
the Bureau itself was not well managed. The Government was, therefore, as a
last resort, literally .forced to the third method which involved Negro voters.
The argument for this was thus stated by Carl Schurz : —
" The emancipation of the slaves is submitted to only in so far as chattel
slavery in the old form could not be kept up. But although the freedman is no
longer considered the property of the individual master, he is considered the
slave of society, and all independent State legislation will share the tendency to
make him such.
" The solution of the problem would be very much facilitated by enabling all
the loyal and free-labour elements in the South to exercise a healthy influence
upon legislation. It will hardly be possible to secure the freedman against
oppressive class legislation and private persecution, unless he be endowed with
a certain measure of political power."
To the argument of ignorance Schurz replied : —
" The effect of the extension of the franchise to the coloured people upon the
development of free labour and upon the security of human rights in the South
being the principle object in view, the objections raised on the ground of the
ignorance of the freedmen become unimportant. Practical liberty is a good
school. ... It is idle to say that it will be time to speak of Negro suffrage
when the whole coloured race will be educated, for the ballot may be necessary
to him to secure his education."
The Negroes themselves said to President Johnson through their spokesman,
Frederick Douglass : —
" Your noble and humane predecessor placed in our hands the sword to
assist in saving the nation, and we do hope that you, his able successor, will
favourably regard the placing in our hands the ballot with which to save
ourselves."
The result of the new basis of suffrage was at first demoralisation. The
better class of Southern whites refused to take part in government even when
they could, and the new and ignorant Negro voters were delivered into the
hands of Northern and Southern demagogues, who looted the State treasuries.
Finally, however, the Negroes secured a better class of white and Negro
leaders, revolted from the carnival of stealing, and began honest advance
and reform. They succeeded in giving to the new South : —
1. A more democratic form of government.
2. Free public schools.
3. The beginnings of a new social legislation.
Before this work was finished they were intimidated and put out of power
by force and fr^ud, but as a prominent white leader said : —
" During their ascendency they obeyed the Constitution of the United
States. . . . They instituted a public school system in a realm where public
schools had been unknown. They opened the ballot box and jury box to
thousands of white men who had been debarred from them by a lack of
earthly possessions. They introduced home rule into the South. They
abolished the whipping post, the branding iron, the stocks, and other
2 A
354
UNIVERSAL RACES CONGRESS
barbarous forms of punishment which had up to that time prevailed. They
reduced capital felonies from about twenty to two or three. In an age of
extravagance they were extravagant in the sums appropriated for public
works. In all of that time no man's rights of person were invaded under
the forms of law. Every Democrat's life, home, fireside, and business were
safe. No man obstructed any white man's way to the ballot box, interfered
with his freedom of speech, or boycotted him on account of his political
faith."
Despite this, the South was determined to deprive the Negroes of
political power and force them to occupy the position of a labouring caste.
This was done first by open intimidation, murder, and fraud, through
secret societies like the Ku Klux Klan. Finally, beginning in 1890, a new
set of disfranchising laws were passed. These laws ostensibly disfranchised
the ignorant and poor, but they allowed poor and ignorant whites to vote
by a provision known as the "grandfather clause," which admitted to the
polls any person whose father or grandfather had the right to vote before the
coloured men were enfranchised. At the same time, these laws excluded
from the polls not only the ignorant, but nearly all the intelligent Negroes,
by making the local registrars judicial officers from whose decision as to
fitness there was practically no appeal. These registrars were, of course,
invariably white.
With this legislation have gone various restrictive laws to curtail the
social, civil, and economic freedom of all persons of Negro descent. The
question as to the validity and advisability of these laws, and as to the develop-
ment of the freedom under them, and speculation as to the future of the race
in America constitutes the Negro problem.
IV. Social Condition of the Negro-American. — After such a social history,
what is the present social condition of the ten millions of persons of
Negro descent in the United States, fully one-third of whom have more
or less white blood ? We may best consider this under certain sub-
heads : —
(a) Distribution. — The distribution of the Negro American population is very
uneven, the coloured people being largely concentrated in the former slave
States of the South- East.
In the last decade — 1900-1910 — there has been a considerable migration from
country to city and from North to South, which will change these maps to some
extent. The relation of the Negro to cities in 1900 is shown by this table from
the census : —
POPULATION CLASSIFIED BY RACE AND CLASS OF PLACE OF RESIDENCE AND
PER CENT. OF DISTRIBUTION, 1900.
Class of Place of Residence.
Number of
Cities, 1900.
White.
Negro.
Continental United States
66,809,196
8,833,994
Cities having at least 2,500 inhabitants
1,861
28,506,146
2,004,121
Cities having a Population of —
100,000 and over
38
i3>507,327
668,254
25,000 to 100,000
122
5,021,827
468,209
8,000 to 25,000
385
4,866,928
399,295
4,000 to 8,000 ...
DX9
3,098,048
274,492
2,500 to 4,000 ''.«
704
2,012,016
I93,»7I
Country districts ''.V* '-'
38,303.050
6,829,873
SIXTH SESSION 355
PER CENT. DISTRIBUTION BY CLASS OF PLACE OF RESIDENCE, 1900.
Class of Place of Residence.
White.
Negro.
Continental United States
lOO'O
lOO'O
Cities having at least 2,500 inhabitants
427
22'7
Cities having a Population of —
100,000 and over
20*2
7'6
25,000 to 100,000
7*5
5'3
8,000 to 25,000
7'3
4'5
4,000 to 8,000 ... .-••-« iwr-L ...
47
3'1
2,500 to 4,000
3'o
2'2
Country districts ... .••••]«*» ' '•/ ...
57*3
77'3
NUMBER AND PER CENT. DISTRIBUTION OF NEGRO POPULATION OF CON-
TINENTAL UNITED STATES BY DIVISION OF RESIDENCE, 1900.
Per Cent, of
Negro Population,
Negro Population
ofContinental
1900.
United States
Living in Specified
Division, 1900.
Continental United States ...
8,833,994
lOO'O
North Atlantic Division —
385,020
4'4
New England
59,099
07
Southern North Atlantic
325,921
37
South Atlantic Division —
3,729,017
42-2
Northern South Atlantic
1,056,684
I2'O
Southern South Atlantic
2,672,333
30-2
North Central Division —
495>75i
5'6
Eastern North Central...
257,842
2-9
Western North Central
237,909
27
South Central Division —
4,193,952
47'5
Eastern South Central...
2,499,886
28-3
Western South Central
1,694,066
I9'2
Western Division —
30,254
0-3
Rocky Mountain
12,936
O'l
Basin and Plateau
2,654
(*)
Pacific
14,664
0'2
* Less than one-tenth of i per cent.
(b) Sex, Age, and Conjugal Condition. — In the sex statistics of Negro-
Americans one can see easily their social history — the disproportionate number of
male slaves imported, the killing of the men during the Civil War and later, &c.
PROPORTION OF MALES AND FEMALES IN EVERY 10,000.
NEGROES.
WHITES.
DATE.
Male.
Female.
Male.
Female.
1820
5,082
4,918
5,080
4,920
1830
5,074
4,926
5,077
4,923
1840
5,014
4,986
5,090
4,910
1850
4,978
5,022
5,104
4,806
1860
4,990
5,010
5>"6
4,844
1870
4>905
5,095
5,056
4,944
1880
4,942
5>057
5,088
4,912
1890
4,986
5,oi4
5,121
4,879
1900
4,969
5,030
5,108
4,892
356 UNIVERSAL RACES CONGRESS
The median age of Negroes has increased as follows : —
MEDIAN AGE OF THE COLOURED POPULATION, CLASSIFIED,
CONTINENTAL UNITED STATES : 1790 TO 1900.
1900
1890
1880
1870
1860
I9'7°
17-83
18-01
18-49
17-65
1850
1840
1830
1820
17-27
16-90
1775
The general age composition is as follows by percentage :-
NATIVE WHITES.
1880
1890
1900
1880
1890
1900
Under 15.
42*6
40-0
39-0
COLOURED.
Under 15.
44-2
42-I
39'5
15-59-
52-9
55-8
15-59-
51-2
53'3
55-6
60 and Over.
4'9
60 and Over.
4'9
The conjugal condition by sex and age is as follows : —
PER CENT. DISTRIBUTION BY CONJUGAL CONDITION FOR THE NEGRO
POPULATION BY SEX AND AGE PERIODS : 1900 AND 1890.
PER CENT. OF NEGRO MALE POPULATION, 1900.
AGE PERIOD.
Single and
Unknown.
Married.
Widowed and
Divorced.
Continental United States —
15 years and over
39'8
54'o
6-2
15 to 19 years
98-2
i -7
O'l
20 to 24 years
64-9
33'8
1-3
25 to 29 years
33'4
63'3
3-3
30 to 34 years
21-4
737
4-9
35 to 44 years
I3'5
79-1
7-4
45 to 54 years
7'4
81-4
II-2
55 to 64 years
5'5
78-6
I5-9
65 years and over
S'o
69-6
25H
Age unknown
46-7
47'4
5'9
These statistics can be appreciated only when we remember that there
could be no legal family relations among slaves, and that the family therefore
is an institution only a generation old for the mass of the coloured people.
There are consequently still an abnormally large number of " widowed and
separated," while economic pressure and sexual irregularity is setting the age
of marriage very late. The improvement in family life in twenty-five years has,
however, been enormous.
The average size of the Negro family is about five persons to-day. The
percentage of illegitimacy is not accurately known, but is apparently about
20 per cent, in a city like Washington, D.C., which has 100,000 negroes. It is,
without doubt, rapidly decreasing.
SIXTH SESSION 357
(c) Education. — According to the United States census, the illiteracy of
Negro- Americans has been as follows for persons ten years of age and over : —
1870 ... 79'9 per cent.
1880 70-0 „
1890 57-1
i9°o 44'5 ' 'ir
Probably to-day about two-thirds of the Negro population can at least write
their names and read to some extent.
In the Northern States, with few exceptions, the coloured children attend
the general public schools. In the former slave States, where the negro popu-
lation is massed, there are two separate systems of schools, one for the Negroes
and one for the whites. Both systems are supported by public taxation and
are supposed to offer equal facilities. As a matter of fact, while the Negroes
form one-third of the school population they receive less than one-fifth of the
school funds, except in the district of Columbia and in a few cities.
The result is a very inferior and inadequate set of Negro public schools with
poor teachers, and poor superintendence. The attitude of the mass of southern
whites is still inimical to schools for Negroes, and since the new disfranchise-
ment laws the Negro schools have been more than usually neglected.
As a partial compensation for this neglect on the part of the States there are
132 private institutions for educating Negroes ; a few of these receive State and
national aid, but most of them are supported by private philanthropy, endow-
ments, and tuition fees. They antedate the public schools for Negroes and
represent the original educational foundations which were established by the
various church and philanthropic agencies directly after the Civil War.
They are of all degrees of efficiency. Some, like Atlanta, Fisk, Howard
Universities, rank as small colleges and high schools doing work of a high grade.
Others are high and normal schools. Some, like Hampton and Tuskegee, are
trade and agricultural schools, and are rather more favoured by the South than
the other schools.
These private institutions have over 40,000 pupils and 2,400 teachers, and
represent an investment of $14,000,000, and an expenditure of $2,100,000 a year,
of which the Negroes themselves pay about 30 per cent. In these schools
most of the teachers and professional men and many of the artisans among
Negroes have been trained. Their chief hindrance to-day is lack of sufficient
funds for their growing work.
There are beside these some 200 small private elementary schools supported
entirely by Negroes mostly through their Churches. They are designed to
supplement poor public schools.
(d) Occupations. — Of the Negroes in the United States in 1900 there were
3,992,337 ten years of age and over who were in gainful occupations, or 45*2
per cent, of the total Negro population. The chief occupations were : —
OCCUPATION.
Continental United States — all occupations 3»992>337
Occupations giving employment to at least 10,000
Negroes in 1900 3,807,008
Agricultural labourers 1,344,125
Farmers, planters, and overseers 757,822
Labourers (not specified) 545,935
Servants and waiters ..v 465,734
Launderers and laundresses ... ... ... ... ... 220,104
Draymen, hackmen, teamsters, &c ... 67,585
Steam railroad employees 55>327
Miners and quarrymen ... 36,561
3$8 UNIVERSAL RACES CONGRESS
Saw and planing mill employees ............ 33,266
Porters and helpers (in stores, &c.) ............ 28,977
Teachers and professors in colleges, &c .......... 21,267
Carpenters and joiners .................. 21,113
Turpentine farmers and labourers ............ 20,744
Barbers and hairdressers .................. 19,942
Nurses and midwives ... ., ....,.- ............ 19,431
Clergymen ........................ 15,528
Tobacco and cigar factory operatives ............ !5,349
Hostlers ........................ I4,496
Masons (brick and stone) ............ ... 14,386
Dressmakers ..................... 12,569
Iron and steel workers ......... ......... 12,327
Seamstresses ..................... IJ>537
Janitors and sextons .................. IJ>536
Housekeepers and stewards ............... 10,596
Fishermen and oystermen ......... • ...... 10,427
Engineers and firemen (not locomotive) ......... 10,224
Blacksmiths ..................... 10,100
Other occupations ...... .:•*,? ............
To understand Negro occupations, one must remember that the slaves were
emancipated and started as free labourers without land or capital. The result
was that the mass of them became serfs and a system of peonage through
alleged crime and debt was fastened on them ; crime peonage consisted of
leasing or parolling prisoners to a landlord who paid their tines or paid a
stipulated sum to the State. Debt peonage consisted of keeping the labourer
in debt and arresting him for breaking contract if he attempted to stop work.
From this peonage larger and larger numbers are escaping ; many are going to
cities and becoming casual and day labourers ; others of the better trained
house-servant class are becoming land-owners and artisans, and others through
education are entering the professional class. Roughly speaking, we may say
that the Negro population consists of: —
(i, 250,000 farm labourers.
2,000,000 labourers] 500,000 day labourers.
I 250,000 washerwomen.
These are a semi-submerged class, some held in debt peonage, all paid
small wages, and kept largely in ignorance.
(125,000 skilled artisans.
1,200,000 working-men j 575,000 semi-skilled workers.
^500,000 servants.
This is the emerging group. They are handicapped by poor training and
race prejudice, but they are pushing forward, saving something, and educating
their children as far as possible.
i 200,000 farmers.
250,000 independents j 40,000 professional men.
( 10,000 merchants.
This is the leading group of Negro-Americans. The mass of them have
common school training, and there are some 5,000 college-trained men. They
are accumulating property and educating their children. Their advance is
opposed by a bitter and growing race prejudice.
The exact amount of property accumulated by Negroes is not known.
A committee of the American Economic Association reported : —
SIXTH SESSION 359
" The evidence in hand leads your Committee to the conclusion that the
accumulated wealth of the Negro race in the United States in 1900 was approxi-
mately $300,000,000, and probably neither less than $250,000,000 nor more than
$350,000,000."
Since 1900 the increase of Negro property holdings has been very rapid, as
the records in three States show : —
ASSESSED VALUE OF PROPERTY.
1900. 1908.
Georgia $14,118,720 $27,042,672
Virginia i5.856,57° 25,628,336
North Carolina 9,478,399 21,253,581
Total $39,453>689
Judging from these figures, and the report of the American Economic
Association quoted above, it would seem fair to infer that the total property
of Negro-Americans aggregated $560,000,000 in 1908.
In 1900 the census said : —
" We find that the total owned land of coloured farmers in continental United
States in 1900 amounted to 14,964,214 acres, or 23,382 square miles — an area
nearly as large as Holland and Belgium — and constituted 35-8 per cent, of
all the land operated by coloured farmers."
Of the proportion of farm ownership the census says that between 1890 and
1900, while the number of Negro farmers probably increased by about 36 or
38 per cent., the number of Negro owners increased over 57 per cent., and the
percentage of ownership increased by 3-5 per cent. So that 187,799 Negro
farms, or 25*2 per cent, of all Negro farms were owned.
V. Religion. — The Christian Church did but little to convert the slaves from
their Obeah worship and primitive religion until the establishment of the Society
for the Propagation of the Gospel in Foreign Parts in 1701 ; this Society, and
the rising Methodists and Baptists, rapidly brought the body of slaves into
nominal communion with the Christian Church. No sooner, however, did they
appear in the Church than discrimination began to be practised, which the free
Negroes of the North refused to accept. They therefore withdrew into the
African Methodist and Zion Methodist Churches. The Baptists, even among
the slaves, early had their separate Churches, and these Churches in the North
began to federate about 1836. In 1871 the Methodist Church, South, set aside
their coloured members into the Coloured Methodist Episcopal Church, and the
other Southern Churches drove their members into the other coloured Churches.
The remaining Northern denominations retained their Negro members, but
organised them for the most part into separate congregations.
Practically, then, the seven-eighths of the whole Negro population is included
in its own self-sustaining, self-governing Church bodies.
The statistics for Negro churches in 1906, according to the United States
census, was as follows : —
"The total number of communicants or members, as reported by 36,563
organisations, is 3,685,097 ; of these, as shown by the returns for 34,648 organi-
sations, 37*5 per cent, are males and 62-5 per cent, females."
According to the statistics, these organisations have 35,160 church edifices ; a
seating capacity for church edifices of 10,481,738, as reported by 33,091 organi-
sations ; church property valued at $56,636,159, against which there appears an
indebtedness of $5,005,905 ; halls, &c., used for worship by 1,261 organisations ;
and parsonages valued at $3,727,884. The number of Sunday Schools, as
reported by 33,538 organisations, is 34,681, with 210,148 officers and teachers
and 1,740,099 scholars.
360
UNIVERSAL RACES CONGRESS
As compared with the report of 1890, these figures show increases of 13,300
in the number of coloured organisations, 1,011,120 in the number of communi-
cants or members, 11,390 in the number of church edifices, and $30,009,711 in
the value of church property.
It was estimated in 1907 that these churches raised seven and a half million
dollars a year. Most of the half million goes probably to pay high interest on a
debt of five millions. The remaining seven millions goes chiefly to the support
of the pastor, the maintenance of the plant, and general church purposes. A
large and growing share, however, goes to "mission" work; part of this is
proselytising, but the larger part of it is distinctly benevolence and work for
social betterment. No complete record of this work can be obtained. Outside
of these money contributions by far the larger part of the benevolent work of
Negroes is the unorganised personal work of church members among the
congregations. This consists of donations, visits, care of the sick, adoption
of children, &c.
The leading denominations are as follows, according to membership : —
Denomination.
Total Number of
Organisations,
White and Coloured.
Number of
Coloured
Organisations.
Total Number
of Members.
Total
142 4.76
T.6 77O
•? 68^ OO7
Baptist bodies
32,122
19,891
2,354,789
Churches of the Living God ...
68
68
4,276
Congregationalists
5.7*3
156
11,960
Disciples of Christians
10,942
170
H,233
Methodist bodies
44,86 r
15,317
I,l82,I3I
Presbyterian bodies
14,226
659
47,116
Protestant Episcopal bodies ...
6,845
198
10,098
Roman Catholic Church
12,482
36
38,235
All others ... ... ...
IC.-7I7
27C
66. 2 no
VI. Crime. — Of 125,093 prisoners committed in 1904 in the United States 15-8
per cent, were Negroes, who form n-5 per cent, of the population. This is not,
however, a fair measure of Negro crime, since, on account of race prejudice,
Negroes are more easily convicted in court and receive longer sentences — e.g.,
there were 125,093 white prisoners committed to jail during 1904. On June 30,
1904, there were 55,111 white prisoners in jail, showing a large number of short
sentences. On the other hand, there were 23,698 Negro prisoners committed
during 1904, and on June 3oth there were 26,087 Negroes in jail, showing a large
number of long sentences. Over half the prisoners in the United States sen-
tenced to prison for life are Negroes. This might be explained by the greater
gravity of Negro crimes, but this does not seem true. The Negro is naturally
good-tempered, and the current newspaper reports of the rape of white women
are greatly exaggerated. On the other hand, accusation of crime and long
sentences for petty offences have long been used as methods of securing cheap
Negro labour both for private and public purposes in the South, and of the 2,500
Negroes known to have been lynched for alleged crime in the last 25 years, not
25 per cent, have been even accused of assaulting women.
Most Negro crime arises from the natural weakness of slaves — petty stealing
and quarrelling. To this have been added in later years more serious crimes of
revenge against whites, altercations arising between employers and labourers,
and fights and murders arising from contact of the races.
VII. The Negro Problem. — The American iNegro problem is the question of the
future status of the ten million Americans of Negro descent. It must be remem-
SIXTH SESSION 361
bered that these persons are Americans by birth and descent. They represent,
for the most part, four or five American born generations, being in that respect
one of the most American groups in the land. Moreover, the Negroes are not
barbarians. They are, as a mass, poor and ignorant ; but they are growing
rapidly in both wealth and intelligence, and larger and larger numbers of them
demand the rights and privileges of American citizens as a matter of undoubted
desert.
To-day these rights are largely denied. In order to realise the disabilities
under which Negroes suffer regardless of education, wealth, or degree of white
blood, we may divide the United States into three districts :
(a) The Southern South, containing 75 per cent, of the Negroes.
(b) The border States, containing 15 per cent, of the Negroes.
(c) The North and West, containing 10 per cent, of the Negroes.
In the Southern South by law or custom Negroes —
1. Cannot vote, or their votes are neutralised by fraud.
2. Must usually live in the least desirable districts.
3. Receive very low wages.
4. Are, in the main, restricted to menial occupations or the lower grades
of skilled labour and cannot expect preferment or promotion.
5. Cannot by law intermarry with whites.
6. Cannot join white churches or attend white colleges or join white cultural
organisations.
7. Cannot be accommodated at hotels and restaurants or in any place of
public entertainment.
8. Receive a distinct standard of justice in the courts and are especially liable
to mob violence.
9. Are segregated so far as possible in every walk of life — in railway stations,
railway trains, street-cars, lifts, &c., and usually made to pay equal prices for
inferior accommodations .
10. Are often unable to protect their homes from invasion, their women from
insult, and their savings from exploitation.
11. Are taxed for public facilities like parks and libraries, which they may not
enter.
12. Are given meagre educational facilities and sometimes none at all.
13. Are liable to personal insult unless they appear as servants or menials or
show deference to white folks by yielding the road, &c.
To many of these disabilities there are personal and local exceptions. In
cities, for instance, the chance to defend the home, get an education, and some-
what better wages is greater, and mob violence less frequent. Then there are
always some personal exceptions — cases of help and courtesy, of justice in the
courts, and of good schools. These are, however, exceptions, and, as a rule, all
Negroes, no matter what their training, possessions, or desert, are subjected to the
above disabilities. Within the limits of these caste restrictions there is much
goodwill and kindliness between the races, and especially much personal charity
and help.
The 15 per cent, of the Negro population living on the border States suffer a
little less restriction. They have some right of voting, are better able to defend
their homes, and are less discriminated against in the expenditure of public
funds. In the cities their schools are much better and public insult is less
noticeable.
In the North the remaining 10 per cent, of the Negro population is legally
undiscriminated against and may attend schools and churches and vote without
restriction. As a matter of fact, however, they are made in most communities to
feel that they are undesirable. They are either refused accommodation at hotels,
362 UNIVERSAL RACES CONGRESS
restaurants, and theatres, or received reluctantly. Their treatment in churches
and general cultural organisations is such that few join. Intermarriage with
whites brings ostracism and public disfavour, and in courts Negroes often suffer
undeservedly. Common labour and menial work is open to them, but avenues
above this in skilled labour or the professions (save as they serve their own race)>
are extremely difficult to enter, and there is much discrimination in wages. Mob
violence has become not infrequent in later years.
There are here also many exceptional cases ; instances of preferment in
the industrial and political world ; and there is always some little social
intercourse. On the whole, however, the Negro in the north is an ostracised
person who finds it difficult to make a good living or spend his earnings with
pleasure.
Under these circumstances there has grown up a Negro world in America
which has its own economic and social life, its churches, schools, and news-
papers ; its literature, public opinion, and ideals. This life is largely unnoticed
and unknown even in America, and travellers miss it almost entirely.
The average American in the past made at least pretence of excusing the
discrimination against Negroes, on the ground of their ignorance and poverty
and their tendencies to crime and disease. While the mass is still poor and
unlettered, it is admitted by all to-day that the Negro is rapidly developing a
larger and larger class of intelligent property-holding men of Negro descent ;
notwithstanding this more and more race lines are being drawn which involve
the treatment of civilised men in an uncivilised manner. Moreover, the crux of
the question to-day is not merely a matter of social eligibility. For many
generations the American Negro will lack the breeding and culture which the
most satisfactory human intercourse requires. But in America the discrimi-
nation against Negroes goes beyond this, to the point of public discourtesy, civic
disability, injustice in the courts, and economic restriction.
The argument of those who uphold this discrimination is based primarily on
race. They claim that the inherent characteristics of the Negro race show its
essential inferiority and the impossibility of incorporating its descendants into
the American nation. They admit that there are exceptions to the rule of
inferiority, but claim that these but prove the rule. They say that amalgama-
tion of the races would be fatal to civilisation and they advocate therefore a
strict caste system for Negroes, segregating them by occupations and privi-
leges, and to some extent by dwelling-place, to the end that they (a) submit
permanently to an inferior position, or (b) die out, or (c) migrate.
This philosophy the thinking Negroes and a large number of white
friends vigorously combat. They claim that the racial differences between
white and black in the United States offer no essential barrier to the races
living together on terms of mutual respect and helpfulness. They deny, on
the one hand, that the large amalgamation of the races already accomplished
has produced degenerates, in spite of the unhappy character of these unions ;
on the other hand, they deny any desire to lose the identity of either race
through intermarriage. They claim that it should be possible for a civilised
black man to be treated as an American citizen without harm to the republic,
and that the modern world must learn to treat coloured races as equals if it
expects to advance.
They claim that the Negro race in America has more than vindicated its
ability to assimilate modern culture. Negro blood has furnished thousands of
soldiers to defend the flag in every war in which the United States has been
engaged. They arc a most important part of the economic strength of the
nation, and they have furnished a number of men of ability in politics, literature,
and art, as, for instance, Banneker, the mathematician ; Phillis Wheatley, the
poet ; Lemuel Haynes, the theologian ; Ira Aldridge, the actor ; Frederick
SIXTH SESSION 363
Douglass, the orator ; H. O. Tanner, the artist ; B. T. Washington, the edu-
cator ; Granville Woods, the inventor ; Kelly Miller, the writer ; Rosamond
Johnson and Will Cook, the musical composers ; Dunbar, the poet ; and
Chestnut, the novelist. Many other Americans, whose Negro blood has not
been openly acknowledged, have reached high distinction. The Negroes claim,
therefore, that a discrimination which was originally based on certain social
conditions is rapidly becoming a persecution based simply on race prejudice,
and that no republic built on caste can survive.
At the meeting of two such diametrically opposed arguments it was natural
that councils of compromise should appear, and it was also natural that a nation,
whose economic triumphs have been so noticeable as those of the United States,
should seek an economic solution to the race question. More and more in the
last twenty years the business men's solution of the race problem has been the
development of the resources of the South. Coincident with the rise of this
policy came the prominence of Mr. B. T. Washington. Mr. Washington was con-
vinced that race prejudice in America was so strong and the economic position
of the freedmen's sons so weak that the Negro must give up or postpone his
ambitions for full citizenship and bend all his energies to industrial efficiency
and the accumulation of wealth. Mr. Washington's idea was that eventually
when the dark man was thoroughly established in the industries and had
accumulated wealth, he could demand further rights and privileges. This
philosophy has become very popular in the United States, both among whites
and blacks.
The white South hastened to welcome this philosophy. They thought it
would take the Negro out of politics, tend to stop agitation, make the Negro
a satisfied labourer, and eventually convince him that he could never be
recognised as the equal of the white man. The North began to give large
sums for industrial training, and hoped in this way to get rid of a serious social
problem.
From the beginning of this campaign, however, a large class of Negroes and
many whites feared this programme. They not only regarded it as a pro-
gramme which was a dangerous compromise, but they insisted that to stop
fighting the essential wrong of race prejudice just at the time, was to
encourage it.
This was precisely what happened. Mr. Washington's programme was
announced at the Atlanta Exposition in 1896. Since that time four States have
disfranchised Negroes, dozens of cities and towns have separated the races on
street cars, 1,250 Negroes have been publicly lynched without trial, and serious
race riots have taken place in nearly every Southern State and several Northern
States, Negro public school education has suffered a set back, and many private
schools have been forced to retrench severely or to close. On the whole, race
prejudice has, during the last fifteen years, enormously increased.
This has been coincident with the rapid and substantial advance of Negroes
in wealth, education, and morality, and the two movements of race prejudice
and Negro advance have led to an anomalous and unfortunate situation. Some,
white and black, seek to minimise and ignore the flaming prejudice in the land,
and emphasise many acts of friendliness on the part of the white South, and the
advance of the Negro. Others, on the other hand, point out that silence and
sweet temper are not going to settle this dangerous social problem, and that
manly protest and the publication of the whole truth is alone adequate to arouse
the nation to its great danger.
Moreover, many careful thinkers insist that, under the circumstances, the
" business men's " solution of the race problem is bound to make trouble : if the
Negroes become good cheap labourers, warranted not to strike or complain,
they will arouse all the latent prejudice of the white working men whose wages
364 UNIVERSAL RACES CONGRESS
they bring down. If, on the other hand, they are to be really educated as men,
and not as " hands," then they need, as a race, not only industrial training, but
also a supply of well-educated, intellectual leaders and professional men for a
group so largely deprived of contact with the cultural leaders of the whites.
Moreover, the best thought of the nation is slowly recognising the fact that
to try to educate a working man, and not to educate the man, is impossible. If
the United States wants intelligent Negro labourers, it must be prepared to treat
them as intelligent men.
This counter movement of intelligent men, white and black, against the
purely economic solution of the race problem, has been opposed by powerful
influences both North and South. The South represents it as malicious
sectionalism, and the North misunderstands it as personal dislike and envy of
Mr. Washington. Political pressure has been brought to bear, and this insured
a body of coloured political leaders who do not agitate for Negro rights. At
the same time, a chain of Negro newspapers were established to advocate the
dominant philosophy.
Despite this well-intentioned effort to keep down the agitation of the Negro
question and mollify the coloured people, the problem has increased in gravity.
The result is the present widespread unrest and dissatisfaction. Honest
Americans know that present conditions are wrong and cannot last ; but they
face, on the one hand, the seemingly implacable prejudice of the South, and, on
the other hand, the undoubted rise of the Negro challenging that prejudice.
The attempt to reconcile these two forces is becoming increasingly futile, and
the nation simply faces the question : Are we willing to do justice to a dark
race despite our prejudices? Radical suggestions of wholesale segregation or
deportation of the race have now and then been suggested ; but the cost in time,
effort, money, and economic disturbance is too staggering to allow serious
consideration. The South, with all its race prejudice, would rather fight than
lose its great black labouring force, and in every walk of life throughout the
nation the Negro is slowly forcing his way. There are some signs that the
prejudice in the South is not immovable, and now and then voices of protest
and signs of liberal thought appear there. Whether at last the Negro will gain
full recognition as a man, or be utterly crushed by prejudice and superior
numbers, is the present Negro problem of America.
[Paper submitted in English.]
THE NEGRO PROBLEM IN RELATION TO
WHITE WOMEN
By FRANCES HOGGAN, M.D., London.
IN Africa of late, as in America for some decades, the cry has arisen
of danger to white women from black men. It is a cry which rouses
every chivalrous instinct in the human breast ; one only wonders that
so little feeling comparatively is shown when the white man is the
aggressor and the victim has a coloured skin. That outrages on
women are perpetrated in countries in various phases of civilisation
is a terrible and disconcerting fact, and they are, alas ! more common
in civilised countries and in those on the outskirts of civilisation.
SIXTH SESSION 365
In the outlying districts of Africa, where Native life is seen at its
crudest, white women have no fear, and they pass freely in and out
among the Native population, safe and unarmed, never dreaming of
danger. It is when Natives and low-class white men come into
contact with each other that the peril originates, and white women
begin to see in the Native a possible source of danger.
The best minds are needed to grapple with the general Native
problem, and, as incidental to it, with the question of criminal
assaults on women. If one studies the causes which lead up to this
crime they are found to be multiple and complex. The first place
must be accorded to polygamy, with its subsidiary customs, in which
I include all that belong to initiation and its accompanying practices,
now carried on under altered conditions of life. The youth, with all
his passions roused into baleful activity by the so-called " Native
Schools," their excitement and the orgies and promiscuity which
certainly in some districts form part of the training they give, leads
often only partially the tribal life, which imposed certain well-recog-
nised restrictions on the indulgence of his appetites, and punished
by the imposition of a cattle fine — the most keenly felt of all punish-
ments— any violation of the property or rights of other men, whether
of husbands over wives or of fathers over daughters. These youths,
as well as older men, are largely recruited for work in the mines,
where they are, it is true, subjected to repressive treatment and con-
finement during most of their time in the compounds, but where
they are not under the immediate direction and control of any chief,
a control which to them seemed as natural as, say, that of parents
over young children. The mine masters and officials only represent
to their minds brute force, to be evaded wherever possible, whereas
the authority of the chief represented something analogous to law
and religion combined. It was undoubtedly to some considerable
extent a moral influence, for though lying does not to the Native
mind represent sin, to lie to his chief is a heinous offence, which he
would tremble to be guilty of. Thus the " mine boys," as they are
called, are in great danger of becoming moral pariahs, with their
physical instincts under no effective control, when not under
immediate and visible supervision. Fear is the only restraining
influence under this new regime ; fear, tempered by reverence for the
chief, was the restraining influence at home in the tribe. The
inference is obvious as to the danger such persons may be to the
community, and especially to unprotected women, when out of
bounds and roaming at large.
Growing race consciousness is another factor which, under some
circumstances, may tend towards crime of this nature. The feeling
that one man is as good as another, if not kept within due bounds,
366 UNIVERSAL RACES CONGRESS
and controlled by the brotherhood sentiment which produces respect
for all members of the human family and strict recognition of the
rights of all, even the weakest, may degenerate into that state of
feeling which would lead to the indulgence of self at the expense of
other and less powerful selves.
I may here allude to a contributory factor in crime which only
needs to be pointed out to become patent to all thoughtful persons.
My own attention was first called to it by police officials and others
on the spot able to speak with authority, and further inquiry con-
firmed the danger. Ladies in South Africa habitually allow their
Native " boys " to attend on them in their bedrooms, when they
themselves are either in bed or very slightly clothed, oblivious of the
fact that these " boys " are often grown men, with fully developed
passions, living at a distance from their wives. The more extended
employment by ladies of Native women in immediate attendance on
their own persons would not only lead to the more rapid spread of
civilisation among Native women, but it would also tend to remove
an obvious though perhaps remote source of danger, for it is not
themselves, but the poorer and less guarded white women who have
most reason to dread attack and assault.
A great hindrance to be cleared away is the reluctance to employ
Natives in skilled labour, for fear of displacing white men. Well,
the choice lies between a trained, cheerful, working class, respected
and self-respecting, and a discontented, shiftless, ignorant, and brutal
Native population, ready to swell the criminal class, and constituting
a grave danger in a country where the majority is so overwhelmingly
black. Failure to realise the elder brother's position, and to exercise
wisely the privilege of guiding Natives out of tribal into civilised life,
will result in national disaster and the creation of a reckless and
unmanageable proletariat. If Natives are denied a proper and a
reasonable outlet for their energies in the land which was theirs long
before the settlement of whites in Africa, criminality, including
assaults of all kinds, must become in future both more common and
more difficult to cope with. A just and generous policy towards
the ancient owners of the land is our only chance of escaping
from a colour conflict of unparalleled magnitude, and no greed of
wealth or power, no unworthy jealousy of a rising and developing
race whose destinies we control, should be allowed to intervene,
and to choke the good intentions of the governing whites towards
the black millions who look to them for guidance and light in
matters spiritual and in matters temporal, as well as for the ideal
towards which to strive.
[Paf>er submitted in English.']
SIXTH SESSION 367
wif.; ;
THE NORTH AMERICAN INDIAN
By CHARLES ALEXANDER EASTMAN, M.D. (Ohiyesa), Amherst,
U.S.A.
Geographical. — The aboriginal nations of North America at the
time of its discovery were scattered in small and more or less shifting
groups over the whole extent of the continent. Their tribal or group
names are so many and so variable as to confuse even the student ;
but it is possible by means of linguistic and other traits to assemble
them all into several great families, each with its distinguishing marks
and local habitat. Such were the Abenakis, the Appalachians, the
Iroquois, the Algonquins, the Siouans, the Rocky Mountain or
Intermontane tribes, the Pacific coast tribes, and the Alaskans.
The physical characters of the race are assumed to be well
known, yet are often incorrectly described. Their colour is not
" red " nor " copper-coloured," but a warm brown, much darker in the
south than among the inhabitants of the north temperate zone. The
head is generally well-formed, the nose by no means universally
Roman, and the hair, while generally black and straight, rather fine
than coarse. According to the best opinion obtainable, the total
number of natives of North America at the close of the fifteenth
century could not have been far from half a million. Since that
period they have fallen off in numbers, though not to the extent
popularly supposed, and are now slowly increasing.
Political. — The government of the first North American was the
simplest form of a democracy. It was patterned after the patriarchal
or family government, and the clan chief was really the most
influential head. This office was for life, and was to some extent
hereditary, but if the next in succession proved weak or unworthy, the
people would reject him and call upon their best and bravest man to
lead them.
The chief had no dictatorial powers, but his influence was large in
his own clan, and if the clan chanced to be a large one, their chief
would naturally be influential in the councils of the whole tribe. A
band was generally composed of several clans, and a tribe or nation
made up of numerous bands ; but in the old days there was no chief
of an entire tribe or even of a band.
The American Indian chief was in reality merely the authorised
spokesman of his clan, save as he might acquire unusual authority by
rare personal qualities, or, in later days, by the recognition and favour
of the white man. All matters which involved the welfare or good
name of the clan must be submitted to the will of the entire people,
and the chief must abide by their decision. Much trouble has come
368 UNIVERSAL RACES CONGRESS
to us through the determination of the white man to negotiate solely
with chiefs and headmen, misunderstanding or ignoring the fact that
the office of chief is mainly honorary and indeed nominal, since he
has no command of an army nor power to levy a tax upon his people.
American historians have constantly fallen into error by reason of
their ignorance of our democratic system, truly a government of the
people, one of personal liberty and equal rights to all its members.
In the old days there was no confederacy worthy the name. That
of the Iroquois was conceived after the advent of the European
nations. Witnesses to the fate of the Pequots and Narragansetts,
they perceived the urgent need of union for self-protection. No
taxes were levied, and there was no federal government, strictly
speaking — merely a friendly alliance, with an occasional council to
discuss their common policy and attitude toward the invaders.
The Appalachians, under the leadership of the Creeks, formed a
much stronger confederacy at a somewhat later period, but from lack
of material support they gradually disintegrated and were one by one
overthrown. Still later, the eastern Algonquins, led by the great
Pontiac, attempted to form a strong league for defence, but failed
even more conspicuously than their southern brethren.
The Dakotas, or Sioux proper, were natural allies ; yet after their
struggle with the whites began they also quickly disintegrated, band
after band seceding until only a few of the boldest held together
to make their last stand. The real cause of failure was the same in
every case. There was no central organisation, adequately supported
by the whole tribe. The only true government was that of the clan,
which was always intact ; but as chiefs and councillors and scouts
served without other compensation than the honour attached to the
office, the duties of supporting such a government were far from
onerous.
The nearest approach to taxation was observed in the case of
a large gathering for the purpose of treaty-making or religious festivi-
ties. It was customary at such times to invite certain of the old men
to sit in council, to make and publicly announce such regulations
as might be for the general good. There were strict rules governing
the daily hunt, and vigilance must likewise be maintained by regular
scouting to avert the dangers of a surprise. Those who served the
community in these ways were supplied with food by means of a
daily distribution of small sticks coloured red, of which every man
who received one must deliver a portion of food ready cooked at the
council lodge within a given time.
The Indian was taught from childhood to esteem the public
service as high honour, and he needed no further inducement to
accept gladly the most dangerous and difficult tasks. No man could
SIXTH SESSION 369
be selected for an important duty unless he was known to be of
sound body and pure life. Above all, he must be a spiritual man ;
one who loved the Unseen God, and whose motives were in accord
with the will of the " Great Mystery."
It was the duty of the council to sit in judgment upon the rare
cases of murder or other serious offence within the tribe. If found
guilty, a man might be exiled, or given up to the just vengeance of
the victim's kin ; for lesser crimes he might be chastised, or his house
or weapons destroyed by his fellow-warriors. Punishment of this
sort, however, was a very grave matter, not to be undertaken save by
men of recognised standing and with the full sanction of the council.
Economic. — It appears that not freedom or democracy or spiritual
development, but material progress alone, is the evidence of " civilisa-
tion." The American Indian failed to meet this test, or rather, he
made no attempt to meet it, being convinced that accumulation
of property breeds dishonesty and greed, while concentration of popu-
lation is abnormal and the mother of many evils, both physical and
moral. In the unnatural and complex " civilised " life the savage
philosopher discerned perils with which he did not choose even to try
to cope, wisely dreading those lurking enemies of a sedentary and
plethoric life. Furthermore, his strong religious sentiment forbade
any effort on his part to deface mother nature, and harness her forces
for his own use or pleasure. The pollution of streams, the destruction
of forests, and the levelling of hills were to him a sacrilege. He was
unwilling to pay the price of civilisation.
The Indian was a tiller of the soil to a very limited extent.
He lived almost entirely upon the natural products of the country,
and his main dependence was hunting and fishing, together with
two native cereals of great value (corn and rice), acorns, berries,
wild fruits, and roots of many kinds. The food was always divided
until it became abundant ; then the women began to gather and
store provisions for the colder months of the year. They were
cured by drying, either over a slow fire or in the sun, and extra
supplies were often hidden or " cached " at some convenient spot ;
for, though nearly all the tribes were nomadic, a given family or
clan had a limited range. The prairie Indians covered more terri-
tory than the forest dwellers, and yet had less variety of food.
The love of possessions was considered effeminate in a warrior,
and the woman owned all property, except her husband's clothing
and weapons. All commerce and even simple barter was unknown.
Our people were generous to a fault, freely bestowing whatever
they had upon one more needy, or upon the stranger who expressed
his admiration of it.
All clothing was made and ornamented by the women with
2 B
370 UNIVERSAL RACES CONGRESS
much skill, according to the tribal pattern, and they also tanned
the skins of which it was made. The tents or lodges were con-
structed by different tribes from various materials — rush mats,
birch-bark, or buffalo skins, entirely prepared by the women. A few
lived in dwellings made of poles thatched with brush or sods.
Canoes were made by both sexes, but pipes and weapons entirely
by the men. Except in cases of emergency, to them fell all
hunting and fishing, while the women tilled the small patches of
maize or beans, gathered berries, dug roots, and prepared maple
sugar. Basket-weaving was done by the women, and blankets and
pottery made by both women and men. The men carved the
wooden bowls and shaped the spoons of wood, bone, horn, and
shell.
The division of labour between the sexes was natural and far
from unjust. It must be remembered that in a society like theirs
there could be no merely ornamental members. Upon the men
devolved those labours involving the severest hardship, peril and
exposure — war and the chase ; while the women undertook all the
care of the home, including the drudgery of providing wood and
water.
After the advent of the white man, bringing with him more
effective weapons, better implements of labour, and new ideas of
industry and commerce, these simple occupations were enlarged and
systematised, through observation or direct teaching, and several
semi-civilised industries developed. Such were blanket-weaving and
sheep-herding on a large scale in the south-west, and maple sugar
making among the Ojibways.
Religion. — The religion of the American Indian has been generally
misunderstood, and that by reason of his own reticence as much as
the intolerance and prejudice of the outsider. He was trained from
infancy to hold the " Great Mystery " sacred and unspeakable.
That Spirit which pervades the universe in its every phase and
form was not to be trifled with by him in express terms. The
Indian cultivated his mind and soul so as to feel, hear and see God in
Nature. He distinguished clearly between intellect and spirit, and
while conceding to man superior intelligence, as evidenced by the
gift of articulate speech, he perceived in the unerring instinct of the
dumb creation something mysterious and divine.
He had absolute faith in the immortality of the spirit, believing
that the " Great Mystery " had breathed something of himself into
every human frame. The highest type of prayer was offered fasting
and alone in a solitary place, if possible upon a mountain-top, and
was a true communion of spirits, far above all earthly or selfish
desire. There was also a secondary form of prayer for bodily wel-
SIXTH SESSION 371
fare or the satisfaction of material needs, in which the Indian
appealed to his father the Sun, the great-grandfather Rock, or the
spirits of animals as intermediaries. The rites of this worship
were purely symbolic. He believed in the intercession of the
souls of the departed, and there were totems or emblematic devices
to which a certain sacredness was attached, as talismans, not as
idols.
His religious teachers were the women, and, above all, the
mothers, who cultivated the spiritual nature of the child before its
birth, by thinking pure and high thoughts in nature's solitudes,
and continued it later by the continual suggestion of a listening
attitude — one of openness to the Unseen Powers. In a word, this
simple religion of his was an attitude of mind rather than a dogma,
and consisted in the all but universal sentiments of humility,
reverence, and devotion.
The Social Law. — The unwritten codes of the wild tribes were
not easily changed nor often broken. The punishment of the trans-
gressor was direct and sure. It should never be forgotten that
primitive life on this continent was not a life of licence, but in
many respects of a strict etiquette and an austere morality.
There was never any promiscuous intermingling of the sexes
permitted among us. Girls and boys were not allowed to play
together after reaching the age of ten or twelve years. No young
man could talk to a girl unless he desired to make her his wife.
Even brothers and sisters might not talk and jest freely together,
but were expected to preserve the utmost dignity and decorum.
Marriage was not allowed within the clan. It was considered
that the reproductive power was the most mysterious and sacred
gift of the Divine to man, and it was safeguarded with much
anxiety and reverence. The honour and trust given to woman in
motherhood won for her a peculiar precedence, as all-important
among created beings. The lineage of our chiefs was reckoned in
the maternal line, and the purity of our girls was sacredly guarded
by each succeeding generation. The annual " Feast of Virgins "
was established as evidence and incentive to such purity ; and the
Sioux had a custom which allowed a young man to reject his
bride publicly if upon receiving her she was found to be
unchaste.
It is true that in the wild life a plurality of wives was per-
mitted under certain conditions. The reasons for it are thus ex-
plained. Our young men, being so ambitious for honour in the
" feather count," or record of brave deeds, many of them were
killed without leaving successors. Furthermore, it was customary
to limit the children of one mother to five, some of whom would
372 UNIVERSAL RACES CONGRESS
probably not live to maturity, therefore the tribe increased very
slowly, if at all, in numbers. The conditions imposed were, first,
that only a man of superb physique and superior ability should
have more than one wife ; second, that the wives should be
sisters ; third, that all concerned should be agreed in the matter,
and it was thought better that the proposition should come
from the woman's parents. In this manner, the blood of the
family was kept distinct, and the relation both honourable and
happy.
Medicine-men were public servants, asking no fee for their
services, and until commercialism was introduced and their primi-
tive faith destroyed, they were very influential and useful members
of the community. The majority were simply herbalists, using
well-tried vegetable remedies, and there were many varieties of
mental healers who undertook to re-create the physical man through
spiritual influences. They made use of music and charms to gain
the attention of the patient, employed vapour baths frequently and
occasionally a little blood-letting, but did not practise surgery in
any form.
War was regarded primarily as a test and development of the
qualities of manhood ; its object was never conquest or self-
aggrandisement. In the old days the Indians seldom took captives
or any sort of plunder. The scalp-lock was merely the necessary
evidence of success. Most barbarous mutilations of the body
belonged to the transition or " whisky period," and it was only
necessary to touch the body of a fallen enemy at the risk of one's
own life to win the coveted eagle- feather. The early European
colonists did not hesitate to utilise this scalp-lock custom of the
" savages," and offered bounties for scalps, including those of women
and children. •'•£>"
A loyal and disinterested friendship was one of the finest things
developed by the first North American, who knew how to be a
true comrade, even to death. Intelligence combined with patriotism
meant leadership, and was always at a premium. Of culture in the
technical sense he had none, but that his mind was logical and keen
is sufficiently proved by his oratory and his generalship. His chil-
dren were taught to obey : silence, self-control, self-denial, these were
the foundations of character-building. There was a school of the
woods in which the young were systematically trained in body and
mind, by sports and native arts of many kinds, nature-study and
wood-craft, together with a thorough drill in tribal history, tradition,
and folk-lore.
The position of women has already been indicated in some
degree. The mother was the head of the family, and nothing of
SIXTH SESSION 373
importance was determined upon without her approval. Women
were admitted to the society of the " medicine-lodge " on equal
terms, and sometimes invited to a seat in the council. Some tribes
had female chiefs.
The Transition Period. First effects of Civilisation. — The first
effects of contact between this primitive race, with its Spartan
virtues and non-progressive philosophy, and the strenuous and
dominant Anglo-Saxon race were, speaking broadly, destructive
and demoralising, leading only after untold misery to an era of
reconstruction and progress. These results may be grouped in
two classes : those which were natural and inevitable, and those
which were the fruits of a deliberate policy.
The conflicts born of a disputed occupancy of the soil were
doubtless largely inevitable. It has been plausibly argued that
the Indian had no possessory rights in territory he did not use
except as a hunting-ground ; but no such principle is found in
the white man's law, and as a matter of fact his rights were recog-
nised from first to last by treaty and purchase. Unfortunately,
the red man did not understand his white brother. He innocently
supposed that on this vast continent there was room for both,
where each could peaceably develop his peculiar mode of life. It
is almost unnecessary to say that he was slow to recognise the
superiority of an organised form of society, and unwilling to accept
the arts and letters, customs and religion of the invader until
brought to see the stern necessity of so doing by starvation, oppres-
sion, and suffering in many forms.
It was equally inevitable that the vices of the more sophisticated
race should be imitated by the simpler ; and being in no degree
immune to their effects, the resulting degradation was rapid and
apparently hopeless. Trade for furs and other articles of value,
initiated by the cupidity of the white man, helped to accomplish
the downfall of the red, by substituting a desire for gain for his
native uncalculating generosity, but yet more by the unprincipled
use of strong drink, which the early traders found to be of invaluable
assistance in controlling and defrauding him. In the train of
whisky and drunkenness came debauchery and diseases caused
by immorality ; then the hitherto unknown and frightful small-pox,
decimating many tribes and wiping out whole bands ; and finally
the white plague, tuberculosis, following inevitably upon a
sedentary and indoor life in unsanitary dwellings (whose use was
suggested or compelled by the white man), together with poor and
insufficient food.
The Christian missionary, especially the " Black Robe," pressed
close upon the heels of the trader, and though urged by the best
374 UNIVERSAL RACES CONGRESS
of motives nevertheless made grave mistakes. Misunderstanding
and denouncing the Indian's own religion as "devil-worship," he
often succeeded only in overthrowing the native philosophy without
substituting anything better, and many of the early converts were
such in name only, being recruited from among the loafers and
sycophants of the tribes, while the stronger characters held proudly
aloof.
History makes it plain to us that the European colonists at
first shared in the Indians' misconception of their ultimate relation.
Vast tracts of land far to the westward of the settlements were
set aside from time to time for their perpetual occupancy, only
to be again seized upon in a few years as the country developed.
Finally, each tribe made its last stand, fighting with wonderful but
hopeless courage and temporary success against overwhelming odds,
and one by one they were subdued and overthrown, not without
the help of such means as the wholesale extermination of game*
the use of tribe against tribe, and even the bribery and corruption
of chiefs and headmen to induce them to betray their people.
The horrors and cruelties of Indian warfare are attributable not
only to the desperate situation of the natives and fierce resentment
caused by the continual treaty-breaking, but to their possession
of knives and modern fire-arms gained in trade.
Upon their complete subjugation followed the "reservation
period," in the case of those tribes whose game was destroyed
necessarily including the pauperising effect of the issue of regular
rations ; and in this miserable prison existence, at the mercy of
petty officials bent on " graft," the manhood of the Indian suffered
its final eclipse, and his beggarly apathy was like that of a wild
animal confined in a zoological garden.
We may say now without much fear of contradiction that the
reservation policy was a mistake, the fruits of a radical misappre-
hension of the red man's native capacity. A generation ago it
was common to affirm his absolute inability to assimilate the white
man's civilisation. There was, of course, no such inability, but
merely a lack of motive and opportunity ; in other words, it was
a simple question of adaptation to environment. Yet this shallow
and immoral doctrine has been embodied in such well-known
sayings as " There's no good Indian but a dead Indian," and " You
can no more civilise an Indian than you can civilise a rattlesnake " ;
the one attributed to a famous general, the other to a United States
senator. At the opposite extreme, and the one gradually coming
into full acceptance by a more enlightened generation, we have
General Pratt's unanswerable logic: "To civilise the Indian, get
him into civilisation ! "
SIXTH SESSION 375
<x\ Inter-racial Marriage. — The intermingling of the blood of the
aborigines of America with that of their white conquerors began
at an early period, and has continued in growing measure to the
present day. In their origin these were usually mere temporary
alliances, entered into solely for the pleasure and convenience of
the border white man, and opposed by the better class of Indians,
who saw in them a menace to their racial integrity. The children
of these unions form the numerous and much abused race of " half-
breeds," whose fathers are of all nationalities, the French and
Scotch predominating, and of all classes from army officers and
gentlemen through wealthy Indian traders and rough pioneers
to fugitives from justice. The great majority have cast in their
lot with their mothers' people and grown up as " Indians," with
slight if any advantage over the mass of these. The common slur
which attributes to the mixed-blood " the vices of both races and
the virtues of neither " is absolutely unjust. Many of them have
been men and women of good abilities and fine character ; and
of the reckless and dissipated class, it should in fairness be said
that their weaknesses are due not to a mixture of blood which
has many times proved fortunate, but to a vicious heredity or
indifferent bringing up, or both together.
Within the past twenty or thirty years, and occasionally before
that time, there have been a great many inter-marriages of a
different character, between educated Indians and Caucasians ; and
whereas in the early days only Indian women contracted these
alliances, of late years almost as many Indian men choose Anglo-
Saxon wives. Such marriages, based upon mutual sympathy and
affection, have been generally happy and have had the best
results.
Since it is admittedly impossible for the Indian to continue to
exist as a separate race, with his proper racial characteristics and
customs, within the limits of the United States, race amalgamation
is the only final and full solution of the problem, and only in this
sense, implying no lack of vitality, but quite the reverse, is the
American Indian a "dying race." In remote parts of Canada,
where there is as yet no pressure of white population, the process
may take a longer time ; but, at the present rate, it will not be
two hundred years, perhaps not even a hundred, before the full-
blooded Indian is extinct.
The Outlook. — Looking toward the future, we can affirm that
the educational policy of the last thirty or forty years, both in
the United States and Canada, built upon an earlier but inadequate
system of mission schools, is, broadly speaking, a success, and
if adopted much earlier on the present large scale would long
376 UNIVERSAL RACES CONGRESS
since have settled the whole question. Many millions of dollars,
in part " trust funds " belonging to the tribes, and in part direct
appropriations, have been expended for building and maintaining
a large number of Indian schools, with an army of white and
native teachers. Industries, manners, and morals form an important
part of the curriculum, and the best schools lay particular stress
upon hygiene and sanitation — a most essential feature, as it cannot
be denied that the Indian's health has commonly suffered from
close confinement.
However, the best individual results have been attained by
bringing the young Indian into direct contact and competition
with Caucasian youth, as warmly advocated by General Pratt, a
thinker and administrator of the first rank, and the founder of
the Carlisle School. The whole system of race segregation and
separation is a mistake, except as a temporary expedient, as applied
to a comparatively small number of individuals who can undoubtedly
be trained and assimilated without serious difficulty, provided
thorough measures are taken. There is already a fraction which
is socially, commercially, and professionally at one with the general
population, while a majority of the whole have received allotments
of land in severalty, and have become citizens.
At the present time, it is not so much a question of the Indians
themselves as of the Indian Bureau at Washington. Only about
350,000 of the natives are left, some 260,000 of them in the United
States, and these are pretty well scattered throughout the western
half of the country, completely surrounded by, and in many case
intermingled with, the white population. It is the huge, unwieldy
system that has grown up both at Washington and in the field
that hampers the development of the "new Indian" and tends to
perpetuate his state of wardship and partial dependence. The
sooner all restrictions can be removed, all specialising institutions
discontinued, and all trust funds divided per capita, the better
for the manhood and full independence of the Indian citizen.
There is much to be thankful for in that the land question
is now practically settled. Indian wars have presumably ceased,
most of the younger generation of Indians speak some English, and
have at least a modicum of education, their interests are fully
identified with those of their white neighbours, and the latent
genius of my race in art, eloquence, mechanics, or what not is
in a fair way to be utilised towards the fuller development of the
twentieth century.
[Paper submitted in English.]
SIXTH SESSION 377
THE METIS, OR HALF-BREEDS, OF BRAZIL
By Dr. JEAN BAPTISTE DE LACERDA, Rio de Janeiro.
Director of the National Museum of Rio de Janeiro, Corresponding
Member of various scientific societies of Europe and America,
Honorary Professor in the Faculty of Medicine at the
University of Chile.
As the narrow limits within which I must confine myself do not
allow me to write as lengthy a paper as my subject requires, I
shall give only a short account, without much development, dealing
with the essential and really important aspects of the question.
From the anthropological and social point of view, the question of
the metis has an exceptional importance in Brazil ; chiefly because
the proportion of metis in its mixed population is very high, and
these products of the intercourse of the negro and the white are
largely represented in social and political life.
In order that we may, a little later, establish certain conclusions
in regard to the future of the metis of Brazil, we must begin by
settling an anthropological question which many regard as still
unsettled. It is the question whether we are to conceive the whites
and the blacks as two races or two species. Polygenists, basing
their opinion on the difference in physical characters between the
white and the black, which they regard as deeper than the differences
that separate many species in the animal world, consider them to be
two species of the genus Homo. Those who reason thus, however,
forget that there is the same difference in physical characters between
various races of the same animal species ; for instance, in the species
of Cants familiaris, and in certain species of birds, in which natural
or artificial selection has brought about a diversity of races with
greater differences in the physical characters — colour, form, and
stature — than we find between the white man and the black. Science
has as yet no infallible criterion by which it can distinguish races
from species. The one test by which we can provide a secure
foundation for this distinction is the fertility or infertility of the
offspring which results from crossing the two species in question.
If their progeny continue to reproduce in successive generations, the
parents constitute a race. If, on the contrary, they prove sterile, the
parents which were crossed must be considered species.
Admitting this principle, which seems to me sounder physiologi-
cally and more natural than any of the others, I have no difficulty in
granting that the white man and the black man are merely two races,
and not two distinct species. Every one is aware that the metis, who
378 UNIVERSAL RACES CONGRESS
come of the mating of the white and the black, remain fertile for
many generations.
While, however, the whites and the blacks preserve their respective
racial characters for an indefinite period — a quality which is known
as their fixity — the metis, or half-breeds born of their intercourse, do
not. They are not a real race, because many of their physical
characters are not fixed, but tend to vary at each new crossing ;
sometimes they diverge toward the white type, sometimes toward
the black. This innate tendency of the metis, depriving them
of the characteristic qualities of a fixed race, has a considerable
influence in the transformations that a mixed population must
experience in the course of ages, when the mating of individuals
is not subject to precise social rules, and the metis are quite
free to mate with the whites, thus giving rise to offspring which
diverges more and more, every time, from the black to the white
type.
That is the actual condition of the mixed population of Brazil.
The negro, an almost complete savage, bought in the African
markets and transported to the Brazilian coast by Portuguese traders
during the first half of the last century, arrived there in a state
of the most abject brutality to which a race of men can fall. The
adventurers who were then exploiting the fertile soil of Brazil
treated them worse than domestic animals, and inflicted the most
cruel and humiliating trials on them. During the voyage they shut
them in the hold at the least sign of revolt, closed the hatches, and
emptied sacks of lime in the close atmosphere. Some died of famine,
others of thirst, and others were asphyxiated by the exhalations of
the crowd, vitiating the air in which they lived. The Governments
of several civilised nations stood out against this inhuman conduct,
which did not press in the least on the conscience of the murderous
traders. England, amongst other countries, was compelled to tolerate
piracy in order to put an end to this disgraceful traffic.
Landed on the coast in the most sequestered and least accessible
spots, these masses of human beings were divided into lots and
sold to the owners of the estates, who did not scruple to separate wives
from husbands, children from parents, according to the pleasure of the
bidders. In this way, for the cultivation of the soil, the Portuguese
introduced nearly two million blacks into Brazil. This unhealthy
introduction of slaves has hampered the destiny of Brazil down to
our own time, and has had disastrous moral consequences which only
the slow action of time will wholly efface.
The negroes, as they arrived, were conveyed to the interior, where
they died in large numbers after undergoing all kinds of misery.
The most surprising feature of the situation is that the masters, with-
SIXTH SESSION 379
out the least delicacy, made concubines of their female slaves, and
these unions of white and black naturally became very numerous.
In a very few years the districts surrounding the rural estates had
a large population of metis. They shared the lot of their mothers,
and remained under the yoke of their common master. As they were
more active and intelligent than the blacks, they soon made their
way into the homes and were occupied in domestic service. Many
of them won the esteem of their masters and those about them.
Some of them, giving proof of real intelligence and devotion to their
employers, were, from a feeling of gratitude, emancipated by the
latter, and were given the rudiments of an artistic education. In
this way some of them became clever mechanics, carpenters, cabinet-
makers, and even tailors. I have known personally an emancipated
mulatto who had by his own ability obtained the diploma of a doctor
of medicine, and was a credit to his profession throughout his life.
The progress of the metis up the social ladder, which began in
the time of their slavery, has continued to our own time in accord-
ance with the laws of intellectual selection. We must recognise the
generous feelings of the majority of the Brazilian slave-owners. They
showed a really Christian spirit in improving, as far as possible, the
lot of the children of slaves born on their estates. How many times
have we not seen masters who did not hesitate to bring their little
mulatto slaves to the family table ? They looked after their food
and clothing, and treated them with kindness and gentleness when
they were ill. The female mulattoes were often dressed in the
fashion of the hour, wore jewellery, and, acting as maids of honour,
they followed the master's daughters when they were out walking,
going to church, or taking part in public festivals. It was no
less uncommon at that time to see the master's son accompanied by
a metis of the same age when he was out hunting or riding or
going to the country balls, which were attended by people of every
class. As a rule the slave-owners employed negresses or mulattoes
to nurse their children. These fortunate women were emanci-
pated as soon as their work was over, and nearly always continued to
live in freedom under the same roof and have various privileges.
The aged negroes were only employed in light occupations ; during
the remainder of their time they chatted with the master's young
children, telling them odd stories that were calculated to strike
the imagination.
The contact of the Portuguese and the negro in the regions of the
New World assumed a character quite different from that of the
Anglo-Saxons in contact with the same race. While the Portuguese
did not hesitate to mix with the negro to the extent of begetting a
mixed offspring, the Anglo-Saxon, more jealous of the purity of his
38o UNIVERSAL RACES CONGRESS
lineage, kept the negro at a distance, and merely used him as an
instrument of toil. It is a curious and remarkable fact that neither
the lapse of time nor any other factor has been able to alter this early
attitude of the North Americans, who keep the black race separated
from the white population down to our own days. Brazil acted
differently. The whites there set up a race of metis that is scattered
to-day over a vast extent of its territory.
Galton's deductions in regard to hybridity in animals cannot be
wholly applied to human half-breeds. In the case of man there is an
inheritance of moral and intellectual qualities that follows no fixed
and absolute rules. Under the influence of agencies of which we do
not know the nature, the intellectual qualities often reach, in the
mixed progeny of the white and black, a degree of superiority which
cannot be explained in terms of heredity, either remote or proximate.
Some unknown force gives rise in them to an intelligence that
is capable of developing to a pitch that neither of the parents could
reach. It is, in fact, common to find, as the offspring of a white
of very mediocre intelligence, mated with a negress of the lowest
grade of culture, an individual of considerable intellectual power ;
just as if one of the effects of crossing in the case of man was
precisely to improve the intelligence, or the moral and reflective
qualities which distinguish individuals of the two races crossed.
Although it is impossible to say that the metis are models of
beauty, either in their figure or contour, it is nevertheless quite true
that, especially in the female sex, we meet types with graceful and
well-proportioned figures. The voluptuous instincts are strongly
developed in most of them, and may be traced in their languorous
eyes, thick lips, indolent tone, and comparative slowness of speech.
As a rule they are not muscular, and they seem to have little power
of resisting disease. Tuberculosis, especially, claims many victims
among them. They are habitually courageous, bold, intelligent, very
talkative, and extremely imaginative. From the moral point of view,
however, it must be acknowledged that it is not possible to place
a blind confidence in their loyalty or their probity.
They have black or chestnut hair, inclining to redness at times ;
and it is almost always curly, very rarely straight. Their eyes are
of chestnut-brown, sometimes a little greenish. Their teeth are less
protruding and less regular than those of the black. In some of them
the alveolar prognathism and the dark colouring of the Malpighian
mucous layer are quite visible. Their complexion varies consider-
ably, from a dark yellowish or olive to a dull white. They are
usually dolichocephalic and platyrrhine; the cephalic and nasal
index, however, vary over an extensive scale. As agricultural
workers the metis are obviously inferior to the blacks, whose physical
SIXTH SESSION 381
robustness and muscular strength they have not inherited. They
have scarcely shown any capacity for commercial or industrial life.
As a rule, they squander what they have, are irresistibly fond of
ostentation, are unpractical in their affairs, versatile, and intemperate
in their enterprises. No one, however, can dispute that they are
keenly intelligent and have a disposition for letters and science, and
a fair political capacity. The metis of Brazil have given birth down
to our own time to poets of no mean inspiration, painters, sculptors,
distinguished musicians, magistrates, lawyers, eloquent orators,
remarkable writers, medical men, and engineers, who have been
unrivalled in their technical skill and professional ability. As
politicians they are clever, insinuating, and very acute in profiting by
any favourable opportunity to secure a position ; they are usually
energetic and courageous in the struggle, in which they use every
weapon with equal zest.
From all this it is clear that, contrary to the opinion of many
writers, the crossing of the black with the white does not generally
produce offspring of an inferior intellectual quality ; and if these half-
breeds are not able to compete in other qualities with the stronger
races of the Aryan stock, if they have not so pronounced an instinct
of civilisation as the latter, it is none the less certain that we cannot
place the metis at the level of really inferior races. They are
physically and intellectually well above the level of the blacks, who
were an ethnical element in their production.
The co-operation of the metis in the advance of Brazil is notorious
and far from inconsiderable. They played the chief part during
many years in Brazil in the campaign for the abolition of slavery. I
could quote celebrated names of more than one of these metis
who put themselves at the head of the literary movement. They
fought with firmness and intrepidity in the Press and on the platform.
They faced with courage the gravest perils to which they were
exposed in their struggle against the powerful slave-owners, who had
the protection of a conservative Government. They gave evidence
of sentiments of patriotism, self-denial, and appreciation during the
long campaign in Paraguay, fighting heroically at the boarding
of the ships in the naval battle of Riachuelo and in the attacks
on the Brazilian army, on numerous occasions in the course of this
long South-American war. It was owing to their support that the
Republic was erected on the ruins of the empire.
Prejudices of race and colour, which were never so firmly rooted
in Brazil as one finds them in the population of North America, have
lost much more of their strength since the Republic was proclaimed.
As the new regime opened the door to all talent, many able mulattoes
succeeded in gaining admission to the highest political offices in the
382 UNIVERSAL RACES CONGRESS
country. In the National Congress, the courts, higher education, the
diplomatic world, and the highest branches of the administration, the
mulattoes now occupy a prominent position. They have a great
influence on the government of the country.
Marriages between metis and whites are no longer disdained
as they formerly were, now that the high position of the mulatto and
the proof of his moral qualities have led people to overlook the
evident contrast of his physical characters, and his black origin is
lost sight of in the approximation of his moral and intellectual
qualities to those of the white.
The mulatto himself endeavours, by marriage, to bring back his
descendants to the pure white type. Children of metis have
been found, in the third generation, to present all the physical
characters of the white race, although some of them retain a
few traces of their black ancestry through the influence of atavism.
The influence of sexual selection, however, tends to neutralise that of
atavism, and removes from the descendants of the metis all the
characteristic features of the black race. In virtue of this process of
ethnic reduction, it is logical to expect that in the course of another
century the metis will have disappeared from Brazil. This will
coincide with the parallel extinction of the black race in our midst.
When slavery was abolished, the black, left to himself, began to
abandon the centres of civilisation. Exposed to all kinds of
destructive agencies, and without sufficient resources to maintain
themselves, the negroes are scattered over the thinly populated
districts, and tend to disappear from our territory.
The mixed population of Brazil will, therefore, present a very
different aspect in another century from that which it has to-day.
The current of European immigration increasing every day, the
white element of the population will after a time displace the
elements which might retain any of the characters of the negro.
Brazil will then become one of the chief centres of civilisation in the
world. It will be the great market of the wealth of America,
exploiting all its industries, enjoying every facility for transport
in the conduct of foreign and intra-continental commerce, and filled
with an active and enterprising population, which will occupy the
large cities on the coast and then spread over the vast plains
of the interior and along the winding rivers of South America.
"Labor et Divitia" is the motto carved over the gateway of the
vast region of Brazil, in which there is room enough for all the races
of the world to live in harmony and prosperity.
submitted in French.]
bn I>f-jo ' oi ,i
SEVENTH SESSION
POSITIVE SUGGESTIONS FOR PROMOTING
INTER-RACIAL FRIENDLINESS
THE RESPECT WHICH THE WHITE RACE
OWES TO OTHER RACES
By Baron D'EsTOURNELLES DE CONSTANT, Paris.
IT is not my intention to speak of our duties ; I confine myself to an
appeal to our self-interest.
It is to the interest of the white race to form some clear and
precise estimate of the overwhelmingly large number of subject
peoples whom so far we have succeeded in dominating, regarding
them, in our pride, as definitely inferior to ourselves. That we should
class them as such is, to a certain extent, intelligible ; for it is obvious
that among the very various inhabitants of the globe not all have been
equally endowed with like advantages. Some are favoured, others
hardly treated in such matters as climate and soil, the attitude of
their neighbours, or the accidents of their own history. There are
native races who are truly wretched and so horribly oppressed by
other natives that conquest by the white man has been their help and
even their salvation. While admitting this, however, we are bound to
add that our classification of native races as inferior has for centuries
allowed a minority of human beings to take unscrupulous and un-
limited advantage of a less privileged majority. Would the infamous
traffic in negroes ever have been tolerated if it had not been justified
by the degradation of these unfortunate beings to the position of
game or cattle? And so embedded in our customs has this view
of them become that, in spite of the abolition of slavery, it has been
necessary to found societies for the protection of natives much as we
found societies for the protection of animals.
383
384 UNIVERSAL RACES CONGRESS
We have, then, to make a considerable advance if we would rid
ourselves of race prejudice ; for such prejudice has its advantages and
is sometimes no more than a pretext. The white race, while possess-
ing generous instincts which no one can refuse to recognise, has, at the
same time, in its position as the dominant race, found it convenient
to regard itself as superior in order to attribute a goodly number
of abuses to the necessities of advancing civilisation. As though it
were really love of progress that impelled us to despoil native races of
their possessions.
If the white race were more sincere and simply put in practice
those Christian principles which the so-called lower races are accused
of not knowing, it would take as its guide the most elementary of
those principles : " Do not to others what you would not they should
do unto you," and the race question, like the social question, would
never arise at all. But these principles are not among our articles of
export, and they are applied as seldom as possible. This is why
I have often wished to put something else in their place : to wit, new
duties, duties really human and not simply personal or national.
With the actual and constantly increasing facilities for international
communication, large duties, universal in character, will in the end
supersede the whole body of domestic obligations. The French
Revolution proclaimed the Rights of Man, but this is not enough.
We must now pass on to a proclamation more disinterested, more
general, more international in kind. The Hague Conferences are
only a first step ; one day we shall begin to proclaim the Duties
of Man. In Article 48 of the Convention for the peaceful settlement
of international disputes the word " duty " has, at the suggestion
of France, been inserted for the first time in an international agree-
ment. This is a beginning !
Meanwhile, without pitching our demands too high, let us respect
other races rather in our own interest than in theirs. It is to our
interest as individuals and to our interest as nations.
In Tunis, where — thanks to the Protectorate, the Association
policy, and the co-operation of natives in the Government — we have
avoided the melancholy confusion and disorder of our Algerian regime
and have at least made things better than they were, the good
colonist has always, in my experience, been rewarded by the friend-
ship of the natives, and the Government itself has reaped the fruit of
its tolerance in the form of tranquillity, increase of revenues, and, in
short, peaceful prosperity. Our toleration has spared us the neces-
sity of undertaking ruinous expeditions. It is for this very reason
that the Protectorate was so severely criticised by those who favour
the policy of the strong hand.
It was in Tunis that I received my first training in the policy
SEVENTH SESSION 385
of conciliation. In short, the explanation of French success in
Tunis is that there we have tamed our own pride and not merely
that of the Arabs.
It is justice and mildness that, in last resort, are at the root
of every fruitful form of human activity. Violence only sows
hatred ; injustice only nurtures reprisal.
Every country where these self-evident elementary truths are
still regarded as naive and childish is a countujr that lies under
threat of ruin. Punishment under one form or another awaits it,
and terrible will this punishment be.
When foreign rule is imposed by violence, the first feeling
inspired in the native is a grudging dislike and contempt. Little
by little a deep but silent hatred gathers force, and all our organ-
isation is at the mercy of a rising which will break forth at the
first favourable opportunity.
In the Far East, for instance, what would become of our various
establishments — French, English, Dutch, German, Russian, Spanish,
or Portuguese — if they were merely isolated stations in a sea of
hostile inhabitants? The only possible condition on which we
Europeans can keep such people under our control is that our
conquest of them should be a moral and not simply a material
conquest. In other words, we must make them forget the material
aspect of conquest in the moral, so that it may be a benefit and
not a scourge.
I said long ago : the true defence of our colonies is the sympathy
of the native. Against hatred which waits and bides its time
we can solace ourselves only with illusions — illusions that cheat
none but the ignorant.
Nor is this all. We European colonisers are threatened by yet
another punishment which already looms in sight. Take your
stand in some great military seaport, and watch the troops returning
from the colonies with all the air and prestige of conquerors. Where
is the white man, however excellent, who can be perfectly certain
that in the great wide spaces of our various European colonies
he will he able to resist the terribly demoralising effect of unlimited
power, conjoined with the influences of solitude and climate?
Where is the white man who has not in Africa and Asia felt
himself to be more or less master^ with power to act as he will,
with power to oppress? . . .
Thus there is a tendency — however much our better representa-
tives may resist it and protest against it — a regrettable and
retrograde tendency among white men once left to their own
devices to cultivate and foster deliberately a brutality whose evil
traditions they then bring back with them to their mother-state ;
2 c
386 UNIVERSAL RACES CONGRESS
so that the harm we thought we could inflict with impunity upon
others returns on our own heads. He whose aim it was to rule
has become a slave. The poison he meant to spread around him
has entered his own veins.
Fortunately, there is no excess which does not provoke its own
reaction and end by arousing a movement of protest. Thus among
the explorers and officers in our colonies and the enterprising men
of action who are fired with ideals of public utility, we find some
admirable individuals — apostles, indeed, atoning by their virtue
for the misdeeds of their fellows. As elsewhere, so here, only with
more brutal vividness, the struggle goes on between good and
evil. On the one side are the old instincts of pirate and slave-
dealer ; on the other, the soul of the saint. Here, as elsewhere,
he who rises above himself exalts therewith both his country and
the human race. But this does not solve the problem. It only
sets it in clearer relief. We may sum it up as follows : the white
man whose only aim it is to be feared by the native is alike
detestable and detested. He is drawing down upon himself, his
country, and his race a vengeance which perhaps will only reach
his sons, but which will be the more terrible in proportion as it
is slow to work itself out. Thus the last word as regards the
education of the native is that we must first educate the white
man, cultivate the spirit of justice, sink our pride and respect
the rights of others.
These high-sounding words were once words only. They were
laughed at But to-day they live, they are spread abroad, they
arrest attention. Say what one will, have I not seen them triumph
at the two Hague Conferences where the representatives of so-called
" inferior " races have entered freely into discussion with those of the
greater Powers, have secured, amid universal applause, the victory of
wiser and more generous principles, and have made Force begin to
bend before Right ?
I know well that this is only a beginning. But these great
discussions serve to induct us in the pathway which leads to the
discovery of the world and the better understanding of our own
nature. These international meetings have the happy effect of
stimulating education among the nations represented — national
education, moral education, and, in fine, general education. They
teach us to discipline ourselves and our egoism ; they illumine
our conscience, and show us where our true interest lies. The rest
will then be added unto us. White men will win more respect and
love in so far as they are really superior and not merely stronger
and better educated.
Already great headway has been made. It was an enormous step
SEVENTH SESSION 387
in advance when, at the Hague Conference, all States, irrespective of
race or size, were accorded one vote each, of precisely equal value.
There will be no going back upon this. Each nation must have
its own voice, its own right, its own share in the world's work.
We are at the dawn of a new era. Our concern now is to hold
fast that which we have gained. Let us each grasp our oppor-
tunity by contributing through the channels of our own national
organisation to the organisation of mankind in general.
[Paper submitted in French.]
::,:-,.! V'fr&I-- ;.«w ;£(>8[ ni f.niiO Mia itfV/ crij hi h an Iteti
INTERNATIONAL LAW, TREATIES, CONFER-
ENCES, AND THE HAGUE TRIBUNAL
By Dr. WALTHER SCHUCKING,
Professor of Law at the University of Marburg, Associate of the
Institute of International Law.
I. Extension of the Commonwealth of International Law. — There
has always been a reciprocal relation between facts and law, and the
development of the law has ever proceeded in such a way that every
change in the facts has given rise to new rules, which must answer
the new needs. As long as the civilised States of Europe lived
their own special lives, the commonwealth of international law was
restricted to the " Christian States of Europe." The inhabitants of
the other countries of the world were only comprised in this inter-
national range, in so far as they were subject to the domination of
the colonising Powers of Europe. From the time, however, when
the United States of America formed an independent polity, inter-
national law lost, from the geographical point of view, its European
character (1783). The rapid development of general commercial
relations led to an extension of the common principles of inter-
national law to every part of the world.
At the beginning of the nineteenth century the revolt of the
colonies of Central and South America led to their establishment
as independent States, but here again there was question only of
descendants of the Latin world in Europe and of a Christian
civilisation. The extension, however, did not stop there. Quite
apart from the extraordinary political expansion of the colonising
Powers of Europe, which, during the last few generations, have
succeeded in incorporating into their respective States subjects of
a different race, living under the most diverse legal forms, and
including them passively in the common range of international
law, the characteristic feature of recent development is that the
388 UNIVERSAL RACES CONGRESS
mutual approach of races has had the effect of enrolling non-
Christian and non-European States among the representatives of
international law.
The events of the Crimean war led to the administration of
Turkey by a "European concert," as it used to be called (1856).
At the same time the Hellespont was declared free, and the first
Power of Mongolian origin encroaching upon Africa and Asia was
admitted on an equal footing in the commonwealth of States. By
the treaties concluded between 1894 and 1896 Japan, on account of
its peculiar development and its strict observance of the law of
nations during the war with China in 1894, was implicitly included
in the commonwealth of civilised States by the suppression of consular
jurisdiction. This success was even more important to the Mongol
race than the preceding, since the genuine Turks could not be
regarded as pure Mongols on account of their crossing with the
Aryan and Semitic races. San Domingo, the mulatto republic, and
Haiti, the negro republic, in the West Indies, are to-day indisputably,
and with full rights, included in the commonwealth of States, and
represent in it an element of Ethiopian or negro race.
We see, then, that the three races of men are already represented
among the forty-three states of the international commonwealth
(Lichtenstein, San Marino, and Monaco being excluded on account
of their small proportions). It is beyond question that other non-
Christian and non-European races will before long be admitted into
this group of civilised States. The question is already raised whether
China, Persia, and Siam, which were represented at the two inter-
national Hague Congresses, ought not to be regarded as subject to
international public law.
The Chinese Empire, which has four hundred million inhabitants,
is imitating Japan in remodelling its civilisation on European lines.
Its impending entrance into the group of civilised nations will be an
event of considerable importance to the Mongol race. The admission
of Siam into the corporation of international law, for which the way
has been prepared by the reforms of the late King Chu-La-Long-
Korn, will strengthen the Mongol element ; while the admission of
the Persians will bring a people of Caucasian origin into the
commonwealth of international law, which was established by the
cognate Indo-Germanic race. The complete international equality
of Persia, China, and Siam will be indicated, as in the case of Japan,
by the absolute and thorough opening of the country to the citizens
of all civilised States, and will at the same time bring about a
peaceful and a closer approach of the various races. The other, the
" semi-civilised " States — Liberia, Abyssinia, and Morocco — will
before long come into contact with the commonwealth of inter-
SEVENTH SESSION 389
national law. The chief objections that were brought against the
Republic of Liberia, in regard to the claim of equality of rights,
have disappeared with the concession of that equality to the negro
republic of San Domingo, as was stated above. The Chamitic
branch of the Caucasian race will shortly be represented in the
family of States by the Moors and the Abyssinians, whose States
have attracted the attention of the colonising Powers of Europe.
Finally, Afghanistan and the small independent States of the
Himalaya, Bhutan, Nepaul, and the small Arabian States, will
also be drawn into the circle of civilised States, assuming that they
maintain their independence.
In every case the expansion proceeds by the advance of some of
the non-European States to the rank of equal members in the sphere
of international law, by the progressive Europeanisation of the non-
European parts of the world. The semi-civilised States are already
recognised as contracting parties, and international law holds good
for the full extent of these contracts. It remains for them to raise
their status to such a level that they will be entitled to equal rights
in international law; while the States which have an older civilisation
are bound to deduce the necessary juristic consequences from the
new situation, and, setting aside racial prejudice, recognise non-
European States as equal members in the international commonwealth
of law.
2. Treaties and Associations of States. — The commonwealth of
international law has not merely been geographically enlarged, and
made to include a larger number of subjects, in the last few gene-
rations ; juristic life within its sphere has become infinitely more
active. It is usually said that the idea of a community of interests
was developed in the course of the nineteenth century. It seems to
me more correct to say that we have for some time felt the need of
having an international organisation in harmony with the inter-
national community of interests. This tendency is seen in the
large number of collective contracts. In each case they effect a
union of a certain number of States for the regulation of some matter
of international importance. In this way smaller associations for
special purposes have been formed within the large circle of public
international law. The fact that the most different races of men are
interested in these particular associations, or at least in one or other
of them, is extremely important in view of the mutual approach
of races.
In point of fact we have not only the passive participation of
certain colonial territories, introduced by a European Power into
its own association (for instance, England bringing all its colonies
into the International Union of Berne for the protection of Literary
390 UNIVERSAL RACES CONGRESS
and Artistic Works in 1886), but we also find a large number of
sovereign and vassal States of non-European origin taking part on
an equal footing in these associations of States. We can find in
the midst of the universal commonwealth of States some that have
not reached the general level. Turkey and Zanzibar, for instance,
were associated with the "Congo Act" in 1885. Turkey, Japan,
and China belong to the more restricted association which was
formed in 1888 to guarantee the free navigation of the Suez Canal.
Japan, China, Persia, Siam, and Egypt are associated in the
" International Union for the Publication of Customs' Tariffs,"
established at Brussels in 1890.
The Universal Postal Union, which was founded by the Paris
Convention (1878) at the proposal of Germany, is another example ;
it embraces nearly the whole of the inhabited earth. Japan, Persia,
Siam, Egypt, and Tunis belong also to the Universal Telegraphic
Union, founded in 1865, which was the first administrative common-
wealth of international law. Turkey, San Domingo, Japan, and
Tunis are also participating members of the " International Contract
for the Protection of Submarine Telegraphic Cables." Japan and
Persia are likewise members of the International Radiotelegraphic
Union of 1908. Japan has already joined the International Union
for the Propagation and Unification of the Metrical System. Tunis,
Japan, and San Domingo belong to the International Union for the
Protection of Industrial Property (1883), and Haiti, Tunis, Japan,
and Liberia belong to the Berne Convention (1886) for the Protection
of Literary and Artistic Works. Egypt, Persia, and Tunis, at least,
all joined the International Union of Public Hygiene in 1903,
the convention establishing which was completed at Rome in 1907.
Turkey, China, Persia, Egypt, and even Abyssinia, took part in the
International Agricultural Union founded at Rome in 1905, on the
praiseworthy initiative of the King of Italy. The Act and the
Conference of Brussels for the Suppression of the Slave-trade, to
which Turkey, Zanzibar, Persia, and Liberia have given their
adhesion, prove that the most different races can unite on matters
which are not merely of commercial and economic interest; and
we have further evidence of the humanitarian tendency of these
countries in the Brussels Act for the Regulation of Arms — Turkey
and Liberia alone, of the above-named Powers, being associated
in this Act.
Special authorities have been created in each case to ensure the
carrying out of the projects which are contemplated in the various
collective contracts I have just quoted. The International Com-
mission, however, for the carrying out of the Act for the Navigation
of the Congo has never intervened, and the International Commission
SEVENTH SESSION 391
for carrying out the contract on the Suez Canal was suppressed in
virtue of an understanding between France and England (1904).
The other common administrative entities which we have enumerated
above have special organs of their own. They have international
conferences, international offices, directing staffs, international com-
missions, and arbitration tribunals. Apart from the " International
Union for the Suppression of the Slave-trade," all the administrative
associations of public international law employ the international
conference as their chief instrument. In the case of the Universal
Postal Union this conference is entitled a Congress, and its sittings
are arranged by contract. International offices have been formed
and developed on the model of the most important central offices
of the kind ; those of the International Telegraphic Union and the
Universal Postal Union are at Berne. The International Office of
Radiotelegraphy is incorporated in the office of the International
Telegraphic Union. There are also at Berne the office of the Union
for the Protection of Industrial Property, and that of the Union for
the Protection of Works of Letters and Art. The International
Office of Weights and Measures, and that of Public Hygiene, founded
respectively in 1903 and 1907, are at Paris. The Central Offices
for the Suppression of the Slave-trade are at Zanzibar and at
Brussels. In the latter city is also the office for the Publication
of Customs' Tariffs. The International Agricultural Institute is
at Rome.
These central offices are not organs of the individual State, but
committees of international law, of which they are the international
representatives. Switzerland and Belgium have been appointed the
representatives, respectively, for the supervision and direction of
the function of the Telegraphic Union at Berne, with its two sub-
divisions : the Universal Post Office and the central offices for the
Protection of the Rights of Authors at Berne ; and the office for
the Publication of Customs' Tariffs and for the Suppression of the
Slave-trade at Brussels. On the other hand, the International
Unions of Weights and Measures and of Public Hygiene have
created special authorities, independent of the territorial power, and
to these is confided, among other functions, the supervision of the
corresponding international office. This type of organisation has
rightly been described as the best for central international offices,
because it withdraws them entirely from the exclusive control of
the State in which they are situated. Such an international com-
mission is set up by the International Union of Weights and
Measures at Paris ; it is composed of forty members, who must
all belong to different States, and they are elected by the Conference
of States, which meets at Paris at least once in six years. There
392 UNIVERSAL RACES CONGRESS
is a similar commission, the Committee for the Supervision of the
International Office of Public Hygiene at Paris, which must meet
at least once a year, each State is represented by a delegate chosen
by itself. The sphere of action of this committee will probably be
enlarged by the incorporation, sooner or later, of the earlier Sanitary
Commissions of Constantinople, Egypt, Tangiers, and Teheran.
These commissions are connected with the police and penal force
in the sphere of their activity. Finally, we have mentioned the
Arbitration Tribunal as an organ of these international unions of
States. This Tribunal is enforced for certain judicial questions in
connection with the Universal Postal Union, and is optional for the
Radiotelegraphic Union.
We have now surveyed the collective civilising work which has
already been accomplished by the races of the East and the West by
means of the particular Unions of international law, of which the
structure is known to us. It is needless to insist further on the great
importance these Associations would have in securing a closer
approach of the various races of men, if they were extended as
widely as possible, like the Universal Postal Union. It is further
desirable that those administrative groups of international public
law, whose sphere of action does not yet extend beyond the States
of Europe and America, should include the States of alien
races.
That applies, for instance, to the International Geodesical Union,
with an office at Potsdam, founded in 1864 on the initiative of
Prussia, which has a purely scientific object. It applies again to
the International Union for the Regulation of the Manufacture of
Sugar, which has an office at Brussels ; Peru is the only American
State that belongs to it. Above all, it is desirable that the extension
of the network of railways should be accompanied by the territorial
transformation of the International Union of Railway Transport,
which is as yet confined to Europe ; it was established at Berne in
1890, and has its central office there.
The importance of this development appears to be even greater
when we reflect that there already exist in these conventions the
groundwork of a code of international commercial law, with regula-
tions for civil procedure. Similarly, the extension of the sphere of the
law of universal exchange, which is in process of development, and
private international maritime law, with which three diplomatic
conferences have already been occupied, so that they should be
more widely recognised according to the exigencies of the relations
of commerce and navigation, is absolutely necessary. The States
of all races would thus find themselves interconnected, and we
should in the end be led to elaborate a law for the whole commerce
SEVENTH SESSION 393
of the world. The great work of the codification of private inter-
national law is conducted primarily and partially within the purely
European circle, but we already see the modest beginning of a
universal law in the fact that Japan took part, in 1904, in the fourth
conference on this subject.
Thus the problem of the closer approach of the various races
of men is not restricted to the creation of associations between States
that already exist ; it is also directed to secure a larger participation
in the efforts of the civilised States of Europe, with a view to
creating international laws for each juristic point that has a world-
wide importance.
3. The Importance of the Hague Conferences and of the Court of
Arbitration. — During the last ten years we have to record, besides
the expansion of the commonwealth of international law and the
establishment of certain important associations, the profound modi-
fication that the commonwealth of law has undergone in its juristic
structure. This transformation consists in the fact that the common-
wealth has converted itself into a union of organised States. The
great commonwealth has become a world-wide union of States.
This is a result of the Hague Conferences, of which the importance
to civilisation is not sufficiently recognised. It is the dawn of a
new era of a world-wide confederation of States. There was a time
when the Caesars of Rome, from one centre, dominated the whole of
the known world, and the great powers of the Middle Ages, the Empire
and the Papacy, endeavoured to restore this universal monarchic
domination. Then the universal monarchy of the Middle Ages dis-
solved into an aggregation of Western States. In our time these
States, augmented by those of the Far East and of parts of the world
that were unknown to the Romans, are forming one great whole.
The importance of the first Hague Conference does not consist
in the codification of the laws of continental warfare, which was
accomplished there, but in the establishment of the Court of Arbi-
tration. The States which participated in the first Hague Conference
— among which the Asiatic States, China, Japan, Persia, and Siam
were included from the outset — really organised themselves into a
" Confederation of States," when they created a common instrument
for maintaining peace in the commonwealth of international law.
It matters little whether or no this title was immediately given
to the new creation ; in view of more timid minds it is as well
that this was not done. But, as jurists, we are wont to speak of
an association of States wherever we have a plurality of States
with certain organs in common. In erecting a common tribunal,
the civilised world created at the same time a union of international
law, controlling the commonwealth of international public law.
394
Although in reality the permanent Court of Arbitration as yet
consists only of a list of names from which the contending parties
must choose their judges for each dispute, there is nevertheless an
international office and commission, entitled the Council of Admini-
stration, just as in the case of particular associations under the
law of nations. A periodical international Conference was not
contemplated at first, but it has been found necessary for nearly
all the Unions of international law, as well as for the general union
of States. The first Hague Conference (1899) was followed by a
second in 1907. The latter did not break up without expressing
a hope of meeting again not later than 1915, and of making about
two years' preparation for this third Conference. Thus the periodical
character of the Hague Conferences is secured in fact, if not in law,
and they will be, as in the case of special associations, the principal
organ of the Union of States. In comparison with this completing
of the commonwealth of international law by the association of
States, the other achievements of the first Hague Conference are
of secondary importance. The fact that in neither Conference was
any practical measure taken in regard to the limitation of arma-
ments does not diminish the service done in the direction of
codifying international law.
Like every progressive organisation, the Association of States
is engaged in creating its code. The first Hague Conference,
amongst other things, codified the law of continental warfare, and
extended the Geneva Convention to maritime law. When the
Geneva Convention for continental warfare had been revised in
1906, the rules of war were completed at the second Hague
Conference, and restrictive rules were imposed in regard to certain
important points of maritime warfare, such as the question of
submarine mines. In its entirety, however, the codification of the
law of maritime warfare had to be referred to the third Conference,
though the preliminary work was done by the Maritime Conference
of London in 1909, in which only a restricted group of Powers,
among which we are pleased to find Japan, took part.
One may say in a general way that, in the codification of the
law of war, in which up to that time there was frequently much
question of power, the States have already elucidated the most
difficult chapters, and that the codification of the rules of the law
of peace — for instance, in regard to the condition of envoys and
consuls — is a thousand times easier. Consequently, if the codifica-
tion of the law of war has already been accomplished in great part,
the further step of incorporating the whole in a complete codified
system may be expected before long. In this code all the rules
which apply to the pacific solution of international conflicts must
SEVENTH SESSION 395
find a place, as well as those which had to be created by the
preceding Conferences : the Institute of International Commissions
of Inquiry, and the Code of Procedure of the Hague Tribunal.
Even before this code is completed, the international association of
States is beginning to consolidate itself, in virtue of a process which
converts the law of nations into a universal public law. The
association of States, which was established in the first Hague
Conference, had still the typical character of particular Unions ;
it was distinguished from them by the circumstance that it was
not an administrative, but a judicial association, that was set up,
and that the whole civilised world took part in it. Moreover, the
association of States that was established had a purely co-operative
structure in harmony with the character of the older international
law. This commonwealth, therefore, consisted only in relations of
State to State — relations which did not affect the sovereignty of
any one of them. States alone could appeal to the Hague Tribunal ;
and it depended on themselves alone whether they appealed or no,
on account of the optional character of the Arbitration Court.
The second Hague Conference created, in the " International
Prize Court," an institution which gives quite a new character to
the association of States. This Court is not optional ; the number
of its members and its competence are settled once for all ; the
judges have to give a solemn assurance that they will act in the
interest of the association of States. In questions of fact and law,
the legal procedure is to pass from the national courts to the
international court. The International Prize Court may abolish
national laws when they involve any departure from justice and
equity ; it may also create new laws when no recognised law exists.
But, above all, any private individual who has suffered an injury,
.whether he belongs to a neutral State or to one of the parties to
the war, may invoke the protection of the International Prize Court
against an unfavourable decision of the hostile State which has
effected the capture ; and the injured citizen of the hostile State
cannot be prevented from doing this by the country of his origin,
as may happen in the case of a neutral citizen.
It has been said in explanation of this contradiction of the
previous rules of international public law, that in this case the
contract is concluded between the States in favour of a third party ;
but those who say this seem to overlook the fact that the private
individual can never be a third person according to the older law
of nations. It has been said that in future, in the case of prizes,
the individual citizen would be regarded as a subject of international
law ; it is more correct to say that the law of nations has really
jlost its specific character on this point The organisation of the
396 UNIVERSAL RACES CONGRESS
world has proceeded so far that international law is being, as was
already said, converted into a world-wide public law. Von Liszt
rightly says that the agreement in regard to the International Prize
Court is the first deliberate step of the co-operative organisation
towards becoming a dominating organisation. But when we speak
of a dominating organisation we do not mean, as in the earlier
terminology, an association under international law, but an asso-
ciation under public law. The sovereignty of States is secured
within the sphere of the association of public law only by the
provision that the whole organisation rests on a contract which
may be nullified at the end of twelve years. In the meantime we
should have, so to say, a temporary confederation as the basis of
the association of the Prize Court.
We have here a prospect beyond all our hopes for the develop-
ment of international law. It was an inconsistency on the part of
the German Empire, on whose initiative this court was founded, to
have frustrated the establishment of a universal obligatory Arbitra-
tion Tribunal. The German delegate, Zorn, rightly said that an
obligatory arbitral jurisdiction would encroach much less on the
sovereignty of States, seeing that the obligation would be relative
and would be rejected in all cases in which the honour, the inde-
pendence, or the vital interests of a State were at stake. The
German Empire cannot very well sustain this contradictory atti-
tude. The Universal Arbitration Court has been developing, since
more than a hundred contracts between States have been concluded,
in which on each occasion two States made the Arbitration Court
obligatory. The development of international law seeks to replace
the individual contract by a collective contract ; the triumph of the
obligatory Arbitration Court is assured by this fact. The Powers
have already unanimously adopted, in the second Hague Con-
ference, a resolution recognising the principle of the obligatory
sentence of an arbitrator, and affirming that certain differences are
of a nature to be submitted to the obligatory judgment of an
arbitrator, without restriction.
Thus the constitution of an International Prize Court will help
to bring into existence the obligatory Court of Arbitration. One
cannot, of course, be content when there is question of an obligatory
judgment, with the former Permanent Court, which, as is well known,
merely consists of a list of names. It will be necessary either to
make the Prize Court accessible to common jurisdiction or add to
the " Permanent Arbitration Court " a really permanent court in the
shape of the " Court of Arbitral Justice," which the second Confer-
ence had proposed. Unfortunately, this project could not be pre-
sented for the signature of the whole Conference, as they had not
SEVENTH SESSION 397
been able to come to agreement either in regard to the number of
judges or the duration of their functions. No agreement was reached
because, on the one hand, the number of the judges would have to be
limited, and, on the other hand, the small States — to the detriment
of progress — would not surrender their rights in the formation of the
Court. In reality, the dogma of the equal right of all States is
destroyed by the fact that in the Prize Court the seats are dis-
tributed on a graduated scheme. This dogma was only valid so far
as States lay side by side without any connection. The progressive
organisation of the world demands a distribution of votes in propor-
tion to the virtual importance of each State in the body of the
Union.
The possibility of the appearance of the individual as plaintiff
before the International Prize Court helps in another direction to
fill a gap in the law of nations. It is true that, in the interests of
peace, the second Hague Conference recognised up to a certain point
the doctrine of Drago : in future armed force cannot be employed
against a debtor State to ensure the fulfilment of its obligations, but
the private individual always depends on the good-will or the energy
of his country. If the second Hague Conference has granted the
individual the right to submit to the International Prize Court the
legality of certain acts of war by which he has suffered, there is no
reason why a Hague Court should not be made accessible to the
complaints, in private law, of the citizens of one State against
another, and why a creditors' court should not be set up for such
cases. This innovation should be carried into effect by the third
Hague Conference.
Lastly, we have the question whether the world -wide confedera-
tion of States will restrict itself to judicial functions. Its natural
development implies that it should take charge of the adminis-
trative associations, such as the Universal Postal Union, which
spread over the whole world ; and that, moreover, it should incor-
porate the corresponding authorities, and bring into action new
associations of the same kind with their proper authorities.
What the most profound of German thinkers — Kant — regards as
the great problem of humanity, a problem " toward the solution of
which nature herself impels us," namely, " the constitution of a
human society with common control of the law," is already being
solved.
We started from the fact that the disturbance of social con-
ditions by the unparalleled extension of commerce has reacted
upon law, and we referred at the beginning of this dissertation to
the relations between the facts and the law. New facts modify the
law, and, on the other hand, the significance of new laws points to
398 UNIVERSAL RACES CONGRESS
new forces. If, in the future, as von Liszt says, every citizen of a
constituent State in the Association of States is a conjoint subject —
a citizen simultaneously of the State and the Confederation — who
will venture to calculate the significance, in regard to the mutual
approach of the races of men, of the proud words that every man
will be able to repeat in all places : Civis mundi sum ?
[Paper submitted in French.]
y.fii,- <j . / -is;
INTERNATIONAL LAW AND SUBJECT RACES
By Sir JOHN MACDONELL, C.B.,
Professor of Comparative Lawy University of London ; Master
:bn: °f tne Supreme Court.
I PROMISED, somewhat rashly, your Secretary to contribute to the
proceedings of the Congress a paper on International Arbitration, a
subject, the importance and opportuneness of which no one in these
days questions. On reflection, however, it appeared to me — and I
think that your Secretary admitted — that while of interest for all
who sympathise with the objects of the Congress, arbitration had
only indirect bearings upon much of its primary work. Great though
the achievements of Arbitration have already been, great though its
future is likely to be, one must not be blind to its limitations. It
is an instrument for settling disputes between Governments ; in
particular, disputes likely to give rise to difficulties between States
which diplomacy fails to settle. No doubt some of these questions
are at bottom racial ; such, for example, are the recurring difficulties
as to emigration between China and Japan on the one hand and
Great Britain and her Colonies and the United States on the other
hand. These difficulties take an economic form ; they originate in
racial antagonism and prejudice. And even when no racial element
is obviously and indisputably present, the real though latent difficulty
in the way of a settlement of disputes may be the repugnance or
distrust arising from race prejudice and misunderstanding.
International Arbitration does not touch, nor is it proposed that
it should touch, many internal and domestic questions profoundly
interesting to races which are not dominant. I take almost at
random racial questions which happen to be of late uppermost : the
condition of the Jews in Russia and Poland ; the Poles under
Russian rule ; the Roumanians in Hungary ; the Finns in Russia ; the
Macedonians and Armenians in Turkey; the East Indians in South
Africa ; the natives of the Congo State under Belgian rule. Inter-
national Arbitration does not help to solve, except very remotely
and indirectly, the problems which these names recall. To-day each
State says, and will long continue to say, " I must be master in my
SEVENTH SESSION 399
own house." That position must be accepted — at all events for the
time. We must look elsewhere for a solution (so far as possible) of
some of the great problems due to differences and collisions of races.
But — and it is the chief object of my inquiry — it may be of
interest to endeavour to examine whether the ends which the
originators of the Congress had in view cannot be furthered by
other means than arbitration ; and, in particular, by a clearer recog-
nition of duties to subject races than now exists ; by better organisa-
tion of existing agencies, and by the creation of new organisations.
I am sensible of the difficulty of making useful suggestions as to
questions, so many, so varied in character, and, it may be said, with
so little in common. Not even a Leibnitz or a Humboldt or other
great organisers of science could survey the whole of the vast field
and map it out with full knowledge. My suggestions are offered
only as hints which may elicit discussion and help clarify ideas. A
further prefatory admission is needed. Great are the limitations of
all machinery and organisations in accomplishing the chief aims in
view. The walls of racial prejudice will not yield to mere organisa-
tion ; the spread of knowledge, the spirit of charity, and new ideals
are the only solvents.
At the outset is the question : How far, if at all, is International
Law applicable to the relations between subject and dominant,
between civilised and uncivilised, races ? According to one view,
they are not in any way applicable ; according to another, they are so,
but only partially, and with many qualifications. I pass over as not
meriting notice in this Congress the contention which is rarely nowa-
days made in so many words, that a high degree of civilisation carries
with it a right to impose the will of the superior upon the inferior ;
that as between them might is right and that the former may do
exactly as they think fit in virtue of their superiority.1
Turning to statements less uncompromising, I proceed to cite
those of one or two writers. The first is by Mr. John Stuart Mill : —
" There is a great difference (for example) between the case in which the
nations concerned are of the same, or something like the same, degree of
civilisation, and that in which one of the parties to the situation is of a high,
and the other of very low, grade of social improvement. To suppose that the
same international customs, and the same rules of international morality, can
obtain between one civilised nation and another, and between civilised nations
and barbarians, is a grave error, and one which no statesman can fall into, how-
ever it may be with those who, from a safe and unresponsible position, criticise
statesmen. Among many reasons why the same rules cannot be applicable to
1 Trione (Gli Stati Civili Nei toro Ropporti Guiridici cot Popoli Barbari, p. 14)
refers to Ize, who cites Hegel and Cousin as holding this opinion. In Ihering's Gcist
des rdmischen Rechts, vol. i., p. i., are some remarkable assertions of the right of power-
ful civilised nations to force their commerce upon Eastern nations.
400 UNIVERSAL RACES CONGRESS
situations so different, the two following are among the most important. In the
first place the rules of ordinary international morality imply reciprocity. But
barbarians will not reciprocate. They cannot be depended on for observing
any rules. Their minds are not capable of so great an effort, nor their wills suffi-
ciently under the influence of distant motives. In the next place nations which
are still barbarous have not got beyond the period during which it is likely to
be for their benefit that they should be conquered and held in subjection by
foreigners. Independence and nationality, so essential to the due growth and
development of a people further advanced in improvement, are generally impedi-
ments to them. ... A violation of great principles of morality it may easily be ;
but barbarians have no rights as a nation, except a right to such treatment as may,
at the earliest possible period, fit them for becoming one. The only moral laws
for the relation between a civilised and a barbarous Government are the uni-
versal rules of morality between man and man " (Dissertations, Hi., p. 167).
I have quoted this passage as expressing the views of those — and
they are many — who lay stress on the absence of reciprocity and the
benefits of civilisation as justifying the application of different rules
from those which are in force between civilised States. Bluntschli
lays stress on the second of the above grounds : —
" Lorsque la contree qui ne fait partie du territoire d'aucun etat est possedee
par des tribus barbares, ces dernieres ne peuvent pas etre expulsees par les
colons des nations civilisees ; on les laissera emigrer en paix et leur fournira un
dedommagement equitable. L'Etat colonisateur a le droft d'etendre sa souve-
rainete sur le territoire occupe par des peuplades sauvages pour favoriser la
civilisation et 1'extension des cultures" (p. 280).
Here is another way of putting the same doctrine : —
"C'est le droit naturel, non le droit international, qui est applicable aux
rapports des nations civilisees avec les nations de 1'Asie. . . . En Asie le droit in-
ternational se transforme en droit nalurel, lequel exige egalement que la parole
donnee soit executee consciencieusement, que la vie et la propriete d'autrui
soient reconnues saintes et inviolables, que les mauvais instincts et passions
cedent leur place aux impulsions justes, honnetes et genereuses" (Martens, "La
Russie et 1'Angleterre dans 1'Asie Centrale," Revue de Droit International, 1879,
p. 241).
This is the way in which the problem presents itself to some
other modern writers : —
" Der Unterschied in der Kultur berechtigt den Europaischen Staat nicht, im
Verkehr mit einem minderkultivierten Volke, z. B., Papua, alle Regeln des
Volkerrechts ausser Acht zu lassen. Es ist vielmehr davon auszugehen, dass
jeder Staat die Grundrechte eines jeden andern — wenn auch von wenig gebil-
deten Menschen geleiteten — Staates so lange durchaus respektert, als es die
Ausiibung der eigenen Grundrechte irgend gestattet " (Gareis, p. 40).
" European States will be obliged, partly by their sense of honour, partly by
their sense of their interests, to be guided by their own artificial rules in dealing
with semi-civilised States when the latter have learned enough to make the
demand, long before a reciprocal obedience to those rules can be reasonably
expected " (Hall, 6th ed., pp. 40, 41).
These statements are, for several reasons, not satisfactory ; if
not inaccurate, they lack precision and definiteness. In the first
SEVENTH SESSION 401
place, the modern practice of nations and the teaching of modern
writers do not, on the whole, whatever may be done on particular
occasions, accord with some of these opinions. Modern text-books
treat, sometimes at great length, the relations and duties of civilised
States to inferior or backward races. In point of fact there has
always been some recognition of duties by civilised nations to un-
civilised or semi-civilised nations with which the latter have been
brought into contact : recognition generally imperfect ; often com-
patible with gross cruelty ; often serving as a cover or excuse for
wrong-doing. One of the chief subjects of discussion among the
earliest students of International Law (e.g.y Francisco Victoria and
Baldasarre de Ayala) was the relations and duties of the Spanish and
Portuguese conquerors to the indigenous inhabitants.
Further it is to be noted that there is not a clear line of separation
between civilised and barbarous nations ; they often differ from each
other by small degrees ; the sharp distinction drawn in the passage
which I have quoted from Mill between civilised nations and barbar-
ous, does not help one in solving the actual problems, which for the
most part relate to the dealings of nations with different types of
civilisations, the relative value of which in the eyes of impartial
observers, if such existed, might be dubious. What is the test of
superiority ? There is the often suggested test of proficiency in war,
according to which the Turks some centuries ago were probably
supreme among all nations, the Italians, contemporaries of Michael
Angelo and Leonardo da Vinci, not excepted. There is the test of
wealth ; a test the justice of which, if applied to individuals, would
be denied. There is the test of morality, the existence of a legal
moral code and conformity of conduct thereto, and a test the applica-
tion of which, if possible, might lead to startling results. Nor is the
distinction between the progressive and non-progressive races so clear
to modern ethnologists as it was to those who knew little. The so-called
stationary races are often merely those whose changes are unrecorded.
As Professor Royce justly remarks, this test has never been so fairly
applied by civilised nations as to give exact results. So long as there
exists, what M. Tarde calls, the " irresistible orgueil primitif que porte
toute tribu,si infime qu'elle soit, a se considerer superieure a ses voisons,"
the application of a well-accepted test is impossible. The superiority
for which writers such as Gobineau and Houstin Chamberlain claim
will never be conceded ; but what is clear is that the world would be
the poorer if one type of civilisation were to be universal ; z what we
cannot be sure of is, that an unpromising race, if left to itself, may
not be the starting-point of a development which will enrich mankind.
1 See the disheartening facts as to the benefits of civilisation collected by Bastian,
Der Mensch in der Geschichte, Hi., p. 233, &c.
2 D
402 UNIVERSAL RACES CONGRESS
I am only summarising the teaching of a great majority of writers
when I say that, apart from the conventions which I am about to
mention, some at least of the rules of International Law are assumed
by almost all writers to apply to such communities ; even as to com-
munities outside the purview of International Law, there are duties
to be performed, duties which may be stated and formulated. At all
events this holds good of communities with regular Governments,
though with social organisations and moral ideas unlike our own.
One of the most characteristic modern developments in the
relations between States generally, between dominant and subject
races, is the establishment of Protectorates by powerful States over
the weaker, some of the latter being on a plane of civilisation equal
to that of the former. Gradually are being evolved principles as to
the reciprocal duties of protecting or protected States, including the
treatment of the indigenous inhabitants.
A few words as to the conventions to which I have referred. There
exists a group of treaties by which some of the chief States of the
world bind themselves to perform certain duties towards the non-
dominant races or parts of them. One universally recognised duty is
that, chiefly in the interest of inferior or backward races, the slave
trade, dependent necessarily upon supplies from such races, should be
put down and should be treated as a heinous crime. I am not writing
the history of the Slave Trade or the Emancipation Movement I
merely recall the pronouncement of the Allied Powers at Vienna
in 1815, and at Verona in 1822, and the Quintuple Treaty of 1841.
A landmark in the history of the subject is the Berlin Conference
of 1884-5. It elucidated principles, it concentrated action ; it was
the beginning of a new policy as to the Slave Trade on land as well
as sea. By Article VI. of the Berlin Act the Powers agreed to watch
over the preservation of the native tribes and to care for the improve-
ment of their conditions, of their moral and material well-being, and
to help in suppressing slavery and especially the Slave Trade.
Article IX. was as follows : —
" Conformement aux principes du droit des gens, tels qu'ils sont reconnus
par les puissances signataires, traite des esclavcs etant interdite, et les operations
qui, sur terre ou sur mer, fournissent des esclaves a la traite devant etre egale-
ment considerees comme interdites, les puissances qui exercent, ou qui exerce-
ront, souveraincte ou une influence dans les territoires forma nt le bassin
conventionnel du Congo, declarent que ces territoires ne pourront servir ni de
marche ni de voie de transit pour la traite des esclaves, de quelque race que ce
soit. Chacune de ces puissances s'engagent a employer tous les movers en son
pouvoir pour mettre fin a ce commerce et pour punir ceux qui s'en occupent."
Among the latest measures of consequence was the Brussels
Anti-Slavery Act of July 20, 1890, which came into force on
October I, 1892. The Powers exercising sovereignty or a protec-
SEVENTH SESSION 403
torate in Africa bound themselves (Article III.) to pursue gradually,
according as circumstances permit, " la repression de la traite,
chacune dans ses possessions respectives et sous sa direction
propre." By Article XV. they further bound themselves to watch
" les routes suivies sur leur territoire par les trafiquants des esclaves,
d'y arreter les convois en marche ou de les poursuivre partout ou
leur action pourrait s'exercer le"galement." Posts were to be estab-
lished (Article XVI.) on such routes, with a view to intercept convoys
and liberate the slaves. Chapter III. deals with the repression of
the traffic on the high seas. Another set of international regula-
tions related to the sale of liquor (Chapter VI.). The Brussels Act
also contained restrictions on the importation of fire-arms. Article
VIII. stated that one of the conditions of the development of the
slave trade was the free introduction of weapons, and accordingly it
forbade their importation, except in certain circumstances, in a
defined area. Articles XC. and XCI. of the General Act say:
"Justement preoccupees des consequences morales et materielles qu'entraine
pour les populations indigenes 1'abus des spiritueux, les Puissances signataires
sont convenues d'appliquer les Articles XCI., XCII., et XCIII. dans une zone
delimitee par le 2O*ma degre latitude nord et par 226me degre latitude sud, et
aboutissant vers 1'ouest a 1'ocean Atlantique et vers Test a 1'ocean Indien et a ses
dependances, y compris les des adjacentes au littoral jusqu'a 100 milles marins
de la cote."
" Dans les regions de cette zone ou il sera constate que, soit a raison des
croyances religieuses, soit pour autres motifs, 1'usage des boissons distillees
n'existe pas ou ne s'est pas developpe, les Puissances en prohiberont 1'entree.
La fabrication des boissons distillees y sera egalement interdite."
Article XCII. binds the signatories to impose in possessions or
protectorates not subject to prohibition an import duty of 1 5 francs
per hectolitre for the first three years and 25 francs afterwards.
It was found that in the districts not subject to the prohibitive
regime the importation of spirits was rapidly increasing, and
accordingly the Powers agreed at a subsequent Conference held in
Brussels in 1899 (Martens, Recueil, xxv., 543) to raise the import
duty to 70 francs.
It is a matter of terminology, as to which I shall not presume to
dogmatise, whether the agreements which I have mentioned form
part of International Law or whether they are to be designated
merely as indications of a common policy. I cannot say that
those are unreasonable who hold that " PAssemble'e de Berlin a
de'montre' qu'elle ne voyait point en eux des associations ou des
individus en dehors de la communaute* du droit des gens."1
It is at least plain from this brief recital of facts that there is
some recognition of the duties of great States to weak and subject
1 Engelhardt, quoted by Trione, p. 18.
404 UNIVERSAL RACES CONGRESS
races ; some recognition, too, of the need of joint action ; some
agreement as to these duties. It is no less true that these duties
are still imperfectly recognised ; that many points of importance
are left unsettled ; and that the organisation, official and non-official,
needed to make them really effective is imperfect and rudimentary.
The development of a code of duties of nations towards the less
fortunate or less gifted, or more backward, races may require time ;
considering the slow rate at which the code of duties of civilised
nations towards each other was worked out, it was possible that
this new chapter may require much time. But some principles seem
already fairly well recognised, and among them these —
1. If certain races are in the position of minors, not fit in their
their present condition to be their own masters, those who claim
superiority and control ought to justify their position as guardians.
The greater the unfitness of the former, the greater the duties
imposed on the latter. Every Government asserting the right to
control the destinies of such races ought to show by its conduct
that it is not acting towards its wards as an unjust guardian ; that
it is not exploiting their labour or squandering their estates. Could
we say that the Native departments of all Governments with an
indigenous population under their control, even now satisfied the
test : " The measure of your duties is their alleged unfitness " ? What
is no less clear is that in many respects the so-called guardians are
the least capable of judging fairly whether they have fulfilled such
duties. No other judge may have jurisdiction ; that circumstance
does make them the less fallible.
2. There ought to be less of the intolerance of modern civilisa-
tion, equal to that of religious fanaticism ; scarcely surpassed by any
displayed by the Spanish conquerors of Mexico or Peru. If they
were merciless, they had fewer means of carrying out their will,
and they had at all events moments of contrition and doubts whether
their work was altogether good in the eyes of Heaven, while the
self-satisfaction of modern civilisation is rarely broken by an admis-
sion of failure. I am tempted to cite, if only as a rebuke to self-
complacency which is too common on this point, a remarkable docu-
ment entitled : " The true confession and protestation in the hour of
death," by one of the first Spanish conquerors of Peru, named
Marcio Serra de Lejesama, in 1589. Lejesama begins by declaring
that he desires to relieve his mind and to give notice to his Catholic
Majesty King Philip of his regret that he h?d taken part in the
discovery and conquering of the lands of the Yncas.
" The said Yncas," proceeds the repentant Conquisador, " governed in such a
way, that in all the land neither a thief, nor a vicious man, nor a bad dishonest
woman was known. The men all had honest and profitable employment. The
SEVENTH SESSION 405
woods and mines and all kinds of property were so divided that each man knew
what belonged to him, and there were no law-suits. The Yncas were feared,
obeyed, and respected by their subjects as a race very capable of governing.
But we took away their land, and placed it under the government of Spain, and
made them subjects. Your Majesty must understand that my reason for making
this statement is to relieve my conscience, for we have destroyed this people
by our bad examples. Crimes were once so little known among them that an
Indian with one hundred thousand pieces of gold and silver in his house left it
open, only placing a little stick across the door as a sign that the master was out,
and nobody went in. But when they saw that we placed locks and keys on our
doors, they understood that it was from fear of thieves, and when they saw that
we had thieves amongst us, they despised us. All this I tell your Majesty to
discharge my conscience of a weight that I may no longer be a party to these
things. And I pray God to pardon me, for I am the last to die of all the dis-
coverers and conquerors, as it is notorious that there are none left but me in this
land or out of it, and therefore I now do what I can to relieve my conscience." '
I may not have searched diligently enough, but in the many
narratives of modern explorations, conquerors and pioneers of
civilisation, I can recall few expressions of regret so deep as that of
the confession by the Spanish conqueror, few cases in which the
conscience of a modern explorer or promoter smites him, and he
is filled with doubts whether it was right to break up tribal
organisations and convert into masses of shifting atoms what were
once strong cohesive organisations, the rudiments of nations, if
not nations full grown. Even when no cruelties have been practised
towards native races, when on the contrary there has been a desire
to deal fairly with them, the results have often been disastrous. The
old tribal system is broken up, the best land is seized by settlers;
the natives are stinted either in regard to pasturage or hunting
grounds. They are lured away by the attraction of high wages,
and they become broken tribeless men ; imitating the worst vices
of their new masters ; cut off from their old nation ; the authority
of their chiefs gone, no authority replacing for these children of
Nature that which has been destroyed.
Some of these evils are inevitable ; it is the fashion to say or
assume that all of them are so. Strange change of opinion, in old
days it was supposed that the forces of Nature — the flood, the
storm, the lightning, the elements, the difficulties of distance, were
uncontrollable — all the very forces which modern science bends to
its will. Alongside this confidence in the docility of physical forces,
prevails a spirit bordering on fatalism in regard to the habits and
conditions of men ; a disbelief in the efficiency of laws or measures
to avert or ameliorate a process of disintegration such as I have
described ; a conviction that man is not, as to his economical con-
ditions, the master of his own fate or that of his kind. I am not
1 Quoted in the Introduction to the Travels of Piedro de Ciez de Leon, Hakluyt
Society, 1864, p. xxxii, n.
406 UNIVERSAL RACES CONGRESS
going to turn aside to discuss all the questions here mooted ; ques-
tions far beyond my powers. But I am justified in mentioning
certain dominant prejudices, taking many forms, which have done
mischief and are still at work, in dealing with the aborigines. One
of these is an undue sense — undue in any large view of the matter —
of the value of the present prevalent form of civilisation. It appears
in the assumption that there is one form of society to which all
others must conform on pain of perishing. This prejudice makes
people forget how many different types of civilisation there have been
— the Greek, the Roman, the Christian, the theocratic, the military,
the industrial type — and that there has never been agreement as
to their merits.
If the intolerance of civilisation, with its compelle intrare, has
done harm, mischievous, too, has been the notion that the so-called
uncivilised world is made up of races all of a piece ; whereas under
the vague description " uncivilised " are grouped a multitude of
people radically different from each other ; strong and weak, good
and bad, progressive and stationary ; some with the self-denying
virtues in which are the roots of political aptitude ; others un-
stable, egotistical and incohesive. In the eighteenth century it was
the fashion for a school of political writers here and in France to
hold up the Otaheitans and South Sea Islanders as models to
mankind ; as the uncorrupted natural men whom Rousseau ex-
tolled ; and to contrast them with the debased creation of civilisa-
tion with his luxury, his vices, his shame, and his crimes. Diderot
and Voltaire delighted in placing the site of the Garden of Eden
in a latitude and longitude not far from those of Otaheite, though
by the way they perhaps glided lightly over the fact that some
of these happy and virtuous people ate other happy and virtuous
people. Read the accounts of the early navigators who visited
these islands — Cook's and Wallis's, for example — and you see that
those so-called savages had virtues of their own, were courteous,
gentle, and contented, and had, in the broad acceptation of the term, a
civilisation of their own. Here are the words of an English traveller
who lately visited an island in one of the great African lakes.
" Happy little island, and happy islanders ! War never comes nigh them.
They know nothing of the outside world. They seem to wish for nothing.
Why should they ? They have all they want. May it be centuries before
civilisation with its innumerable attendant evils finds out and robs little Kisi
of the peace and contentment it now enjoys !"(" Circumnavigation of Lake
Bangweolo," by Mr. Weatherley, Geographical Journal, 1898, p. 254). (For an
account of a people with many of the best attributes of real civilisation, see Mr.
Torday*s recently published Notes Etltnographiqucs sur les Bakuba el les Bushongo.)
Let me quote the words in which William Penn — sagacious
SEVENTH SESSION 407
and spacious-minded statesman who foresaw the difficulties which
lay ahead — describes the Indians of Pennsylvania as he knew them.
" Don't abuse them, let them have justice, and you win them. The worst
is they are the worse for the Christians, who have propagated their vices and
yielded them traditions for ill, and not for good things. . . . In liberality they
excel, nothing is too good for their friend ; give them a fine gun, coat or other
thing, it may pass twenty hands before it sticks ; light of heart, strong
affections, but soon spent ; the most merry creatures, that live, feast, and dance
perpetually ; they never have much, nor want much ; wealth circulates like
the blood ; all parts partake, and though none shall want what another has,
yet exact observance of property " (" A General Description of the Province of
Pennsylvania," Penn's Works, p. 703).
J ' ' v ' •" >'ij oi .->bfK>n nwa
3. I note a further point. That the conditions upon which
treaties between civilised Governments, not uncivilised or semi-
civilised communities, should be wholly different from treaties
concluded between equals. I am quoting a rule of law, but one
based on good sense, when I say that contracts to which minors
are parties are voidable unless to their advantage. We all know
how wantonly this has been disregarded ; how the indigenous inhabi-
tants have been tricked out of their lands ; how a colour of legality
has been given to gross frauds (Deherpe, Essai sur le developpement
de toccupation, 1903, p. 76). I fully believe that such frauds, are
much rarer than they were — the opportunity for them now seldom
occurs. But the principle above stated needs to be set down clearly.
4. It seems a truism to say that these races should retain
their means of existence ; a truism unfortunately often questioned
in practice; a truism with far-reaching consequences as to the
land of tribes, as to the operations of promoters, and as to the
granting of concessions. This principle implies a land system made
for them as well as for the whites; where they preponderate in number,
one may fairly claim made more for them than for the latter.
The Act of Berlin of February 26, 1885, laid down certain
useful rules (Articles XXXIV. and XXXV.) as to the assumption of
a protectorate over territories on the coast of the African Continent
and the conditions of occupation. These rules relate only to the
rights of parties to the Act ; they are silent as to the rights of the
indigenous population in the land. It did not condemn the doctrine
that such land if not occupied by a civilised state was res nullius,
or prescribe the conditions upon which treaties relating to such land
should be recognised.1
1 A proposal to that effect by Mr. Kasson, the representative of the United States,
was put forward but rejected. The above is substantially in agreement with the pro-
posal of Martitze, Annuaire, Institut du Droit International, ix., p. 280. " IX. Le droit
international impose a la nation occupante le devoir de veiller a la conservation, a
1'education, et a 1'amelioration du bien-etre moral et materiel des populations
indigenes," &c,
4o8 UNIVERSAL RACES CONGRESS
It might also be thought a truism, were it not so often dis-
regarded, to say that the indigenous population should have the
opportunities of development in their own way — which means
education suited to their needs ; no forcible conformity to one type.
5. The principle above stated implies something of reverence — at
all events respect — towards these backward races ; a desire to preserve
their customs and law (so far as not cruel and mischievous).
So much — and it is necessarily imperfect — as to a few of the
doctrines which have already obtained partial recognition, but which
need explicit statement and application. Next, as to the organisa-
tion needed to give effect to them. In these days we at once think
of Parliaments. But all the non-dominant races cannot have Parlia-
ments. Yet they may have voices ; not merely for the expression of
political grievances, but for the maintenance and preservation of types
of character and ideals ; for the furtherance of national literature
with racial elements ; for the preservation of their institutions and
monuments in art and literature ; organs for the attainment of aims
which the State does not necessarily secure and often destroys or
imperils.
(a) First and foremost there should be fairly frequent meetings
such as the present ; gatherings from time to time when the whole
situation may be reviewed, when people of different races may draw
together, when the different forms which the same movement may
take may be studied. If we must trust to public opinion, as is said,
then public opinion should be enlightened by such gatherings as
these. Sympathy ought to go hand in hand with knowledge, and it
might be the object of such gatherings to study the scientific bases
of truth, if any, underlying the theories as to race, and to discriminate
between the mass of illusions and prejudices and scientific teaching.
There should be more and more — and fortunately already there are
many — societies representative of the interests of races. In no
country, so far as I know, can Governments do all that is needed ;
in some they may be positively hostile to objects which certain races
have much at heart. Some time ago a few of my friends formed the
South African Native Races Committee. Its main object was to obtain
and diffuse accurate information as to the native population of South
Africa. Perhaps its chief work so far has been to bring about the
formation of two similar societies in that country. Of late it has
endeavoured to aid in procuring funds for the establishment of a
college for South African natives. I cannot but think there is
plenty of room for societies with like objects.
(£) My last suggestion is difficult to state without saying too much
or too little, without seeming to question or ignore the power of
diplomacy and the Press. Often of late it must have been borne in
SEVENTH SESSION 409
upon many that it was desirable to obtain accurate information as to
some of the questions with which this Congress is concerned —
information not only accurate, but universally accepted as such ;
co-operation by inquirers whose competence or disinterestedness
could not be questioned. Perhaps some day such investigators,
forming a staff of trustworthy experts, will be available to throw
light upon questions as to which official and non-official accounts
differ.
To sum up these suggestions : — Closely connected with, if not a
part of, International Law is a group of duties on the part of domi-
nant races to those under their control or influence. These duties,
now imperfectly recognised, may be made clearer; they may be
enlarged ; the observance of them may be made stricter by wise
co-operation. Prizing and preserving diversity of race, we may
attain to something like unity in spirit and policy.
[Paper submitted in English.]
' b?
PERIODICAL PEACE CONFERENCES
By M. JAROUSSE DE SILLAC,
Permanent Secretary of the French Preparatory Commission for the
Third Hague Conference.
"The law of nations is naturally based on the principle that the
various nations ought to do as much good as possible to each other
during peace, and as little harm as possible during war." — MONTES-
QUIEU, Esprit des Lois, iii. i.
WHEN, at the command of the Emperor of Russia, Count Muravieff
convoked the first Peace Conference, by his circular of the i2/24th of
August, 1898, scarcely any one foresaw the importance that the
enterprise would one day have. It seemed at the time, in the eyes
of the writer Mommsen, to be a typographical error in the history
of the world.1
In order to understand the future development of these Peace
Conferences, which are now periodical, it is enough to examine the
earlier state of things and the progress already made.
The object of the first Russian proposal was very restricted ; it
aimed only at bringing together a certain number of Powers for the
purpose of studying the possibility of " limiting " armaments in order
to lessen the financial burdens of States. But the exchange of views
which preceded the holding of this "disarmament conference" having
1 Le Temps, May 15, 1899.
410 UNIVERSAL RACES CONGRESS
shown that the chances of success were very slender, a second
Muravieff circular (January 2, 1899) enlarged the original pro-
gramme, adding to it, especially, "the possibility of preventing
armed conflicts by pacific means," and the regulation of the " laws
and customs of war."
These two new subjects changed the character of the gathering,
and even the title of it was modified. From that point it was
called " Peace Conference." Indeed the Conference, yielding to the
pressure of things, soon converted the accessory into the principal,
relegated to the second place the premature question of disarma-
ment, and endeavoured to justify its title by concentrating its
efforts on the " pacific settlement of international conflicts." Finally,
the second Conference, which met in 1907, emphasised this tendency
and gave a much broader development to the initial idea of the Tsar.
The work of the two Conferences has clearly given us for the
future a plan of action that we may sum up in the following three
points : Regulate war, maintain peace, and organise the society of
civilised States.
We will examine the three points in succession, asking in each
case what has been done by the first two Conferences, and what
remains to be done by future Conferences.
I. THE REGULATION OF WAR. — What has been done. — The delegates to the
Hague Conferences have been blamed for concerning themselves with war.
They ought, on the contrary, to be praised, for nothing better shows their sense
of realities.
Nations ought to have normal and pacific relations with each other. But
these relations may be interrupted, and give way to violence. It is impossible
to overlook this contingency. We must, on the contrary, foresee it, and lay
down rules to restrict the evils that result from it.
The principles of the law of nations in this regard were distributed, either
in special works, or in projects that had not been ratified, such as that of
the Brussels Conference (1874).
The task of the Hague Conferences consisted in collecting, unifying, in a
word, codifying them. It has assuredly not exhausted the question, but it has
established a common law on a large number of important points.
The chief need was to define the relations of belligerents to each other,
and let them know what they might, or might not, do. Hence the conven-
tions elaborated at The Hague on the following subjects :—
Opening of hostilities.
Laws and customs of war on land.
Conduct of hostile merchant-ships. 'jJuJa ishijiD
Transformation of merchant-ships into war-ships.
Submarine mines.
Bombardment by naval forces.
Adaptation of the Geneva Convention to maritime war.
To take account of the exigencies of war in so far as they are unalterable
and allow the attainment as quickly as possible of the aim of all war, the
reduction of the enemy ; but at the same time to introduce as much humanity
SEVENTH SESSION 411
and loyalty as possible into the relations between the States engaged in conflict
and between the citizens of those States — that is the general idea which inspires
the "war legislation" laid down by these conventions.
Another point to be considered was the situation in which neutrals were
placed in time of war, and their rights and duties — a most important point in
view of the modern conception of neutrality. In time of war neutral States are,
as it were, spectators of the conflict, and for two reasons it is inadvisable that
the war should spread to them ; in the first place, they themselves escape the
evils which come of it, and, in the second place, they maintain the security and
authority that are necessary for them to obtain a hearing from the belligerents
with a view to pacification. In order to allow them to assume this character,
the ground had to be prepared by the framing of a legislation of neutrality.
That is the tendency of the agreements on the following points : —
Rights and duties of neutral Powers and private persons in cases of
war on land.
Rights and duties of neutral Powers in case of maritime war.
Declaration in relation to the law of maritime war (blockade, contra-
band, assisting the enemy, &c.).
The latter " declaration " was, it is true, elaborated by the Naval Conference
held at London in 1909, but this may be regarded as a sequel to the
Peace Conference, since its object was to facilitate the working of the Prize
Court.
Lastly, the Conferences dealt with the provision of sanctions for the observ-
ance of the laws of warfare ; they are as yet modest sanctions, but they never-
theless represent an entirely new path that had not hitherto been taken
by conventional law. The most important is "the pecuniary indemnity"
inflicted on the belligerent party that shall violate the convention on the laws of
warfare (art. 3). There are others, however, such as the loss of the right of
inviolability by any parliamentarians who shall be guilty of an act of treason
(art. 34), the resumption of hostilities in case of the violation of an armistice
(art. 40), the loss of the benefits of neutrality (art. 17 of the convention on
neutrals), &c.
What remains to be done. —The work of the codification of the law in time
of war has its programme marked out for the next Peace Conferences. It will
continue to have two chief ends in view : (i) to humanise war as much as
possible, without attempting to oppose the military application of inventions,
which might prove to be a fruitless task; and (2) to define and strengthen
more and more the position of neutrals, so as to preserve them from the
contagion of hostilities and allow them to use their collective influence in
an attempt to pacify the belligerents.
In these two respects the existing conventions will doubtless need improving
and modifying. Other questions will be raised, most of which have already been
profoundly studied by the Institute of International Law and the Interparlia-
mentary Union. The following may be given as examples : —
Right of capture at sea (respect for private property).
Limitation of blockade to war-ports.
Neutrality of certain inter-oceanic straits and canals.
Effect of war on treaties and on private contracts.
Regulation of aerial navigation in time of war.
We have here a considerable amount of work to go on with, and the useful-
ness of it, as long as the possibility of war lasts, cannot be disputed.
II. THE MAINTENANCE OF PEACE.— What has been done.— In this regard the
first two Conferences have elaborated quite an international code under the
name of " Convention for the Pacific Settlement of International Conflicts " and
412 UNIVERSAL RACES CONGRESS
" Convention Concerning the Limitation of the Use of Force for the Recovery
of Contracted Debts." There are, further, certain " declarations " inserted in the
final act which prepare the way for improvements. Finally, the " Prize Court "
has for its object the juridical control of a series of special conflicts.
The object of all these dispositions is the same : to secure for States the
power to adjust their differences without recourse to arms.
" Mediation " is the first procedure that suggests itself. It is conducted by
one or more Powers friendly to the conflicting parties, and the mediator,
appointed by common agreement, has to " reconcile the opposing claims." The
chief difference between this system and arbitration is that the findings of the
mediator are in no sense binding upon the parties, and are not necessarily based
on a definition of their rights.
Next to this diplomatic means we have the juridical ways of ending
conflicts. In such litigation we must distinguish between questions of fact
and questions of law. To elucidate the former "international commissions of
inquiry " have been instituted. To settle the latter the rules of arbitration have
been defined.
The commission of inquiry has merely to throw light on facts that are in
dispute between two States, and make a report with the utmost impartiality.
One indisputable result of this procedure is to put an end to public discussion of
questions that inflame the national sentiments of the two peoples. The effect
was very gratifying in connection with the Hull incident.
Then there is " arbitration," which has to control litigation between States
by means of judges of their own choice and on a basis of respect for the
right.
Two chief methods are used in fixing arbitration among the habits of nations :
(i) The conclusion of treaties between two States stipulating that there shall be
recourse to arbitration " in all cases that they think possible to submit to it."
Thanks to the indications given in the text (art. 40) the number of arbitration
treaties is now considerable (about 120). (2) The creation of a " Permanent
Arbitration Court." This court is a kind of college of arbitrators, four being
chosen from each State. A practical procedure makes it possible to appoint
speedily three or five arbitrators from amongst them. These arbitrators meet,
deliberate, and formulate their verdict in accordance with settled rules. The
Hague Tribunal thus, in a celebrated phrase, makes arbitration "easy and
honourable " for States. The latter seem to appreciate it, and use it more and
more. (Examples : the Casablanca affair, 1909 ; the Anglo-American conflict in
regard to the North-Atlantic Fisheries, 1910, the Savarkar affair, 1911, &C.)
In order that this Tribunal may be set to work as frequently as possible, it
has been recognised that the Powers which are foreign to a dispute have a
" duty " which obliges them to remind parties about to declare war " that the
Permanent Court is open to them " (art. 48). This " advice " cannot be
regarded as an unfriendly act. On the other hand, one of the Powers at
variance may address to the Hague Bureau a note informing it that it is
disposed to accept arbitration, and the Bureau must at once make this decla-
ration known to the other Power. As the first American delegate recalled in
1907, the President of the United States has on several occasions discharged
this " duty," and thus prevented a number of wars between South American
States.
The " International Prize Court " also must be included among the means
devised for the pacific settlement of international disputes.
Finally, the convention in regard to " contractual debts " absolutely forbids
the use of force to recover them. An exception is made when the adverse
party has refused arbitration, or will not obey the verdict. It follows that
differences of this nature must be submitted to arbitrators in all cases.
SEVENTH SESSION 413
Hence this and disputes relative to maritime prizes form two subjects in
regard to which all States accept the operation of an international jurisdiction.
What remains to be done. — Future Conferences must continue to codify
international law : (i) by improving and increasing the means of maintaining
peace ; (2) by denning the principles not yet codified, on which are based the
relations of States to each other. The points that may engage particular
attention in both these regards are as follows : —
Sanctions. — It has often been observed that the engagements entered upon by
States, and especially arbitration conventions, were devoid of sanctions. In
point of fact, nevertheless, the sentences of arbitrators are always carried out.
On the other hand, in recent times Governments have shown the greatest
concern that they should not be regarded as the aggressors in the wars in which
they have been engaged. These two results have a common origin : the fear of
the verdict of public opinion, the desire to have the appearance of right on one
side, and, consequently, the support of neutrals.
What is the meaning of all this ? It is because neutral opinion tends to
become a moral force that may with the greatest ease be converted into
material assistance. We have here, then, in latent form, a moralising force
which the Peace Conferences must develop and organise. In doing this, they
will confine themselves to developing the idea contained in germ in article 48,
which lays upon neutrals the duty of pacification, and upon the Hague Bureau
the part of intermediary on the eve of conflicts.
In order to give solidity to neutral opinion and enable it to throw its whole
weight on the side of the right, we must define what the right is. We may start
from the evident principle that a State, when attacked by another, is in a position
of legitimate defence. But the real aggressor is not always the one who first
crosses the frontier. It is easy to provoke a declaration of war. We need,
therefore, a criterion that will enable neutrals to distinguish the aggressor. Such
a criterion exists. It is enough to define it in a text that is inspired by the
following idea : the right is not to be judged by the claims advanced by a State
or the military operations it conducts, but by the fact that the State has declared
its readiness to have recourse to arbitration, while the opposite f^rty has refused
to have recourse to it or to submit to the sentence passed. The refusal of
arbitration is the precise feature that will enable neutral opinion in nearly every
case to range itself on one side. x
When we have thus succeeded in forming neutral opinion on a juridical
principle, it will be time to consider in what way it may make itself felt, when
necessary. Probably its moral influence will suffice, as a rule.
Mediation. — This is a convenient and plastic procedure in certain cases, and
one that, in the present circumstances, may help to adjust differences of a
political and territorial character, which States would hesitate to submit to
arbitration. This implement, indicated by the Paris Congress of 1856, and the
General Act of Berlin of February 26, 1885, and regulated by the Hague Con-
ferences of 1899 and JQ0?. might be materially improved. In the first place, it
does not seem to be indispensable to have recourse to one or more other
Powers ; it has been observed that certain constituted bodies or private
individuals would be just as capable of playing the part of mediator in
conditions that exclude even more effectively any trace of national interest.
It has also been proposed to conclude treaties making it obligatory to have
recourse to a mediator in certain cases, and to draw up articles of mediation
corresponding to articles 40 and 48.
The more practical of these propositions could be inserted in title 1 1 of the
1 Compare G. Moch, Du Droit de legitime Defense, 1910.
4i4 UNIVERSAL RACES CONGRESS
Convention on the Settlement of International Conflicts. x We should thus have
ready at hand two solutions instead of one — mediation and arbitration, either of
which might be used according to the nature of the dispute.
Arbitration. — The second Conference achieved results and work in this
respect that indicate the path to be followed. The possibility of submitting
certain categories of differences to obligatory arbitration without reserve has
been recognised by the whole of the States. Six of these categories have been
admitted by thirty-two States, and two other categories are now recognised by
all civilised States ; they are the questions of contractual debt and maritime
prizes. What has been admitted for these two cases can easily be admitted for
a larger number. As to other differences, in regard to which we have still to
take account of the habitual reserves of national honour, vital interests, &c.,
it is logical to regard, not merely "juridical differences," but every kind of
conflict, since States always have the right to refrain from arbitration on the
ground of " reserves." The meaning and interpretration of these reserves might
be defined as in the Italo-Belgian Treaty of November 18, 1910." In this way
we should restrict the optional character in this clause that was criticised in
the discussions of 1907.
Lastly, we might eliminate such of these reserves as do not seem to corre-
spond to realities, and are due to vague phraseology. It is desirable that a chain
of arbitration treaties, on the bases already admitted, should link together all the
civilised States that meet in the third Conference.
But nothing should prevent such of them as wish to go further from taking
advantage of the opportunity afforded by the meetings to bind themselves by a
more extensive treaty, and thus constitute a restricted union of obligatory
arbitration.
Arbitration Court and Court of International Justice. — This question will be
treated later (see Part III, "Organisation of the Society of States").
International Duty.3 — In continuation of the effort of the first two Con-
ferences, it would be well to seek some practical means of enabling Powers to
discharge this duty.
There are two difficulties in the way of discharging it : —
1. Although, according to the texts, "the advice to have recourse to the
Permanent Court" must be regarded as a "friendly" act, a Power always
hesitates to be the first to break the silence observed by the others, and interfere
officially in the dispute between two other States. It is therefore necessary to
find some procedure that will make the steps collective, instead of isolated ; it
would thus have more weight, and the responsibility would be divided. In
order to realise this, could not one of the permanent organs of the Hague
institutions ("Administrative Council" or "Arbitration Bureau") be charged
with gathering, on the eve of the conflict, the opinion of the Powers as to
the opportuneness of discharging the " duty " defined to article 48, and trans-
mitting to the two conflicting parties the replies of the States that desire to
fulfil their duty ?
2. The other difficulty is : at what precise moment does a dispute become
dangerous, and when is there occasion to gather the opinion of neutral Powers ?
In this respect full discretion might be left to the international organ, and, that
1 See N. I', .lit is, "L'Avenir de la Mediation," Revue ile Droit International Public,
1910, p. 136.
" "Declaration" annexed to the "obligatory arbitration treaty" concluded on
November 18, 1910, between Belgium and Italy.
3 See article 48 of the Convention for the Pacific Settlement of International
Conflicts.
SEVENTH SESSION 415
no time may be lost, it should be allowed to correspond directly and telegraphi-
cally with each of the interested States.
Limitation of Armaments. — As is known, the first two Conferences have not
attained this object. They confined themselves to expressions of desire, but the
execution seems to be impeded by considerable difficulties. The insecurity that
still exists in the world, and the absence of adequate sanctions in favour of
juridical solutions, make any diminution of the armament of a State seem to be
a menace to its existence. Each wants to overtake its neighbour, and the
progress of inventions causes an incessant rivalry. Nevertheless, the loss of
productive labour and money is so evident that the excessive armaments will, no
doubt, engender a feeling of weariness even in the richest States. Then it will
be time to think of " limitation," but at the same — or, rather, before then — we
shall have to secure, in a more binding way, the juridical settlement of disputes.
We may further observe that " limitation of armaments " is not synonymous with
" disarmament," and does not at all preclude the possibility of war.
Codification of Other Principles of International Law. — It goes without saying
that the various devices which we have reviewed belong to the codification of
international law, and indeed form the most important part of it, since they aim
at the direct maintenance of peace. But in order to attain this result more
securely it is further necessary to define the principles on which the normal
relations of nations are based. It has been written (art. 37) that the arbitrators
might give their decision "on the basis of respect for the right." But what is
this right ? The Powers have wholly failed to tell us. We must therefore con-
vert into conventional law those parts of law which have not yet been codified.
That will be a long and difficult task. Among questions that might be first
approached we may quote the following : —
Responsibility of States ;
Regulation of diplomatic and consular immunities ;
International routes of communication ;
Executive measures in regard to foreign States ;
III. THE ORGANISATION OF THE SOCIETY OF STATES. — The word "society"
has many different meanings (commercial, philanthropic, scientific societies,
&c.), but it may be said, in its widest application, to mean any assemblage of
individuals or groups of individuals with common rules in view of the pre-
servation of their common interests.
There is, therefore, such a thing as a society of civilised States. On many
points these States have similar interests, and the number of these increases
every day with the means of communication, exchange, and progress of all
kinds. This interdependence and community of interests have been affirmed
by Congresses which dealt with European and world-wide questions, such as
those of Vienna (1815), Paris (1856), and Berlin (1878). The creation of the
offices of universal Unions has given tangible form to these interests, and given
them a purely international expression.
But it fell to the two Peace Conferences really to organise the society of
States by bestowing on it the first elements of a political society. Mere germs
as yet, these elements may, as they develop, constitute a legislative, a judiciary,
and an administrative organisation, the whole being co-ordinated by a " declara-
tion of principles," of which the bases have already been laid down.
As we review these creations, scattered over the various texts of the Hague
Conferences in 1899 anc^ I9°7> we see the actual formation of this society of
States, with the sole object of safeguarding common interests, while respecting
the complete sovereignty and the actual prerogatives of its members. These
are the principal elements of it : —
Declaration of Principles. — It is contained in the preamble of the Convention
416 UNIVERSAL RACES CONGRESS
for the pacific settlement of international conflicts, and defines, with rare
felicity of phrase, the fundamental interests of States, the end toward which
they tend, and the law that ought to control their relations.1
In this preamble the great interests to safeguard are " the maintenance of
general peace" and the bonds of "international solidarity." Peace and soli-
darity : these two explain the power that impels modern nations to form a group
and legislate in common.
The end to aim at is " the security of States and the welfare of peoples."
Finally, the means of preserving these interests and attaining this end are
"to extend the empire of law," to "strengthen the feeling of universal justice,"
and to " consecrate the principles of equity and law."
Just as there is a Declaration of the Rights of Man, so there is now a Declara-
tion of the Rights of States in regard to each other, and it marks no less im-
portant a date in the history of the world.
We must now see what application has been made of these principles in
1899 and 1907.
Elements of an International Legislative Organisation. — The " Peace Con-
ference" has henceforth all the characters of an assembly charged with the
duty of elaborating, subject to the ratification of each Government, laws that
apply to the whole of civilised States (twenty-six States in 1899, forty-four in 1907).
Each State is represented by several delegates (diplomatists, jurisconsults,
technical experts, &c.), who are appointed by the national executive power, so
that the representation is diplomatic.
As to the aim of the Conference, it presents certain analogies with that of a
Parliament ; its task is to legislate on general subjects connected with points of
law, and to elaborate international law, just as Parliaments elaborate national
law. But there is a difference in the fact that the resolutions of the Conference
are formed ad referendum, or subject to the approval of the States. Another
analogy with the parliamentary method is that commissions and subcommissions
are set up for the study of each question. A president, reporter, and secretary
are generally appointed for each, and the conclusions are presented in a report
to the full assembly.
The consequences of the vote, however, are very different from those of a
parliamentary vote. Each State has only one voice, and the majority does not
give the law to the minority. A declaration is not adopted unless it is unani-
mously admitted. In point of fact, however, when there are very few States
opposed to a proposal or an article, they are content to " make reserves " on the
point they do not accept, without opposing the conversion, " almost unani-
mously," of the text voted into international law."
1 Preamble of the Convention : —
The Sovereigns and heads of States represented " animated with a strong desire to
assist in the maintenance of general peace ;
" Resolved to promote with all their efforts the friendly settlement of international
conflicts ; recognising the solidarity that unites the members of the society of civilised
nations ;
" Desiring to extend the empire of law, and strengthen the sentiment of inter-
national justice ; convinced that the permanent institution of an arbitrational jurisdic-
tion, accessible to all, in the midst of the independent Powers, can effectually contri-
bute to this result ;
" Considering the advantages of a general and regular organisation of arbitrational
procedure ; believing with the august initiator of the international Peace Conference
that it is important to consecrate by international agreement the principles of equity
and law on which security of States and welfare of peoples are based," &c.
• As happened in regard to the " Convention relative to the Prize Court," which
was adopted by only thirty-three States, yet inserted in the Hague Acts.
SEVENTH SESSION 417
What gives these meetings a special character, in harmony with the genera
idea of a legislative assembly, is their periodicity and the fact that they are
convoked by the collective will, and not by that of a single governing head.
In this way the third Peace Conference will be convoked, about seven years
after the second, and there is every reason to believe that the principle of
periodicity will be definitely recognised.
Once the periodicity is settled, what else is there to be done in order to give
these international gatherings the utmost possible influence and authority ?
The most urgent need is to frame a " regulation " enabling the delegates to
conduct their deliberations methodically. The difficulty in regard to the conse-
quences of the vote, in particular, ought to be settled. In what way can a text
be incorporated in international law with the authority that belongs to all the
deliberations of the Peace Conferences ? That is the fundamental difficulty,
and it is a delicate one to remove. A good deal was said, during the Conference
of 1907, about the need of obtaining " quasi-unanimity." That is a vague
expression, and should be abandoned. It would be simpler to admit that the
texts voted by a sufficient number of States (say, three-fourths) might be
inscribed in the Proceedings of the Conference, and remain open for the
adhesion of the other States. A similar method was adopted, as a matter of fact,
for several of the conventions voted in 1907 (especially that relating to the Prize
Court), and seemed to cause no inconvenience to any State, since each was free
to denounce the conventions or refuse to adhere to them. But to make the
methods applicable in all cases would it not be to suppress the right of veto
which a very small number of Powers might use in order to prevent the great
majority of the others from agreeing upon the proposal they wish to realise ?
The question of periodicity also should be settled in such a way that the
Conferences may take place at a fixed date, without any need of governmental
initiative or any negotiations to convoke them.
Elements of Judiciary Organisation. — We find them at present in the following
form : —
(1) Permanent Arbitration Court ;
(2) Prize Court ;
(3) Plan of a Court of Justice.
The first of these institutions has already proved its value ; its optional
character and the liberty it leaves the parties to choose the judges have been
the causes of its success. In a word, it was adapted to the conditions of the
period in which it was created, and it may be said that it has already played a
great part ; it has familiarised States with the practice of arbitration. These
results prove incidentally that it is better not to outrun the general advance of
ideas, and to build up with the co-operation of all, even if the edifice falls short
of perfection on that account. The optional Arbitration Court deserves to be
maintained such as it is, therefore. For the time being it represents a real useful-
ness, and has given proof to States of its convenience and its lofty impartiality.
The Prize Court has quite a different character. In this case the judges are
chosen in advance ; they are permanent, and they receive a salary as long as the
sessions last. Moreover, the Powers undertake to accept the verdict of the
Court whenever a dispute arises concerning maritime prizes.
Its jurisdiction is, therefore, obligatory.
The Conference wished to go a step further and create a " Court of Justice"
with permanent judges. The proposal was elaborated, voted, and annexed to
the final act of 1907. But it has not yet been carried out, on account of a defect
in the system of nominating the judges.
On this point, therefore, we have still to find a solution. At the same time
more unity and harmony might be introduced into the judiciary power of the
2 E
4i8 UNIVERSAL RACES CONGRESS
Conferences. Is the name "Court of A rbitral Justice" quite in harmony with
the reality? The word "arbitral" implies that the judges are chosen on
the occurrence of a certain dispute, and that their powers expire afterwards.
As, however, in this case it is a question of permanent judges, would it not
be better to call it a "Court of International Justice"?
In principle this Court ought to be optional, and only recommend itself to the
use of States by the convenience it offers them. In certain disputes, however,
would it not be better to have it acting as an obligatory jurisdiction ? It would
seem that the restricted subjects that give occasion for obligatory arbitration
would find judges already marked out in this Court ; would it not, therefore, be
advisable for the States to come to an understanding to bring certain disputes
before it on account of its exceptional competence and its permanence ?
Lastly, just as a special Court has been created to deal with questions of
maritime prizes, we may hope to see special Chambers to deal with certain
other subjects which require a particular competence in the judges. In this
way we should have a judiciary organisation properly adapted to the various
contingencies of conflict, with a unity that may be shown in the following
table :—
I. Arbitration Court (optional).
II. Court of Justice (obligatory in certain cases, optional in the rest).
Chambers : (i) of private international law ;
(2) of administrative disputes (matters of universal Unions) ;
(3) of tariff questions ;
(4) of maritime prizes, &c.
Elements of an Administrative Power. — Up to the present the Powers have
expressed no desire to create, outside each of them, a permanent power repre-
senting the international collectivity, and capable of arriving at decisions in the
general interest. It goes without saying that no such power yet exists, and the
difficulties of a political character that might oppose the creation of it are such
that we cannot even think of discussing them here.
But there are already international administrations charged with the
execution of certain decisions or with certain services of interest to all States
collectively. We may be permitted to see in them the germ of a real inter-
national authority, which the future will develop.
There are, in the first place, the " offices " of the Unions which are organs
with functions of an administrative character applying to the international com-
munity. (For instance, the offices for the following matters : literary copy-
right, industrial ownership, weights and measures, geodesy, postal union,
railways, sanitary questions, agriculture, &c.) There are also international
organs to which certain States have delegated a partial executive power, such as
the Danube Commission, or a full right of decision, such as the Commission of
the Sugar Union.
Moreover, the Peace Conferences have created other elements of inter-
national administration. They are : —
The Administrative Council;
The Arbitration Bureau : (i) The official name of this Bureau is, in
accordance with the 1907 Convention : " International Bureau of
the Permanent Arbitration Court"; and
The Preparatory Committee.
The first, composed of representatives of the States at The Hague, has the
task of administration and control in matters affecting international justice
(Arbitration Court, Prize Court, and, eventually, Court of Justice). It is this
bureau, in particular, that controls the expenditure, and divides it among the
States.
SEVENTH SESSION 419
The Arbitration Bureau has several duties. It serves as a registry to the Court
which it has to convoke, when the occasion arises. It forms the archives, and
must keep in them all the official documents relating to arbitration (sentences,
treaties, &c.). Lastly, and especially, it has, in case of a conflict between two
Powers, to transmit to the interested party " the note containing the declara-
tion " that the other party "would be disposed to submit the dispute to arbitra-
tion." Modest as this character of intermediary is, it has a certain importance
from the fact that it is exercised in the name of all the other States.
As to the " Preparatory International Committee," its duty is, according to
the final Act of 1907, to draw up the programme, and to settle the form of
organisation and procedure, of the next Conference. The Committee is there-
fore invested with two functions : the preparation of international laws, and the
organisation of the periodical meeting at the Hague.
Thus, at the present time we have a sort of fragmentary distribution of the
international authority among four kinds of elements. There seems to be an
obvious need of co-ordination between these administrative institutions, which
are now scattered and disunited.
In what form could this co-ordination be effected ? Would it be well, for
instance, to set up an International Committee, of which the first function
would be to watch over the maintenance of the Society of States and secure
respect for the principles on which it is based ? Should the Committee for
this purpose fuse together certain functions of the Administrative Council, the
Preparatory Council, and the Hague Bureau, establishing at the same time a
connection between the offices of the Unions ?
The third Peace Conference will have to settle these questions, and find the
best means of securing unity of direction in all that concerns the common
interests of States. That may be one of the most interesting tasks of future
Conferences.
It goes without saying that the future will have to decide whether it is
advisable to seek'means of enforcing respect for international laws. It is useless
now to look so far ahead. It is enough for the present to affirm that force
should be placed more and more at the service of the law of nations. We
have only to glance at the actual evolution to see where it is leading us. By a
distinctly modern procedure the nations have in several cases formed inter-
national forces : the Chinese expedition, the occupation of Crete, the policing
of Macedonia, &c. The formula has been found. When the opinion of neutrals
becomes conscious of itself, when it is accustomed to define itself with perfect
clearness on the eve of a conflict, the moral force that results from it will be
only a prelude to the material force that is at its command.
The periodical Peace Conferences will thus see their activity extend in the
direction of an organisation of the Society of States.
[Paper submitted in French.']
EIGHTH SESSION
POSITIVE SUGGESTIONS FOR PROMOTING INTER-
RACIAL FRIENDLINESS (continued)
THE PRESS AS AN INSTRUMENT OF PEACE
By ALFRED H. FRIED, Vienna.
NEW ideas need publicity in the struggle for their realisation.
In earlier times the number of those who were concerned about
public affairs was much smaller than it now is. Publicity was, there-
fore, easier to attain. The propaganda of new ideas went from mouth
to mouth, and was effected in meetings and by means of books.
Great revolutions were brought about in this way. To-day it is
otherwise. Interest in the development of things has permeated
nearly every stratum of the population in civilised countries. There
are now few who stand aside indifferently. The spoken word, oral
propaganda, and the printed book, are now far from adequate to
attain this very extensive publicity. The instrument we must use for
this purpose is the Press. It is the Press that influences public
opinion ; but it is also the Press that puts the greatest obstacles in the
way of new ideas.
Men of different countries and zones generally know each other
to-day by means of the Press. Only the very few have occasion,
in spite of the enormous development of commerce, to make the
acquaintance of foreign peoples and lands by personal observation.
Whatever they hear of them they hear from the daily papers. In
this way the Press has become the most important medium of com-
munication. It forms views and judgments which spread with
extraordinary speed over the whole earth. The overwhelming
majority of the inhabitants of our planet hear and see through the
Press what is occurring in various parts of the world.
But the extreme importance of the Press has no fitting recognition
in the way in which it is organised to-day. As a rule, the newspaper
420
EIGHTH SESSION 421
is a business concern, like any other commercial enterprise. It serves
either the material interest of the publisher or the interest of some-
body that uses it for influencing the masses. This interest colours
all its news and comments. Only what is to the interest of the con-
trollers of the paper finds its way into the Press. Anything else is
suppressed or — what is worse — misinterpreted. Hence the views of
most men are to a great extent influenced by the interest of the few
who run the paper as a commercial concern.
Certainly there is in civilised countries a Press that is conscious
of its civilising mission, and does not need to flatter the moods of the
masses or pander to their lower interests. These organs, however,
are not yet as numerous as they ought to be in the interest of civilisa-
tion. Moreover, their influence on the masses is limited by the
preponderance of organs that make a speculation of the lower tenden-
cies of the general masses. The bulk of the people demand sensation.
The journals, therefore, which pander to this demand will have the
largest editions and make the most profit.
Hence it is that the far greater part of the Press in all countries,
and especially those journals that appeal to the largest number of
people, and are hungrily swallowed by millions of readers, take no
interest in promoting civilisation and the peaceful development of
peoples and races. Their only interest is to oust their rivals in
providing the greatest possible sensations, and so secure the largest
editions.
The consequences of this are most mischievous. In the first
place, millions of readers learn nothing of the great activity of civili-
sation in our time ; for this action is not sensational, but slow and
silent. Secondly, they learn all the more of uncivilised activity — of
crimes, violence, and unrest. They are led to form the erroneous
opinion that the world is full of crime and is simply kept under
control by force. Thirdly, the great haste with which news is
published, in view of rival papers, leads to a good deal of inaccuracy,
and the reader has a very bad account of the real events. Fourthly,
the announcements very frequently do not correspond to facts. They
are inventions. But when they have once been put in circulation
by the Press, they persist obstinately in the minds of the
readers, and things that never happened at all are regarded as
realities.
The most mischievous effect of journals of this kind is in running
counter to the peaceful development of nations and races. Peace and
the normal tenor of international life are not interesting as a rule.
Peaceful events have no element of sensation. Hence the Press that
needs sensation as a condition of its existence has no interest in
serving the cause of peace. It has all the more interest in inflaming
422 UNIVERSAL RACES CONGRESS
peoples against each other. The mere danger of a bloody encounter,
a war, or a revolution, attracts curiosity and ensures millions of
readers. Any occurrence, therefore, that has an anarchic character,
and is calculated to engender hatred and agitation, is described at the
greatest length. The slightest embittered utterance is telegraphed.
The most trivial detail that suggests the possibility of an inter-
national conflict is exaggerated and drawn out until the reader
fancies that there is immediate danger of an armed conflict. These
journals do nothing to allay public feeling and promote a better
understanding when there is a conflict. Their interest is to fan the
excitement and inflame the people. The worse the international
agitation the more business will they do.
Although no war has taken place in Europe for forty years, and
the majority of its inhabitants are, like the majority of civilised people
everywhere, opposed to war, this section of the Press has, neverthe-
less, announced that war was about to break out at least two or three
times every year. The failure of their prophecies does not seem
to injure them. The general masses whom they reach have short
memories ; they see and hear only the events of the day. They have
already forgotten the events of the previous week. But while they
have poor memories, they have very acute feelings. The hatred that is
preached and instilled into them from one end of the year to the other
takes deep root in their subconsciousness, and to-day the majority
of the inhabitants of any country regard the inhabitants of other
countries as wicked and criminal, and worthy only of their contempt.
In this way all the views of a generation are poisoned. The
Press to which I have referred is a poisoner of civilisation. The
man who kills by poisoning is not only he who pours out the poison
that may kill a man, but also he who prevents an antidote from
being administered in time. That is the tendency of the sensational
Press. They prevent the general masses from obtaining the informa-
tion that would pacify them, and give them a more correct view
of the life and activity of neighbouring nations.
This demand for sensation and the satisfaction of the demand by
inflaming the masses are responsible for the frame of mind which
now maintains the illusion of armed peace — an illusion that keeps
alive the possibility of a warlike conflict.
In this we have a very grave menace to civilisation. All the
achievements of our civilisation are without effect as long as it is
possible for a certain commercial Press to poison the mass of the
people in all countries. The most brilliant discoveries, which might
raise humanity to a supreme height, lose their significance as long as
there is a Press that can bring minds down to the level of the man of
the lake-villages or the prehistoric cave.
EIGHTH SESSION 423
If we wish to promote the good understanding of races and
nations, to serve the interests of civilisation, and especially to derive
the utmost profit from our technical advances, we must first cut out
this cancer from the body of the nations and put an end to the
sensational Press.
We have to struggle against the brood of a more fearful dragon
than the fabulous beasts of antiquity, which the early heroes have
been inscribed in the book of history for destroying.
The task is not easy, but that must not prevent us from under-
taking it. All the great deeds of civilisation have been difficult. In
every country we see the pioneers of civilisation at work solving
much more difficult problems. Why should not this greatest of all
the evils that afflict civilisation yield to the united effort of all right-
minded men?
The simplest means is, naturally, to cut the ground from under
this pernicious section of the Press — in other words, to make the
masses, by a spread of education, immune against the poison that
threatens them. But this is also the slowest means, and needs many
generations for its accomplishment. Assuredly, we must not lose
sight of it. But we must associate it with another method, which
promises a more speedy success. This is to support the respectable
Press in its struggle for life, to win the public gradually over to it, to
make it so much appreciated that people will at length be in a
position to distinguish between the sensational and the civilised
Press.
Two years ago I put forward the proposal to establish an " Inter-
national Union of the Peace Press," which would have the aim of
making the Press gradually helpful to the cause of peace and mutual
understanding.
My chief idea was that there are already in various countries a
fairly large number of persons and journals which do their best to
promote this mutual understanding.
These elements, already numerous, but scattered, must first be united,
and formed into an organisation which will have the name of the
" International Union of the Peace Press" The pacific writers who
already exist in various countries will thus be organised.
The establishment of such a Union will be a great advantage in
itself. // will have an influence by the very fact that it exists. It will
show that there is a body of men, scattered over the world, who are
working through the Press for peace. It will bring to general
knowledge the contrast of the respectable and the mischievous Press,
and so have a greater influence on the public than the isolated
writers would have.
Such an organisation, which could easily be established, will —
424 UNIVERSAL RACES CONGRESS
(1) Become a centre of crystallisation, gradually attracting the
best elements out of the Press on the other side.
(2) At once make its influence felt on the Press, raising its
tone, and so become immediately an important factor in the attain-
ment of peace.1
It cannot be denied that such an undertaking is feasible. If it
looks like a conflict of a dwarf with a giant, we must not allow this
superficial impression to dismay us. Very large and useful institu-
tions have begun on a very small scale, yet they have attained their
end in virtue of the integrity and wholesomeness of their principles.
Nor is it quite correct in this case to speak of a combat of dwarf and
giant. The struggle to win the Press for peace is a spiritual, not a
material, struggle, and therefore we must take account of the weight
of the idea. Further, we must not overlook the sympathetic dis-
position we may rely on finding, in Governments as well as peoples.
We may see that Governments often use the Press as a trumpet, and,
directly, or indirectly, foster the cry of war ; but we must not forget
that the warlike and inflammatory attitude of a section of the Press
is often very much disliked by statesmen, who are more and more
disposed publicly to condemn such tactics. It is true that all states-
men are not sufficiently honourable to cry, with Winston Churchill :
" God preserve us from our patriotic Press ! " or, like the late English
Minister of Public Works, Harcourt, to stigmatise a certain class of
publicists as " the pickpockets of politics and enemies of the human
race." Nevertheless, in every country the cases are increasing in
which the leaders of foreign politics complain of the Press that
hampers their work. In the year 1894 the Austro-Hungarian
minister Count Kalnocky recommended the peace societies to pay
attention to the daily Press and its announcements. Only lately
Count Aehrenthal complained of " the irresponsibles of the Press
who hamper our efforts to come to an understanding with Italy" ;
and, at the same time Tittoni described "the exaggerations and
criminal provocation " in the Press as " the main, if not the only,
menace to the peace of Europe."
And the peoples? Most of the journalists who write on the
bellicose side do so under the impression that they are consulting the
taste of the public. They do not know how seriously mistaken they
are ; how much their bellicose spirit disgusts the thoughtful public.
And it is only the thoughtful public with whom they have to reckon.
The greater part of those who form no ideas of their own on inter-
national politics are not a hindrance to the cause of peace. It has, in
the general public of the civilised world, a larger following than its
opponents, or even than some of us, imagine. The ideas and the
1 For further details address the author at 7, Wiederhofergasse, Vienna, Austria.
EIGHTH SESSION 425
activity of a Peace Press are welcomed by a large body of the
people. It is inconceivable that the idea and the work of the Union
should not have the support of all right-minded, active, and earnest
men. The circumstances are, therefore, very favourable for the
founding of the Union. The times are ripe. What we have to do
must be done. It can no longer be deferred. The imperative need
and the favourable circumstances give us every hope of success.
May the great Races Congress, which is itself a sign of the
awakening of the feeling of solidarity in the world, not hesitate to
give its support to this plan. It will thus further the realisation of
the idea, and so contribute to removing the greatest obstacle to the
advance of civilisation, in removing the poisoners of humanity.
[Paper submitted in German.]
INTERNATIONAL LANGUAGE
By Dr. L. L. ZAMENHOF, Warsaw (Poland},
Originator of the International Language " Esperanto"
ALTHOUGH our Congress bears the title of " Races Congress," I trust
you will allow me to speak in this paper of peoples as well as of
races. Both words indicate ethnological groups of human beings ;
they differ only in the wideness of their range. We find the same
relations, though possibly on a comparatively larger scale, between
peoples as between races, and it is very frequently difficult to say if a
particular group of men represents a race or a people.
The conflicts that we find between the various races and peoples
are the greatest evil that afflicts humanity. If this Races Congress
can discover some means of extinguishing, or at least of lessening,
these mutual hatreds and conflicts of peoples, it will rank as one of
the most important Congresses that has ever been held.
To accomplish this, however, the Congress must not be content
with theoretical expressions which pass, like the wind, and leave no
trace. It must not seek futile compromises, which repair one rent by
opening another. It must insist on discovering the cause of the evil,
and seek some remedy that will remove, or at least moderate, it.
What, then, is the chief, if not the only, cause of this hatred which
sets one people against another ? Should we seek it in the political
conditions, the rivalry that there is between those various groups of
human beings to which we give the name of kingdoms ? Certainly
not; since it is clear that a German belonging to the German
Empire, for instance, has no natural sentiment or hatred for a
426 UNIVERSAL RACES CONGRESS
German of Austria. Germans who have been born and are living
under the diverse governments are linked in a mutual sympathy,
while Germans and Slavs, born and living under the same govern-
ment, regard each other as foreigners, and, if they have not a feeling
of humanity stronger than the self-consciousness of their particular
group, they hate and combat each other. It is not, therefore, the
difference of governments which creates different peoples, and
engenders hatred between them.
Is it economic rivalry that inspires this hatred? Once more,
certainly not. We do indeed often hear a cry of alarm in this
connection. We find a people exclaiming that they are about to
be devoured and absorbed economically by some other people, and
declaring that they must hate, oppress, or fight it. But any man who
is not blinded by Chauvinism can see at once that these cries have no
meaning ; that we do not hate foreign peoples because they are in
danger of absorbing us, from the economic point of view, but we
raise the cry of absorption because we hate them. If, in point of
fact, an economic danger were a source of mutual hatred, men would
be forced to hate and fight each other in every country, every
province, and every town.
Can we say, for instance, that so many millions of poor Russians
hate the millions of poor Chinese on economic grounds, when they
shed their blood so willingly to defend their Russian oppressors
against the attacks of foreigners? Assuredly not, for the Russian
soldier knows very well, when he kills a Chinese soldier, that the man
would never do him as much harm as the " mailed fist " of his own
compatriots. It is not economic causes that give rise to national
hatreds.
Is it due to the distance between the two groups — the dissimilarity
of climate and other geographical conditions — which might give rise
to mutual aversion or antipathy ? Certainly not. Remoteness from
each other and difference in local or climatic conditions evidently
produce certain variations in external appearance and in the
character of men, but they do not create peoples, and do not impel
them to hate each other.
The differences brought about by geographical and local con-
ditions between the inhabitants of St. Petersburg and those of
Odessa, or between the inhabitants of Kiev and those of Krasno-
jarska, are incomparably greater than the differences we find, for
instance, between the inhabitants of Berlin and those of Warsaw ;
yet the former are united by a sentiment of nationality and fraternity,
while the latter are divided by a feeling of deep aversion and most
fanatical national hatred. It is not, therefore, the dissimilarity of
geographical and climatic conditions that creates national hatred.
EIGHTH SESSION 427
May we seek it in the circumstance that the various races and
peoples differ from each other in their bodily features ? Certainly
not. Within the limits of any single people we find men of entirely
different skin-colours, and with the greatest possible differences in
stature and in the character of the various parts of the body. It
often happens that two men who belong to the same people differ
from each other more than two men of separate nationality, as we
see, for instance, in the medium type of the Japanese and the French.
But no one would think of separating the individuals of the same
people into distinct groups according to their physical characters,
and of supposing that these groups ought to detest and fight each
other. In regard to the majority of foreign peoples no one will doubt
that the physical differences which distinguish them from us are
a matter of complete indifference to us. As a general rule, we
cannot detect them ; sometimes, even, they give us pleasure, in
virtue of the natural law, of which we are frequently unconscious,
that seeks the physiological advantages of the crossing of races.
There is only one race to which many of us seem to have a
natural antipathy — the black race. But careful reflection soon shows
us that our antipathy comes from a totally different source.
The negroes, with whom we white races have contrived to have so
much trouble, were savages at no very distant date, and then slaves ;
and the greater part of them still retain the characteristic features or
traces of their long period of barbarism and. slavery. That has
the instinctive effect of causing us, as free men and long established
in civilisation, to regard them with aversion. The feelings of the
white man toward the black, which seem to us to arise from some
racial antipathy, are really just the same as the feelings with which a
born aristocrat contemplates a peasant, whose lack of intelligence
and of refined manners is disagreeable to him. When, in the course
of time, the negroes have lost all traces of their former barbarism
and slavery, when they have attained a high degree of culture and
given to the world a number of great men, this unconscious disdain
and antipathy will be turned into respect, and we shall no longer feel
the slightest aversion for the black skin and the thick lips of the
negro.
Each one of us can find, within his own nation, plenty of people
whose frames are less agreeable than those of men of other races.
When that is the case, we may avoid them ; but do we hate and
persecute them because we do not like their physical characteristics ?
Certainly not. We must, therefore, say that it is not these physical
differences which cause nations to hate each other.
Is the hatred due to difference in mental endowment"! We
cannot admit it. The brains and bodies of the members of all
428 UNIVERSAL RACES CONGRESS
races are equal, according to the nature of each, and the variations
in mental power which we observe are not characteristic of the
nations, but peculiar to individuals, or depend upon the conditions in
which the individuals, or the entire people, live. If we find an
immense difference between the mind of some race in the interior
of Africa and that of a European race, we must seek the cause,
not in any difference of national qualities, but in the diversity of
civilisation and political conditions. Give the Africans, without any
mingling of rancour or oppression, a high and humane civilisation,
and you will find that their mental level will not differ from ours.
Abolish the whole of our civilisation, and our mind will sink to
the level of that of an African cannibal. It is not a difference
of mentality in the race, but a difference of instruction ; the same
difference that we find, to a greater or less extent, between the
various classes of one and the same race or the different periods
of its history.
That the varying degrees of mental endowment do not constitute
a national peculiarity is shown, not only by the fact that the
individual members of any European nation, with the same educa-
tion, have the same mental level, but is still more clearly demon-
strated by comparing, for example, the Egyptians of the ancient
civilisation or the Japanese of modern times with the civilised
inhabitants of Europe. The three belong, not merely to different
peoples, but to wholly different races and continents ; yet if we leave
out of account the conditions of time, place and religion, do we
not find just the same mentality in these Africans, Asiatics, and
Europeans ? Is not the mind of a Japanese scholar, though he is
of an entirely different race, the same as the mind of a European
scholar, although, scarcely fifty years ago, there seemed to be a
vast difference between the Japanese and the Europeans ?
If a certain group of human beings presents, or seems to present,
a different character from that of some other group, it is not due
to some peculiarity of the national mind, but simply to the special
conditions in which the group lives. A community brought up in
slavery cannot have the courageous and free demeanour of a com-
munity that has been brought up in the enjoyment of liberty. A
group that has had no opportunity of obtaining education cannot
have the wide spiritual horizon that distinguishes a well-educated
group. A group that is prevented from enjoying any other fruits
of its labour than those which commerce affords it, cannot have
the same character as a group that lives in daily contact with the soil
and with nature. Change the conditions of the life of the group, and,
as we have often seen in history, group A will to-morrow assume the
character of group B, and group B will take on the features of
EIGHTH SESSION 429
group A. No, it is certainly not innate differences in mental endow-
ment that create races, and inspire them with hatred for each other.
May it not be the difference of origin ? At first sight, it is true,
we seem to have here the chief cause of national hatreds. We know
that each of us loves the men of his " own blood " — loves his brother,
or any member of his family, better than a " stranger." The division
of men into families, with the attraction toward each other and the
aversion for non-members of the group to which it leads, is a proto-
type of the mutual relations of peoples and races, and, when one
seeks to explain the origin of the mutual hatred of peoples, one may
say that these peoples are merely families in a larger development.
Nevertheless, although the members of the same people may speak of
themselves as " of the same blood," it is very easy to show that the
analogy between families and nations, and the influence of origin on
international relations, are only apparent. It is not the difference of
origin that creates peoples and provokes their mutual animosity.
That is a mere pretext, not a real cause.
What, then is the true cause of the dissensions and hatreds which
inflame peoples against each other ? From what I have already said
you will begin to see that, in spite of all the pseudo-scientific theories
which are based on differences of race or climate, community of
blood, &c., the walls that really separate peoples, the true cause
of all their mutual hatreds, must be sought merely in diversities of
language and religion.
Language, especially, is a preponderant, if not the sole, element
in the composition of the difference between peoples. This is so true
that in some languages the words "tongue" and" people" are
synonyms. If two men speak the same language, assuming that
one does not use it for the purpose of humiliating the other, but
that they use it with equal right ; if, in virtue of their common
tongue, they not only understand each other, but have the same
literature (oral or written), the same education, the same ideal, the
same sentiment of human dignity, and the same rights; if, in addition
they have the same " God," the same festivals, the same morality, the
same traditions, and the same customs, they feel that they are
brothers, that they belong to the same people. If two men do not
understand each other, they regard each other as foreigners, if not as
mutes or barbarians, and instinctively avoid and distrust each other ;
just as we instinctively distrust whatever seems to us to hide in the
darkness.
It is true that many of us can understand the speech of foreigners.
That is the reason why we find the walls which divide peoples
thinner in the educated classes. It is true that many of us recognise,
and appreciate at their true value, the essence of foreign religions.
430 UNIVERSAL RACES CONGRESS
That is why right-thinking men never entertain an animosity toward
foreigners and their different religion. But if the good understanding
of two men is really to unite them, it is necessary for them to feel
that they have an equal right to the language that they speak. If
religion is not to raise a wall between two men, it is necessary, not
only that they be tolerant in regard to the principles of their
intimate belief — a belief which, for intelligent men, is an individual
matter, and does not depend on nationality — but that they be not
separated from each other by any difference in external religious
ceremonies.
All that I have said justifies us in formulating this principle :
The diversity of peoples and the hatred of each other which they
betray will not wholly disappear from the face of the earth until
humanity has but one language and one religion. Then in truth
will the whole of humanity form one single people. Then there
may, indeed, still be the various kinds of discord which are now
found within the confines of every country and every people, such
as political and economic discords, or those of conflicting parties
or classes, and so on, but the most formidable of all discords, the
mutual hatred of peoples, will have entirely disappeared.
As a matter of principle, therefore, every friend of humanity
should seek to bring about this supreme unity of language and
religion. But is this absolutely necessary in practice? It is
assuredly not. What we have to deplore is, not the existence of
peoples, but that ambition to dominate each other for which we
have not yet found a remedy.
Whenever we seek to enter into relations with a man belonging
to another nation we find it necessary, at the present time, either to
impose our language and our customs on him, or to surfer that his
be imposed on us. When this deplorable itching for domination has
disappeared, the mutual hatred of peoples will be extinguished. To
establish peace within a country it is not necessary that all its
families be dissolved, with their peculiar habits and their domestic
traditions. It is necessary only that they be not compelled to
impose their special habits on other families, and that there shall
be laws and customs set up on neutral territory to regulate all issues
that reach beyond the family. So, to ensure peace for the whole
human race, it is not necessary that the distinctive peoples shall
disappear. We need only find such a modus vivendi as will enable
them to extinguish their unfortunate external animosities and to
avoid imposing their national peculiarities upon each other.
It is necessary that humanity so order its life that, while preserv-
ing their national language and religion in the internal life of their
linguistic or religious groups^ men shall, in their relations with other
EIGHTH SESSION 431
peoples, use a language that is neutral to all men, and live according to
the rules of a moral code which dictates actions and customs that are
similarly neutral.
How this end is to be obtained in regard to religion I shall not
attempt to show here, because —
1. It is not the subject of this paper, and would compel me to
enter upon long and special preliminary observations.
2. Religion is not essentially a national question, but depends on
the will of man, and represents a part of human civilisation. The
religious union of peoples began spontaneously long ago in some
measure, and the completion of the work is only prevented by quite
incidental and temporary circumstances. When, on the one hand,
the privileged position of any particular religion has been abandoned
in any country, and, as a result of this, the individual may change
the religion of his birth without betraying his unfortunate co-reli-
gionists ; and when, on the other hand, a religion has been found,
the dogmas of which every man may adopt without doing violence
to his conscience, the whole human race will very speedily regulate
its religious life in the same way.
Moreover, the union of religions is closely connected with the
union of languages. There is not the least doubt that, the more
men come to understand each other through using a common
language, and, in virtue of this common language, enjoy the same
rights in all countries, their literature, their ideas, and their ideal will
rapidly approach each other, and their religious views will resemble
each other.
Hence the whole problem of the union of humanity and the
extinction of the mutual animosity of peoples centres upon one single
conclusion, and I most earnestly commend this conclusion to the
attention of you who have met to study the problem of establishing
friendship and justice between the various peoples and races of the
earth. The conclusion is : In all our international communications we
ought to use a neutral language, one that is easily acquired by all, and
used with equal right by all.
Let us speak in this neutral language to any man who does not
care to speak to us in our own language, and the chief cause of
national hatreds, and every occasion for humiliating certain peoples,
will disappear. Let every people that does not wish to undergo the
humiliation of cultivating the language of its enemies, or of its proud
neighbours, have the opportunity of learning a language that is
neutral and humiliates nobody, and there will soon be no such
thing as a people without literary culture.
Can we have a neutral language of this character ? Certainly we
can. It already exists, and has existed for some time. It serves
432 UNIVERSAL RACES CONGRESS
its purpose to perfection, has already a considerable number of
adherents, and possesses a rich and rapidly increasing literature.
This language, which has no master, either materially or morally,
which is wholly free and the equal possession of all who use it, which
requires of them only that they do not destroy it out of personal
ambition and do not alter it without general consent, not only exists
and is used, but already fills, with entire satisfaction, the part which
I have suggested — the part of a language that shall serve as a
fraternal link between the members of the human family and destroy
the walls and the animosities which separate them.
Those who wish to discover how this language may be uniformly
employed by all peoples, and what a great unifying force there is in
this neutral language which belongs equally to all, will do well not
to act like those men of science who, even after railways had been
working admirably for a number of years, were still publishing large
treatises to prove that they were impossible. Let them not discuss
the subject from a theoretical point of view, and be content to express
themselves in pseudo-scientific phrases on the peculiarities of national
languages, but let them attend one of the universal annual Esperantist
congresses.
They will behold a perfect harmony between different peoples.
They will see with their own eyes, and hear with their own ears,
how, when relations are established on a basis of neutrality which
humiliates nobody, all the barriers and feelings of aversion that
would separate peoples are banished and wholly forgotten. They
will then understand what it is that humanity needs in order to
establish a definitive peace among the peoples of the earth.
What mankind requires is not something to which we still look
forward, not something that we must endeavour to create with great
difficulty and exertion, for it is already a solid and accomplished
fact, and admits of no doubt as to its reality. All that we have to do
is to support it. It is not compromises, which are merely palliatives,
nor even the most enlightened political agreements, that will bring
peace to humanity. But, as Esperantism makes progress in the
world, the men of different peoples will meet more frequently and
converse in a neutral speech ; they will come to understand and to
like each other better ; they will feel more deeply that they are of
one heart, one mind, and one ideal, and have the same sufferings and
sorrows. They will realise that all this mutual hatred of peoples is
only a relic of barbaric times. On this neutral base, the one funda-
mental base, will be established the harmonious and purely " human "
humanity of the future, of which the prophets of all lands and all
ages have dreamed.
[Paper submitted in Esperanto and in French.]
EIGHTH SESSION 433
ETHICAL TEACHING IN SCHOOLS WITH
REGARD TO RACES
By J. S. MACKENZIE, M.A., LittD.,
Professor of Philosophy in the University College of Cardiff, Wales.
THE fundamental importance of moral education in schools is now
pretty generally recognised. Hardly any one who is concerned with
education at all seriously doubts that the formation of character is the
greatest service that the school can render to the nation. But it is
recognised also in our time, more widely perhaps than ever before,
that the range of moral obligation is much larger than that of the
State. My duty to my neighbour is now seen to include not only
family, parochial, patriotic, and imperial duties, but also many others,
both public and private, which are as wide as humanity itself. Hence
the question — How may moral education help in improving the
relations between different races? — is readily seen to have great
practical significance ; and it can hardly be necessary to expound
its meaning or to emphasise its urgency. That in a general way
moral education may be expected to be of great use for this particular
purpose, is sufficiently obvious. The cultivation of any moral quality
must tend to improve the relations between human beings under
almost any conditions. In particular, the cultivation of some of the
most fundamental qualities such as kindness, manners, justice, self-
control, would clearly be of great value in this respect. There are,
however, some more especial considerations on which it seems
advisable to insist as bearing upon this particular problem ; and with-
out attempting to be exhaustive, we may refer to them under five
general headings. In dealing with them it will be as well to take as
our guide the carefully graduated syllabuses of the Moral Education
League. x
The first question that presents itself may be stated thus : —
I. How may Moral Education cultivate the Conception of Human
Personality and its Rights? — This conception is obviously of the
utmost value in removing social and international injustice, and few
things can be more important than its clear recognition and a ready
and hearty response to its claims by mankind in general. It has
already helped in many ways. In most countries it has at least
abolished anything in the nature of explicit slavery. It has elevated
the position of women. It has improved the relations between
masters and workmen. But it has worked somewhat fitfully, and, in
particular, it has often been checked by the bars of race and colour.
1 Syllabuses, both for Elementary and Secondary Schools, can be obtained, free of
charge, on application at 6, York Buildings, Adelphi, London.
2 F
434 UNIVERSAL RACES CONGRESS
It should be the task of moral education to give it a firmer hold
in the minds of the young. Now in this, as in most other aspects of
moral education, the study of the history and literature of our own
and other nations must always be among the most potent auxiliaries.
Any intelligent study of history is sure to bring out the central place
that has been occupied at almost all periods of human development
by the struggle for freedom. Almost every period of history affords
illustrations of the way in which certain races or classes have regarded
themselves as specially privileged, and as having some sort of divine
right to reduce others to subjection ; and few themes are more spirit-
stirring to the young than the record of the struggles by which such
dominant races have been gradually forced to recognise the equal
humanity of those over whom they thus sought to rule. The rights
of life, freedom, property, of education, have from time to time been
regarded as a kind of preserve for the ruling classes or nation, and men
have only learned by slow degrees, and generally by the insistent
pressure of " hungry peoples," that there can be no real and lasting
elevation of any class or race unless the whole level of human life
around them is at the same time raised. Among ourselves it is chiefly
as bearing upon the relations between employer and employed that
this conception of equality of rights has recently been emphasised.
It has gradually come to be generally admitted that the first charge
upon any industrial system is the proper care and freedom of its
workers. But history is eloquent of the gradual recognition of
similar rights as between subject and sovereign peoples, and even in
our own time it is not difficult to find object-lessons of the same.
Special topics, such as the emancipation of the slaves in America, the
French Revolution, the relations between races in India, Australia,
South Africa, or the Congo State, may easily be used for such
historical illustration.
In literature, also, it is not hard to find abundance of suitable
material. There are many stirring songs and striking poems to
enforce the moral that "A man's a man for a' that" In the reading
of Shakespeare, the equality of races may be brought home by
the heroic character of Othello, by the characterisation of the
Welsh Fluellen, and by the utterance of Shylock — " Hath not a
Jew eyes? Hath not a Jew hands, organs, dimensions, senses,
affections, passions ? " Modern literature is certainly full of this
humane note. The Bible may also be called into its service. For
the Christian at least there is neither Jew nor Greek, bond nor
free. The teaching of the Buddha, and of other Oriental sages,
and of the Greek and Roman Stoics, is hardly less explicit.
History and literature may thus both be used as instruments
for the inculcation of such moral lessons. The study of the
EIGHTH SESSION 435
geography and physical features of different countries — when
intelligently treated — has also a powerful influence in enlarging
the outlook and widening the sympathies of the young. In the
more definite and systematic form of moral instruction, what
would be required is a more reflective attempt to cultivate that
habit of mind which is described in general terms as " Respect
for oneself as Person, and for all others as Persons," without
regard for distinctions of race, age, sex, status, or any other kind
of difference. This more reflective attitude would grow naturally
out of those concrete studies to which reference has been made ;
but may be cultivated also by maxims and discussions, adapted
to the ages of the pupils. In the Syllabus of the Moral Education
League for Elementary Schools places are provided for the intro-
duction of such lessons under the headings — Honesty (respect for
the property of others) ; Justice (to all human beings, irrespective
of sex, age, creed, social position, nationality or race ; and to
animals, tame and wild) ; Honour and Self-respect. (The lessons
for infants and juniors would naturally be concerned primarily
with the more simple aspects of the subjects, such as respect for
the property of others, and fairness in games. Those for seniors
could treat more broadly of the general conception of Justice and
respect for self, and for all other human beings. In the Syllabus
for Secondary Schools, rather more opportunities are presented for
emphasising the same points, especially under the headings —
Honesty, Justice, Humanity, Self-respect, and the Development of
Social Relationships.)
The second point is intimately related to the foregoing.
2. Moral Education should lead to an Appreciation of the Essential
Likeness of the Various Races and Classes, in Spite of their Points of
Superficial Differences. — Such points of difference may generally be
shown to be largely the results of diverse physical and social
conditions ; and an attempt should be made, even in the early
stages of education, to bring out and emphasise this fact. The
study of the history and literature of different countries helps
powerfully towards this recognition of a common humanity under
a great variety of forms. It is one of the chief arguments for the
retention of Latin and Greek, not indeed as universally compulsory
subjects, but as important elements in a liberal education. At a
later stage the same end may be secured by the encouragement
of foreign travel; but this should be preceded by some study of
the history and manners — and more incidentally of the geography
— of the countries that are to be visited, so that there may be a
solid basis for sympathetic appreciation. In bringing our pupils
face to face with ages and countries, where the great issues of life
436 UNIVERSAL RACES CONGRESS
were fought, by men differing in race, or creed, or colour, or habits
of life, or form of social organisation, we lead them insensibly to
feel how insignificant are such distinctions in comparison with the
common aims and interests of mankind. It is in this way that
the spirit of toleration may best be fostered. The study of history,
which should of course for this purpose be pursued in close con-
junction with that of geography, is the best instrument for this
purpose, and care should be taken to utilise it to the best
advantage.
There is sometimes a tendency, especially in books for the young,
to over-emphasise the patriotic side, to dwell upon our " glorious
victories " and pass over our inglorious defeats, to advertise the
wrong-doings of our enemies and be studiously blind to any ignoble
actions of our own. It would no doubt be depressing and dis-
couraging, especially to the young, to dwell morbidly upon the
defects of our own people. We need the kind of inspiration and
encouragement that comes of the consciousness that we inherit
fine traditions. But this need not prevent us from rejoicing also
in the heroic deeds of others, even if they were our own enemies.
Such a poem as Browning's " Herv6 Riel," or a sympathetic treat-
ment of the career of Joan of Arc (not Shakespeare's, however,
nor even Schiller's) would be admirable for this purpose. Faithful
stories of the Indian Mutiny might similarly awaken the mind
to the fact that the British had not a monopoly of heroism, loyalty,
or devotion. In a very different way, the Bible story of the Good
Samaritan may help to enforce the same kind of lesson. Many
subjects are specially adapted to promote this spirit of toleration,
e.g., Justice, Truthfulness, Moderation, Social Organisation, the
Development of Social Relationship, Toleration. At certain stages
the association of boys and girls in their school work may also
be useful in this respect, as tending to familiarise the mind with
the conception of unity in essentials along with superficial differ-
ences ; but the right use of this element requires much care.
We now come to what is really the most central consideration
of all for our present purposes, viz., the recognition that —
3. It is Qualities of Character that form the Real Basis of Super-
iority in Men or Nations. — It is in emphasising this, of course, that
the chief value of moral education would be ultimately felt ; but it
would be felt more from its general spirit than from its more
particular lessons. In this, as in other respects, literature would
come to its aid. English literature is certainly rich in its sugges-
tions that " Worth makes the man and want of it the fellow," that
" 'Tis only noble to be good," that " Kind hearts are more than
coronets, and simple faith than Norman blood," that " Maids " — and
EIGHTH SESSION 437
others — " should strive to be good," " And let who will be clever."
In prose, the writings of Carlyle and Ruskin are specially valuable
for their insistence on this ; but no doubt it is only at the higher
stages of educational work that much use could be made of them.
The literature of most other countries supply works of similar
prophets. It is, however, not merely on moral qualities, in the
narrower sense, that emphasis should be laid, but rather on all
those qualities of character that make for the promotion of the
complete human ideal. The u intellectual virtues " should certainly
be cultivated as well as those that are called more distinctly
" moral " ; and in the cultivation of these nearly all school subjects
may have a place. The study of history would in particular have
a special value by calling attention to the solid excellences by
which great peoples, such as the Greeks and Romans, have been
characterised, and also by bringing out the fact that those who
are politically subject are not always inferior in some important
human qualities that win our admiration. The Greeks are not
the only race who, in one way or another, have conquered their
conquerors. It would be easy to show that England may learn
much from her dependencies in India, Africa, and elsewhere.
Indeed, it is in the attempt to educate and assimilate subject-races
that the emphasis on fundamental qualities of character becomes
specially important. One of the chief difficulties, in particular
in the relations between more developed and less developed races,
one that can easily be illustrated from the colour problem in the
United States, is that the latter are apt to acquire certain forms of
superficial cleverness and technical knowledge and skill before
they have gained the more essential elements of intellectual and
moral character.
This is due largely to the fact that in the more developed
races themselves the emphasis is apt to be laid unduly on the
former. Most of those who have made any serious study of edu-
cational methods would agree that this is at present the tendency
against which it is most important to be on our guard. A nation,
no less than an individual, which despises the more liberal and
humane aspects of education, because it thinks them unpractical,
is indeed almost sure to be out-stripped in the end — even in
material prosperity — by one which regards education as a generous
preparation for that life of service to the community whereby each
member's moral and intellectual character may be perfected. Such
an idealism in education has been the making both of Germany
and Japan. It is still true on the whole that all things are added
to those who seek first the Kingdom of God.
Besides, however, emphasising in these ways the common and
438 UNIVERSAL RACES CONGRESS
essential nature of humanity, it is important also to recognise
fully—
4. That Different Peoples, Different Classes, Different Sexes, and so on
have each a Distinctive Type of Personality with a Distinctive Value
of its own. — According to the common phrase, " It takes all sorts
of people to make a world," or, in a finer and subtler one, " God
fulfils himself in many ways, lest one good custom should corrupt
the world." In the study of history and literature, children may
be taught to understand the peculiar ideals and characteristics of
their country, as compared with other countries, and to learn, not
that its contribution to the sum-total of human excellence and
welfare is necessarily better than that of others, but simply that it
is somewhat different — a separate note in the " music of humanity."
They should be led to appreciate the unique personalities and
ideals of such peoples as the Jews, the Greeks, and the Romans,
and also of the Japanese and other Oriental peoples, as well as of
the leading types in Europe and America, and thus to acquire the
habit of looking out for some characteristic excellences in all
peoples. There has often been too great a tendency to insist that
" East is East and West is West," and that we can never hope to
see them come together. Few things are more encouraging for
the future of the world than the way in which both the Eastern
and the Western peoples are beginning to realise how much they
can learn from each other. This might easily be brought home to
the young at an early stage by stories illustrative of the special
excellences of diverse peoples. Mr. F. J. Gould's collection of
Indian stories for use in Moral Education lessons may be specially
referred to in this connection.1
In the general life of a school, the separation of studies may,
to some extent, be used as a means to the same purpose — the
ideals of science students, for instance, being recognised as some-
what different from those of literary students. In the more syste-
matic treatment of morals, lessons on Patriotism should be used to
inculcate a similar moral. They should be given in such a way as
to emphasise the vital importance of loyalty to those particular ideals
and excellences which we, as members of a particular nation or
group, inherit. This would inevitably lead to some recognition of
the equal duty of others to be loyal to their best traditions, which
are not quite the same. Lessons of a similar kind would fall
naturally under such headings as Truthfulness, Co-operation, Work,
Toleration, Social Organisation.
With older pupils it might be possible to go a little further
than this, and to try to bring out clearly —
1 Youth's Noble Path. Published by Longmans, Green & Co., London.
EIGHTH SESSION 439
5. The Identity and the Comprehensive Character of the Human Ideal
as evolved in a Number of Different Forms. — It might be pointed out
that the ideals of every race are tentative and partial, and thus
become enriched, completed, unified, and purified by mutual help
and mutual criticism. Among other things, the study of the great
religions of the world, in outward appearance so diverse, may be
used to show that they all contain the same fundamental truths
in more or less imperfect forms. A study of this kind would help
also to reveal the fact that the ideals and excellences are not all
on the same level, and that it is important that the less developed
should be gradually brought into harmony with the more developed.
In this connection the idea of noblesse oblige would acquire its
fullest significance. Such lessons no doubt could not be given at
all definitely before the last two years of life in the Elementary
School, but their spirit may pervade the teaching throughout. In
the Secondary School, however, they may be given pretty fully
from the Remove Form upwards.
[Paper submitted in English.'}
THE COSMOPOLITAN CLUB MOVEMENT
By LOUIS P. LOCHNER, University of Wisconsin, United States.
i'ldW ,rOC}l
General Secretary of the Association of Cosmopolitan Clubs,
Editor of " The Cosmopolitan Student?
THERE is a movement among the students of the United States which
furnishes to the world a striking illustration of the possibility of men
from different countries living together — often even under the same:
roof — in friendship and harmony ; a movement which unites in a.
league of world-brotherhood students of every race, colour, and creed ;
a movement in which the terms dependent and independent races
are unknown, but which assumes all races and peoples to be on a.
footing of equality. This movement is of recent development, and
had its origin in the change of complexion of the American student
body by virtue of the fact that thousands of Orientals, Latin-
Americans, and Europeans are now thronging our halls of learning,.
where formerly the foreigner was an almost unknown quantity in an
American university. By way of illustration, let me cite the fact
that at the University of Wisconsin, which I have the honour to
represent, the number of foreign students has within ten years
increased from 7 to 107 — a condition which is typical of every large
American university. The movement to which I refer is the
Cosmopolitan Club Movement, the aims, purposes, and ideals of
which it is my purpose to present in this paper.
440 UNIVERSAL RACES CONGRESS
On the eve of March 12, 1903, sixteen foreign and two native
students of the University of Wisconsin, together representing eleven
nationalities, gathered in the modest little apartments of a young
Japanese. They founded an International Club, in which the repre-
sentatives of every nation in the university were to meet on a basis of
equality and brotherhood.
This was a new departure in student activities. Foreign societies,
it is true, were no uncommon feature of American college life. Every
large institution of learning had its prospering Norwegian, German,
or Latin-American club. But the idea of a cosmopolitan organisation
with universal brotherhood as its corner-stone, was a novel one. By
many it was denounced as a chimera. The very idea of amalgamating
into one society men of the most diverse countries caused a faint
smile of contempt on the lips of narrow-minded nativists.
Yet what happened? The club so founded grew and prospered,
until to-day, with a membership of seventy, representing twenty
countries, it is one of the most flourishing, and certainly the most
interesting, organisation in the university. The cosmopolitan idea
has partly germinated in, partly spread to, other universities, so that
now twenty-four leading State and endowed institutions of learning
count such clubs among their valuable assets.
A National Association of Cosmopolitan Clubs was founded in
1907, which has a membership of over two thousand and includes
representatives from almost sixty different countries. A monthly
organ, The Cosmopolitan Student, keeps the members in touch
with each other and with the various movements for the better
organisation of the world. At a convention held at The Hague,
Holland, in August, 1909, an affiliation was even perfected with the
Federation Internationale des £tudiantst better known as Corda
Fratres. Our work is thus on an international basis, and the
possibilities for effective co-operation unlimited. United, the two
bodies have become a league of universal brotherhood which will
soon encompass the student body of the whole civilised world.
Hawaian and Frenchman, Japanese and American, Chinese,
German, Hungarian, Filipino, and Armenian, all are on a footing of
equality in this unique organisation. What matters it that one is an
engineer, another a law student, a third an agriculturist ? That one
believes in monarchical government, while the other sees in the control
of the masses the only solution of the social problem ? That one is
a Japanese prince, the second a Russian revolutionist, the third a
plain American farmer boy, the fourth a Hindu priest? Why despise
a man because his skin is yellow or brown or black ? The members
of the international and cosmopolitan clubs need no unity of colour,
race, or social position to bind them together. Theirs is a firmer tie.
EIGHTH SESSION 441
" Above all Nations is Humanity," is the proud motto of our
Association. Humanity — all-embracing, all-including, linked with
the idea of brotherly love, of sympathetic understanding, of service
to mankind — this is a bond of union far transcending national, social,
and racial lines of demarcation.
The purpose of the international and cosmopolitan clubs is to
bring together college young men from different countries, to aid and
direct foreign students coming to the United States, to cultivate the
arts of peace, and to establish strong international friendships.
The activities of the individual organisations are numerous and
varied. Lectures on international topics, discussions on subjects of
foreign interest, and occasional social functions are some of the forms
which these activities take. But most conspicuous are the so-called
" national nights." In these the members of one nation, if possible
on the evening of their country's holiday, describe the history and
institutions of their fatherland, play music by their native composers,
and discuss the relation of their State to other Powers. In the course
of these " national nights " the members get a better insight into the
mode of living, customs, and view-point of people of different races
than they can ever gain from the coloured accounts of travellers in
foreign lands. This broadening influence has taught them to have
sympathy with their fellow-man's religion, however divergent from
their own ; with his social rank, however unequal ; with his political
creed, however contrary ; with his nationality, however different.
In the local branches the best fellowship and comradeship
prevails. As soon as a chapter is strong enough to assume financial
obligations, it rents a suite of club rooms, or its members lease an
entire house, the lower floor of which is devoted to club purposes,
while the rest of the building is used as a dormitory. In the club
rooms the members meet their fellow cosmopolitans on terms of
friendship, and form attachments that last far beyond college days.
They engage in discussions which contribute materially toward
eliminating national prejudices.
The American membership in the cosmopolitan clubs is made up
of students who are selected because they are known to have sym-
pathy with the foreigner, and to enjoy good reputation in the
university community. Members of the university faculties, too,
form a conspicuous element in the American contingent. Through
the United States members the foreigner is introduced into American
families ; from them he learns the characteristics of the American
people and their ideals. In return, his American hosts have the oppor-
tunity of coming in contact with a man who in all likelihood is
destined to become a leader in his community.
American students, as a rule, are proud to have the foreigner in
442 UNIVERSAL RACES CONGRESS
their midst. They realise that the foreigner is here not merely to
get a degree, and to acquire laboriously from books written in a
language not his own what he might with less difficulty learn from
texts or translations in his mother-tongue. The foreigner is with
us to give as well as to receive ; to communicate his own impressions
as well as to absorb ours. His migration to a foreign soil sprang
from a desire to become a citizen of the world. His patriotism led
him to disregard family ties and the associations of his youth, and
to go abroad among strange peoples and strange nations in order
that he might return a better citizen and a more useful member of
society. The presence of the foreigner is thus a source of inspiration
to the American. His example is well worth emulating. One can-
not but be impressed by his lofty ideals, his steadfastness of purpose,
and his broad-minded conception of his mission.
But the movement has a deeper significance. In the words of
the distinguished secretary of the American Peace Society, Dr.
Benjamin F. Trueblood, " As an agency for promoting the final
establishment of permanent peace among the nations, there is
nothing in the educational sphere likely to bear richer fruit."
Close personal contact between peoples of different races is a neces-
sity in order that they may understand each other. It is a funda-
mental prerequisite to any movement for world peace. National
antipathies or prejudices in a large part rest upon mutual ignorance.
In our international and cosmopolitan clubs men from about sixty
different countries are brought in contact with each other. They
learn to understand each other ; they learn to respect each other ;
they learn to admire each other ; they learn to love each other.
They cannot help but carry home with them the message of " Peace
on Earth, Goodwill toward Men."
These facts are of peculiar significance when one considers that
the foreign students are for the most part representatives of the
flower of their country ; men coming from the very best of families.
Many are sent by their Governments. They will later occupy posi-
tions of trust and honour in their respective communities. They
will become the leaders of public opinion, and even of the political
spirit and policies of their nations. In proportion as these men from
different countries are brought in contact with their fellow-students
of different nationality, in proportion as they learn to understand
each other, in proportion as they realise that we are but members of
one large human family, and that therefore war and hostility are
thoughts unworthy of a rising generation — will the hopes for the
realisation of world peace be increased.
[Paper submitted in English.]
EIGHTH SESSION 443
INTERNATIONAL ORGANISATION FOR INTER-
'
RACIAL GOODWILL
By EDWIN D. MEAD, Boston, U.S.A.
THE Lake Mohonk Conferences on International Arbitration were
inaugurated in 1895, after there had been held at Lake Mohonk
for several years previously Annual Conferences upon the duty of
the American people to the Indians living within their borders.
The first three Mohonk Arbitration Conferences were made
memorable by powerful addresses by Edward Everett Hale, the
Nestor of the Peace cause in America, as we liked to call him in
his later years, demanding and prophesying a Permanent Inter-
national Tribunal. By virtue of their grasp of the international
situation, their foresight and their inspiration, these addresses were
the most inspiring and most noteworthy which have been heard
at the Mohonk Arbitration Conferences during these seventeen
years. Their central demand was that nations, well disposed as
the best of them were to arbitration, generally speaking, should
not leave provision for arbitration to times when some special
dispute arose or some special danger pressed, then creating a
special commission to deal with the particular case arising, but
that the nations should co-operate to establish a Permanent Inter-
national Tribunal, which should always be in existence and always
ready to deal with every international difference. Cases should
never wait for courts, said Dr. Hale, but courts should always be
ready for cases, and this was in no field more imperative than in
the international field where there was no provision of any kind.
It was foolish and criminal to leave to some acute crisis, when
two contesting peoples were aflame and in hot blood over their
disagreements, the preparation of machinery to dispose of the dis-
agreements. No time is so unpropitious for such action. There
should be a Permanent International Tribunal, of whose existence
every nation would be conscious in the critical hour when there
was need of the offices of arbitration. Its chief service, said Dr.
Hale, would be in the fact that it existed, that every nation knew
that it existed, and that not to have recourse to it instead of to
individual vengeance in the hour of conflict or dispute was dis-
honour. In a word, civilised nations in the family of nations
must follow the same course in their disputes and differences
which is followed by civilised men in individual nations. When
Dr. Hale in 1895, 1896, and 1897 thundered this demand reiteratedly
at Lake Mohonk, he was told by learned and distinguished
diplomats and jurists that it was a noble ideal, and one which in
444 UNIVERSAL RACES CONGRESS
some fine but distant future would doubtless be realised, but it
was far ahead of the times, and its realisation was not to be
expected in our generation. That was probably the judgment of
most so-called " hard-headed " men, even progressive men, at
Mohonk and elsewhere, in 1897. But in 1898 the First Hague
Conference was called, and in 1899 the Permanent International
Tribunal at The Hague was established.
This is an interesting, an encouraging, and a directing chapter
of history for us as we meet in the interests of another great line
of effort to bring about justice and brotherhood among the
peoples of the world. It reminds us that in this time, when men
the world over touch elbows as never before, and the interest of
each is the interest of all as never before, very great things may
be suddenly brought to pass in a very short time. But especially
it directs us as to the right way to do the things which we, who
have come together in this Congress, have to do. It is no new
thing for good men in a score of nations to interest themselves
seriously in the relations of different races within and without
their own borders, and no new thing for special organisations to
be created, and special Conferences held, to deal with special
wrongs. Such flagrant wrongs have compelled sympathy and
indignation and protest and united action of some sort in every
year of the lives of every man in this Congress, and in every
nation from which most of us come. The Congo Reform Associa-
tion is an illustration. The terrible atrocities in the Congo were
told about by missionaries and others here and there for years.
By and by the volume of reports became so great and so authentic
that there was wide public discussion and public protest. Mr.
Morell and others here in England were so stirred that they
threw their lives into the work of exposing and reforming the
horrible situation. You in England organised a Congo Reform
Association. We in America, prompted by your action, organised
another ; France and Switzerland, and I know not what other
countries, organised theirs, and all did noble, vigorous, expensive
and measurably successful work. The attention of the world was
arrested, the conscience of the world was touched, and there is
undoubtedly a better state of things in the Congo State to-day.
At any rate, all men there know they are under watch and on
their good behaviour. Groups of humane and civilised men have
risen and organised similarly when there was wickedness in Armenia,
in Macedonia, in Crete, in Russia, in India. Societies exist or
have existed in England and America and other countries con-
cerning inter-racial tyranny and wrong in these late years in all
these places and a dozen more ; but the efforts have usually been
EIGHTH SESSION 445
so delayed, so improvised, so poorly supported, and so unrelated
that they have never half done their work. They are like the
special arbitration commissions, arraigned by Dr. Hale, created
under pressure all through the last century, to meet some menacing
crisis. Such commissions did not meet the world's needs, and
these fitful and sporadic societies to deal with sudden tragedies
and threats do not meet the world's need. The world had to
organise a Permanent International Tribunal ; arid we have to
create a permanent international organisation to watch the world
over the inter-racial injustices and wrongs which have commanded
our assemblage here. I do not forget that there exist agencies for
coping with the tyranny of so-called superior peoples over weak
peoples of much more permanent character and much broader
scope than such organisations as the Congo Reform Association.
The Aborigines Protection Society here in Great Britain is such
an agency. As concerns British obligation and effort in one great
field of our problem, it is in its definition of purpose and range of
activity almost precisely the thing to be desired in every country.
This noble Society, which was founded as far back as 1837, three-
quarters of a century ago, was the outcome of the work of a
Committee of the House of Commons " to consider what measures
ought to be adopted with regard to the native inhabitants of
countries, where British settlements are made, and to neighbouring
tribes, in order to secure to them justice and the protection of
their rights." When one looks at the map of the world and notes
the places where British settlements have been made, one realises
that there are few tribes which are not neighbouring to British
settlements on one side or another, and that the definition of
purpose by the old Parliamentary Committee was therefore well-
nigh universal. So I think the Aborigines Protection Society has
construed its function. It was itself certainly, as we in the United
States came to know well, one of the real Congo Reform Associa-
tions, and it has been pretty well every special kind of a reform
association in carrying out its stated purpose " to assist in pro-
tecting the defenceless and promoting the advancement of
uncivilised tribes." It was fitting that the British Anti-Slavery
Society, founded at almost exactly the same time, should amalga-
mate with it two years ago ; for the work of the two societies has
constantly run in parallel courses. Looking through the last
number (January, 1911) of the quarterly journal of these united
societies, I find that there is no other country whose race problems
receive so much attention in its pages as my own. There is a long
account of the gathering at the Whitehall Rooms last October in
honour of Booker Washington. This is followed by a letter con-
446 UNIVERSAL RACES CONGRESS
cerning the visit to Europe this year of Professor DuBois ; there
is a tribute to Julia Ward Howe and her services in the American
Anti-Slavery conflict ; and there is a long review of Sir Harry H.
Johnston's book upon " The Negro in the New World," accom-
panied by a portrait of John Brown. Besides these things there is
an article relating to certain work for the benefit of the MicMac
Indians of Prince Edward Island. When your British Aborigines
Protection Society is able to consider to this extent in a single
issue of its Journal the rights and wrongs of the weaker races in
America, it seems to me that you already have here in Great
Britain what can easily be made the adequate British agency in
such a group of societies as I desire to see established in the
civilised nations, all co-operating in an international union for
inter-racial justice. Some of us in the United States who were
active in the Congo Reform Association were brought by that
experience to feel the need of some such society of broader scope,
like the Aborigines Protection Society. Our study of the wrongs
in the Congo brought us sharply up against similar wrongs in
other parts of Africa, and we began to hear of almost precisely
the same evils in South America. We saw that we were dealing
with only one aspect of a world-wide and persistent problem ; and
I think that no one felt this more deeply than Dr. G. Stanley Hall,
the President of our Congo Reform Association. He had long
been a careful and sympathetic student of the conditions of the
less developed races and of the tyrannies and cruelties inflicted
upon them by "civilised" brutality and greed. Professor William
James had deeply felt the same and written burningly upon it at
the time of our American iniquities in the Philippines. In meetings
of our Congo Reform Association President Hall and others
spoke of the need and possibility of some association of broader
scope ; but up to the present time we have not created such an
association in the United States. What I urge here is the creation
of such organisations in the United States and in every civilised
country, to be leagued together in an international union.
In the United States we have, of course, had special societies
to deal with our two great racial problems, those concerning the
Negro and the Indian. Professor DuBois, who visits Europe this
summer, represents the National Association for the Welfare of
Coloured People, which is the most recently organised of various
societies which have defined their purposes in similar terms, and
some of which still exist. Professor DuBois is the most active
worker in this new society, of which Mr. Moorfield Storey is the
president, and whose officers and members are chiefly white men.
The Constitution League of the United States, in which Mr. John
EIGHTH SESSION 447
E. Milholland, almost as much at home here in London as in New-
York, has been perhaps the most active force, is another American
agency which has been earnestly devoted to righting the political
oppressions and discriminations to which the Negroes in the South
are still subjected. Our Anti-Imperialist League, organised to
oppose the policy of our government in the Philippines, and of
which Mr. Moorfield Storey is also the president, has become in
very high degree, by the very exigencies of its problem, a kind of
Aborigines Protection Society. There are various organisations
among our Negroes themselves concerned with the sufferings and
struggles of their race in America.
We have had for many years an Indian Rights Association, and
for twenty years there has been held at Lake Mohonk an Annual
Conference upon our duty to the Indian, attended by many of our
best and ablest men, and resulting in immense improvement. This
Conference has in recent years been so expanded in its scope as to
take in the problems arising from our relations to our so-called
dependencies — the Philippines here playing, of course, the most im-
portant part. There is noplace in the United States better fitted,
by the great traditions created by Conferences on International
Arbitration, to become a centre for Conferences on inter-racial
justice than Lake Mohonk. Its present autumn Conferences upon
the rights of our Indians and the people of our dependencies might
profitably be expanded into Conferences of this broader scope, with
no prejudice, but only gain, to the special purposes which called them
into being.
It is possible, however, that the centre for this broader work in
the United States will be elsewhere. There has been started at
Clark University in Worcester, Massachusetts, during the last two
years, the most intelligent and well-considered movement known to
me in all the world bearing upon the particular problems of this
Congress. The object of the Congress has been stated to be " the
discussion of the relation of the peoples of the West and those of
the East, between so-called white and so-called coloured peoples."
I have been speaking chiefly of the relations of white and coloured
races, viewing the coloured races as those coming within the purview
of such students and reformers as those constituting the Aborigines
Protection Society. To the discussion of such relations the Clark
University Conferences will in considerable measure be devoted ;
but they will also be devoted to what may be called more specifi-
cally the relations between the peoples of the West and those of the
East, and to those relations the two Conferences already have been
devoted. The President of Clark University, as is well known to
most scholars present here, is Dr. G. Stanley Hall, whom I have
448 UNIVERSAL RACES CONGRESS
already mentioned as the President of our American Congo Reform
Association ; and I think that his experience in the work of that
Association has had much to do with his interest in the founding of
the Clark University Conferences, in whose organisation his able
and devoted associate has been Professor George H. Blakeslee of
the University. The first of these Conferences was held in the
autumn of 1909, and concerned itself with the relations of America
to the Far East, chiefly China and Japan. The Second Conference
was held in the autumn of 1910, and concerned itself with the Near
East. Better thought out and better carried out programmes than
those of these two Conferences have seldom been seen ; and they
mark the beginning of a new era for us in the United States touch-
ing the scientific study of Eastern peoples and just dealings with
them. Perhaps the best outcome of these Conferences, which are
to be made regular, has been the establishment of a quarterly
journal, The Journal of Race Development, in which many of the
papers read at the Conferences have been printed, which is by far
the best publication in this field which we have ever seen in
America, and certainly one of the best organs in the world of the
great movement which has brought us together here. With the
Mohonk autumn Conferences developing as they are developing,
and with the institution of these Clark University Conferences, I
feel the outlook for thorough and worthy attention in the United
States to inter-racial problems to be most promising ; and the
establishment with us of an efficient American society, corre-
sponding in some sort to the British Aborigines Protection
Society, is only a question of to-morrow or the next day.
In showing the historic preparation and present readiness for
broader organisation of our forces for dealing with the inter-racial
problem, I have surveyed practically only Great Britain and the
United States, because I am most at home here, and they serve me
best for illustration. In some ways, too, the movement is farther
advanced in these two countries, as there are some reasons why
they have been under exceptional obligation to efforts in this field.
But I do not forget the noble humanitarian efforts and the most
scientific and valuable studies in France, Germany, and other
countries. The problem urges itself upon the minds and con-
sciences of serious men the world over. It is not simply a problem
of dealing with aborigines nor of the relations of white men with black
or yellow men ; it is a problem of the mutual relations of peoples of
all races and all grades of civilisation. Cruelty indeed is commonest
where the interval between the races is greatest ; but it is question-
able whether it is not in fields where the interval is slighter that the
greatest mischief is done by ignorance, selfishness, and pride.
EIGHTH SESSION 449
A primary function of a movement like the present one is to
cultivate good understanding and goodwill between all peoples
near and far. We have a noisy and pestiferous little group in
America whose regular business seems to be to stir up suspicion
and hatred of the people of Japan. You have a larger group in
England whose similar vocation is to sow seeds of enmity with the
German people. The source of most of the troubles with which we
are coping here is ignorance. Dr. John H. DeForest, in his
impressive pamphlet on " American Ignorance of Oriental Lan-
guages," has startingly shown the serious practical dangers menacing
us in the United States from our ignorance of the speech and some
of the simplest usages of our Japanese brothers. I found in
Germany, a little while ago, groups of noble and aspiring young
people working for international progress, and, fearing that the
name of peace society might not be most propitious for their effort,
they called their groups Societies for Good Understanding between
Peoples (Volkerverstandigung). It comes to the same thing, and
the name hits the central danger and the central need. We all need
to have more to do with each other and know each other better.
There was recently an important Conference in the United
States of representatives of the Presbyterians, Episcopalians, and
Congregationalists to confer about Christian union ; and a Presby-
terian leader commented afterwards upon the mischief which had
resulted from lack of personal acquaintance. " We cannot force
union," he said, " but we can know each other. We have lived in
our respective worlds, knowing well the men in our own body, but
knowing not at all the men in other bodies. It has been an uplift
to know these leaders of other names. After all, they are much
like us. When we all get to know, all union will be here." If such
a confession of mutual ignorance on the part of groups of American
Christians and the mischief of it is possible, how appalling appears
the mutual ignorance of widely differing races and the mischief
of it!
I speak of the international organisation which I propose as one
in behalf of inter-racial justice ; but I mean more than that — I mean
that it shall also deal with the problem of how backward races may
best be assisted in their upward progress and development and how
men of all races may have better personal acquaintance with each
other.
Mr. Milholland in New York, Mr. Moscheles here in London,
have talked much of cosmopolitan or international clubs. They
would have international clubs in London, in Paris, in Berlin, in
New York, in Tokyo, in Shanghai, where men concerned with inter-
national problems should meet socially ; and the members of one
2 G
450 UNIVERSAL RACES CONGRESS
club should be members of all, wherever they journeyed. It is from
good conversation, they say, and rightly say, that more good
frequently results than from congresses. Let us promote the forma-
tion of such international clubs ; for every one of them would be a
potent centre for our cause.
We talk of this as now a little world, since Mauretanias and
wireless telegraphy and the other machinery for shrinkage have
multiplied ; but it is only in certain definite respects that it is a little
world, and in the many indefinite respects it is a big world still,
mostly barbarian, with its peoples far apart and very ignorant of
each other. The solution of the great international problems
involved is not possible to national societies working separately.
International work must be internationally done ; and in this field
of racial problems evolution has advanced so far that we are ready
for the international step and for definite organisation in every
nation.
When one is asked to suggest the method and form of organisa-
tion, the answer is simple. It has happened more than once in
movements like ours that definite international organisation has
preceded adequate national organisation. It was so of the Peace
Congresses. The First Universal Peace Congress was, like this First
Universal Races Congress, held in London. That was in 1843.
That first Peace Congress here in London, we Americans like to
remember, was brought about by the American Peace Society in
Boston, as I was interested to read in your circular that this London
Races Congress owed its original impulse to Felix Adler of New
York. Four great International Peace Congresses followed that
London Congress of 1843. Then there was an interregnum of
nearly forty years ; and the first of the present series of Inter-
national Peace Congresses was held in Paris in 1889. But it was
not until 1902, almost sixty years after the London International
Congress of 1843, that there was a National Peace Congress, that
being in France. England followed with National Peace Congresses,
then the United States, then Germany — the International Congresses
meantime going steadily on, under the general control of the Inter-
national Peace Bureau at Berne, made up of representatives of the
various nations.
If we are looking for precedent in organisation, here, therefore, is
all the precedent we need. Let us consider this Universal Races
Congress no isolated or final gathering, but simply the first of a
series of Universal Races Congresses, bi-ennial or tri-ennial, which
shall go regularly on until the day of inter-racial justice and fraternity
dawns. Let us, too, have our International Bureau of Inter-racial
Justice at London or at Berne ; and let us who are here go home to
EIGHTH SESSION 451
Germany, to France, to Italy, to India, to China, to America, each
group pledged to organise in its own country a National Society of
Inter-racial Justice, with its annual National Congress. The material
for organisation is abundant. I see here in your circular twenty
pages of names of men upon the General Committee of this Con-
gress. There are nearly two hundred names from the United States
alone. Here is already, if these will so resolve, an American Society
of Inter-racial Justice. Let them so resolve ; and so let the dele-
gates from France and Belgium and Germany and India resolve.
The second Universal Races Congress here in London or in Paris,
or wherever it may be, would then be largely a representative Con-
gress made up in great measure of regular delegates from national
societies. Each national society should have its bureau and its
publications, and of such national publications there should be the
completest interchange ; while the central international bureau
should correlate the various national activities and keep each
particular effort in influential touch with all the rest.
I would suggest that the various national Inter-racial Justice
Congresses be held each year in the same week as the sessions of
the National Peace Congresses in the same countries, perhaps on the
day preceding the opening of such Congresses. The causes appeal
to substantially the same constituencies, and the fixing of such a
time for the meetings would certainly increase the attendance.
Where the subjects to be considered by the Races Congress are so
numerous and important as to demand a conference of several days
— and that describes the condition in the United States at this
time — it may be desirable that this combination should not be too
close ; but I am suggesting for consideration a general principle
of procedure.
I do it for the sake of urging further the close relation of these
causes. The wars of to-day have very different provocations from
those of two or three centuries ago. They spring almost entirely
from commercial rivalries or the collisions of races, growing usually
in the latter case out of the exploitation of weaker by stronger
peoples. Whatever can counteract this is a distinct accomplishment
for the peace and order of the world ; and that makes this Universal
Races Congress perhaps the most important Peace Congress of the
present year. The promotion of the progress of the movement here
inaugurated cannot fail to appeal to bodies of men like the trustees
of the new Carnegie Peace Foundation as distinctly within their
province ; although there should be no dependence by this organisa-
tion upon other organisations, but a vigorous effort by its friends in
every nation to secure for it independent and adequate financial
support
452 UNIVERSAL RACES CONGRESS
In referring to Dr. Hale's prophetic Mohonk Addresses demand-
ing a Permanent International Tribunal, I spoke of the rapidity
with which in our day great movements are consummated. There
is every reason why the international effort inaugurated here in
London to-day should achieve quick and decisive success. It cer-
tainly will do it if we here so highly resolve. Let us resolve that
every nation here represented shall organise a national society this year,
and hold a national congress next year ; and let us plan for a second
international congress three years from now. I wish that that 1914
Congress might be held in the United States. That is to be with us
a noteworthy international year. We are then to celebrate the
centennial of peace between the United States and Great Britain.
We shall invite the International Peace Congress to hold its session
with us that year; and the Interparliamentary Union will be simi-
larly invited. It will be a good year for the thoughtful men of the
world to confer on American soil upon this problem of the right
relations of races, which is a cardinal phase of the general problem
of international fraternity and peace. We can tell you in America
of noteworthy advances in the solution of our own great races
problems. There has been almost a revolution in the last generation
in our dealing with our Indian population ; and there is at this time
a movement hardly less than revolutionary going on in the minds of
the best Southern white men touching the Negroes. In the whole
history of civilisation there has been no more remarkable advance
than that of the Negroes in our Southern States since emancipation.
The story in industry, in property, and in education is the same.
In 1905, six years ago, it was my office to arrange in Boston a course
of lectures upon our six most prominent institutions for Negro educa-
tion— Howard University, Hampton, Fisk, Atlanta, Tuskeegee, and
Beira — by the president or some leading representative of the insti-
tution ; and these addresses were published together in a volume
entitled From Servitude to Service. It was a remarkable survey of
remarkable achievement. It was published only six years ago, in
1905, when I venture to say that there had been up to that time
altogether not so many words of strong and cordial congratulation in
high Southern places upon that educational advance as have been
uttered in the subsequent six years. That volume could be matched
to-day by one equally impressive made up of addresses by presidents
of Southern universities and other leading Southern men recognising
and urging that the Negro race must have as its preachers, teachers,
lawyers, and doctors men of the highest education, and that no
solution of the race question is possible which is not based upon the
desire to develop every race to its highest capacity. This is pro-
mising and prophetic ; and it is indicative of the new insight and
EIGHTH SESSION 453
new conscience which are coming into the consideration of the race
question everywhere. The wrongs to our Southern Negroes, political
and social, are still flagrant and intolerable ; but I am emphasising
here the elements of hope and genuine advance. I believe that in
the next decade the new humanity which is becoming so pervasive
will achieve no greater triumphs than in the field of inter-racial
justice, and will do this the more rapidly and effectively as we all
make the world our parish and work together internationally.
[Paper submitted in English,']
APPENDIX
TURKEY
By Dr. RIZA TEVFIK,
Deputy for Adrianople in the Imperial Ottoman Parliament.
HUMANITY, in its inevitable evolution, advances towards an ideal, just as
our solar system follows some great path in its voyage to the unknown region
where it will fulfil the cycle of its evolution. The idea of a congress for the
purpose of bringing races together and endeavouring to secure a better
understanding between them is, to my mind, the symbol of a sublime ideal
of which I have long desired to see the realisation.
The Turkey of to-day has ever been a vast battle-field, and on it the older
civilisations have left the ruins of their ephemeral splendour. From Asia
Minor have come, more than once, the forces that have devastated Europe.
Warlike nations have often passed through it ; they have trodden on a land
that seems, from its geographical situation, a bridge built between the two
continents. Each nation has left in it, as it passed, some portion of its frame,
lacerated and torn with battle, until the Ottoman nation, as we find it to-day,
has become a veritable mosaic of races.
In relation to the rest of the world, therefore, our microcosm provides, in a
comparatively narrow field, the best opportunities for a close study of the
question of the different races which are represented among us by so many
and such heterogeneous communities. Hence it is that the most pressing social
question for constitutional Turkey has been, from the time the new government
was proclaimed, the firm and definitive establishment of a friendly understanding
between its various ethnic elements, in order to be able to secure the first
conditions of a harmonious and prosperous social life.
The attainment of this supreme aim has been a matter of very serious
consideration to us, and we have been compelled to study the chief conditions
of it. In this way we have succeeded in detecting the causes of the unhappy
discord that there is in the concert of social life ; in this way, too, we have
become acutely conscious of the practical and actual difficulty of the task.
This analytical study cannot be anything more than a summary and orderly
account of the important question which at present interests us. But I may be
permitted to observe that, not only is there a striking analogy between social
and moral questions of the same general description, whether they arise in
Turkey or elsewhere, but these social questions have a more or less evident, but
454
APPENDIX 455
always real and persistent, affinity with economic and political questions. One
might say, in mathematical language, that social questions and economic
questions are functional with each other.
I believe that it will be better and more convenient to consider the question
of races from two general points of view ; first economically, then morally.
I am bound to say that, if there are mischievous antipathies at the present time
separating races, it is especially due to a certain lack of equilibrium which
interferes with the mutual relations and injures the reciprocal interests of races.
These interests, however, material or moral, objective or subjective, real or
imaginary, go to form the question of life or death, for which each race
struggles, with a mind illumined by its own instinct of self-preservation.
Hence it is that these differences easily degenerate, especially when there
is sudden and aggressive contact, into a mischievous antipathy that is dangerous
to the cause of true civilisation, because these unfortunate circumstances lower
man's moral level and reveal the brute-nature that is hidden in the depths
of his being. It is one cause of that "return to a primitive condition" which
we must endeavour to prevent.
For the same reason these differences give birth to a whole series of
obstinate and hurtful prejudices. These may indeed have some justification,
and even a relative utility, in view of the preservation of society ; but from
another point of view they are a costly evil, because such a state of things can
only be obtained at the price of intellectual degradation.
Knowing well that the adoption of too exclusive or narrow a point of view
will only lead me to erroneous conclusions, however logical they may be, I shall
endeavour to refrain from entering into details and set aside all nationalist and
religious sentiment, in order to take a general view of the history of humanity.
I shall, therefore, deal with this important question only in an abstract, and
even negative, sense ; that is to say, instead of enumerating a series of condi-
tions that may be necessary to establish a good understanding between races,
I will endeavour to concentrate my attention on the causes which, in my
opinion, prevent this good understanding that everybody desires to see.
Although this way of considering the question is negative in form, it will lead
to certain positive and practical results.
Amongst the causes of racial discord there are quite a number of " conven-
tional prejudices" which are generally regarded as indisputable scientific
truths and have the authority of law in the civilised world. It would have
been well if M. Max Nordau, the able author of Conventional Lies, had
classified them. Some of them, such as "racial prejudice," have the air of
being scientific, but are none the less mere prejudices. Although Herbert
Spencer, the eminent philosopher, and M. Novicow, the distinguished socio-
logist, have given us a masterly treatment of this question, I should like to deal
with it and draw certain conclusions in regard to it.
Racial prejudice rests, like all other prejudices, on a very complicated
framework of sophisms. The superiority of one race over another is estimated
by its capacity and its aptitude for civilisation, and that is quite sound. But,
unfortunately, civilisation is not properly understood ; that is the root of the
evil. There we must seek the inexhaustible source of the confused fallacies
which have so far complicated and perverted the notion of race that we some-
times take it to be an " entity " of a new order.
In the first place, we are accustomed to think that the only virtues necessary
for civilisation are martial qualities. We neglect far too much the virtues in the
proper sense of the word, the moral virtues. That comes of an erroneous or
superficial study of the facts of history and of a false interpretation of certain
principles of naturalist philosophy — principles which are perfectly true, but
relative. It is on this point that we draw up illegitimate and sophistical genera-
456 UNIVERSAL RACES CONGRESS
lisations, dragging in certain kinds of sociological and political facts which have
no place in a province that is ruled by a biological principle, for instance.
I am as convinced as any man that " the survival of the fittest in the struggle
for life" is a sound principle, but I very much question whether the only
conditions of this fitness are what we call the " warlike virtues." If I am told
that such is the situation invariably in the animal world I reply that it ought not
to be the same in the human world. I may add that in the animal world
fertility, which is a distinctive sign of inferior races and species, is an im-
portant element in the fitness of the species to survive in virtue of its numbers.
It is the same with endurance, which makes the individuals of a species better
able to resist the destructive agencies of Nature. The exigencies of material
life are other conditions that must not be neglected ; a people whose individual
members can live on a handful of rice or an onion and reproduce indefinitely is
as formidable as the peoples who have large guns. All these qualities, and many
others, facilitate adaptation by reducing its first conditions. These are qualities
of races that are generally regarded as inferior, but the race that has these
qualities may command a larger zone of expansion in the world. It resembles
an economic machine that needs very little fuel to work ; though its products
are not of a high quality there is a certain compensation that must not be over-
looked. A flower that is, like certain orchids, produced by artificial selection,
demands infinitely more care than the wild dandelion, for instance.
The idea of superiority, like everything else, is relative. Moreover, we must
diagnose these qualities by a careful study of the psychic, sociological, or moral
causes which have given birth to them. We shall probably find that qualities
of quite a different origin are involved and that it is not always the warlike
qualities that are victorious.
Respect for law and the gift of conservative innovation — to use the happy
phrase of Walter Bagehot — are excellent qualities of a military origin ; a long
period of military discipline that gave rise to them. It is owing to them,
Bagehot says, that the Romans conquered the world. I agree. But I do not
understand how the Romans with such qualities were unable to overcome the
moral strength of a few Christian martyrs who eventually destroyed their great
Empire. The Turks of the Ottoman Empire have these qualities in a higher
degree than the Ottomans of other races, such as the Greek, the Arab, the
Albanian, and the Kurd. How is it that these qualities have not secured for
the true Turks of the Empire either a superiority in numbers or a supremacy in
commerce or art ?
A quality of a certain kind can only secure a certain kind of superiority ; we
cannot expect of a martial quality success in commercial competition. Their
warlike virtues have secured the government for the Turks, and they have
ever held the reins in their vigorous hands. They have always, or almost
always, produced statesmen, magistrates, captains, and soldiers of the first rank.
But they have, unfortunately, very little capacity for commerce, finance, and
industry. Great commercial and industrial enterprises tempt them no longer.
They have little disposition for philosophy and science. It is a race with
practical but martial qualities. They have no moral and social qualities that
are distinctive of them. As is well known, they are hospitable, but this is not a
virtue inherent in the race, as the Bedouin also has it, and as it is really not so
much a quality as a custom strictly related to the "nomad condition" or a
certain stage of social evolution. Neither is it an exclusively Oriental virtue,
for the Chinaman, who represents the oldest civilisation, is distinguished for his
aversion to foreigners.
Let us consider the Jewish people. This people has indisputably a higher
capacity than any other for finance and commerce. It has also a very advanced
and pronounced degree of social virtue — moral solidarity. But it does not
APPENDIX 457
possess these two excellent qualifications for the struggle in virtue of its belong-
ing to the Semitic race, as is generally thought. How is it, in that case, that
the nomad tribes which belong to the same race as the Jews are constantly
killing each other and have an aggressive and military rather than a conciliatory
and industrial character ? It cannot be said that these two qualities, which have
saved the life and preserved the integrity of the Jewish people more effectively
than in the case of any other people, and " in spite of the countless persecutions
that they have endured," are martial qualities. It is precisely after it had
lost its warlike qualities and its national independence that the people of Israel
acquired these two higher qualities, one of which secures for it supremacy in
the financial world and the other maintains a moral cohesion among its members
scattered throughout the world. It needs a long discipline of misfortunes — a
harder discipline than that of the Romans — to acquire these capacities ; and this
education has lasted at least twenty-five centuries, during which it had not the
same rights as other nations. In that circumstance must we seek all its virtues
and defects. There again we will find the explanation of the paradox that it is
very materialistic in business and very idealistic in its dreams of its glorious
past, that it is cosmopolitan while it remains at heart as nationalist as it was
under the rule of its ancient patriarchs, that it is very liberal and innovating
while it remains extremely conservative in the observance of its eminently
traditional customs.
These instances prove — in my opinion, at least— that these qualities, like
many others of the same kind, have very little to do with what is called the
" innate capacity of races," a vague formula that I find it difficult to understand
precisely. I can at the most admit an innate capacity of the individual, but not
of the race. If the races of men really have a certain innate capacity and
aptitude, it consists in the instinctive and unconscious qualities of conservatism,
an instinct that is inherent, not merely in the nature of man, but in the insect
itself. How, then, can we suppose that this conservative instinct, common to
all human beings, can be the true measure of the higher moral and intellectual
qualities which assure the supremacy of one nation over others ? It would be
like measuring and estimating the intensity of light with a pair of scales.
I can easily admit that the conservative instinct is the cause of all higher
qualities and virtues. But that is not the question. We want to know how the
same instinct has given rise to certain qualities in one race and different
qualities in another. We have to determine the influence of the specific factors
which have brought about this differentiation among the various races of men ;
and, in the case with which we are especially concerned here, we have, I think,
to discover those factors which we must regard as prejudicial to a good under-
standing or incompatible with it.
I should be the first to admit this sociological truth, that war has played the
greatest part in the formation of the ancient and more or less barbaric civilisa-
tions, in the rise of the great conquering nations, and in their geographical
distribution. Mythology, prehistoric science, archaeology, and many other
fields of research in which the scientific spirit is actively engaged in pursuing
its fruitful investigations, show us that war and conquest polarise nations and
even national sentiments ; that civilisation, which has not emerged all at once
from obscurity, has had to advance with slow and halting steps, even disorderly
and "ataxic " steps, if I may use the expression, in its uncertain faith ; and that
commerce and industry, the two great pacific factors of civilisation, were at
first very rudimentary, and suffered grievously from the sudden dislocations and
waste of a chronic state of war.
As the various peoples were not at the same level of social evolution, and
the ways and means of communication were not what they are to-day, there
was no harmony between them. At times a barbaric horde, formidable in its
458 UNIVERSAL RACES CONGRESS
numbers and the physical strength of its members, fell suddenly upon and laid
waste a country that enjoyed the wealth it had accumulated by peace, industry,
and economy. It was the "gaziva," the "razia," on a grand scale. The
Turanian or Ural-Altaic race, as one may prefer, has been in its time far superior
to others in this respect.
The vital energy of a savage people was, perhaps, needed to restore the life
of a decrepit civilisation, by supplying it with fresh vigour from its own sap ;
just as the Vestal Virgins fed the sacred fire to keep it alive. Hence it is that
civilisation passed from hand to hand, like a torch showing light to humanity ;
the arm needed strength to hold the torch as high and as long as possible.
From the remotest periods of history the Turks and other nations of the same
race have played an important part by their military virtues. But history shows
that conquest has its disastrous side. It has almost always lowered the moral
level of the conquered and the conquerors, filling them with sentiments of
hostility that are incompatible with the conditions of peaceful collective life.
Hence, quite naturally, the arrogance, the contempt, the disdain which
characterise the moral attitude of the race which considers itself superior in
every respect simply because it has proved its superiority in the qualities of
war. Hence, too, the sullen hatred, the vindictive disloyalty, the hardly
concealed hypocrisy, the conservative exclusivism, and the tendency to an
exaggerated traditionalism which characterise the moral attitude of a conquered
race, which may, at the most, admit its inferiority of circumstances, but not its
moral and intellectual inferiority. That is one of the gravest questions which
conquering peoples have to settle before they can think of laying the founda-
tions of a cordial understanding between all races. In that respect we have to
study the remarkable qualities and defects of the Ottoman Turks.
Although my time and space are limited, I cannot help drawing attention
to certain scientific facts, usually wrongly interpreted, which have a close
connection with the question of races. I wish to speak of craniological science,
which is closely related to anthropology on the one hand, and ethnography on
the other.
To what extent may we infer a difference of moral characteristics from a
difference of physical characteristics ? The question has often been put, and,
as we know, Dr. Cabanis, under the influence of the encyclopaedists of the
eighteenth century, declared that there was an absolute parallelism.
The question of the morality of a people has been discussed by philosophers.
Herbert Spencer, Mill, and Lord Avebury, to whom I am more indebted than
any for my intellectual education, have expressed different opinions on the
subject. Spencer quotes the Veddahs and the Himalayans as of high and
irreproachable morality, though they are at the very base of the human
hierarchy in point of intelligence and civilisation. The distinguished
philosopher rightly attributes this one-sided superiority to their having lived
a peaceful and undisturbed social life during many centuries.
What should we say if we had to judge the morality of one of these peoples
by measuring its facial angle, or its cephalic index, or its cranial capacity — in
a word, by first considering the distinctive features of its physiognomy and the
specific form of its skull ? Would it not be much the same thing as attempting
to determine the value of a coin by the figure stamped on it ?
I do not question that these important characters in the classification of
races have their proper value ; they are the visible effects of certain causes.
But I prefer to remain in the province of pure pragmatism in regard to facts
that have not yet been set free of contradictory hypotheses.
The volume of the brain, in so far as it is normal, is the outcome of effort
and exercise, like the size of a muscle. I do not see that that will explain
either the specific form of the skull or the mental energy, still less the specific
APPENDIX 459
capacity and genius of a scholar or an artist. We must not forget that
statistical data offer no explanation whatever of individual cases, and all these
considerations drawn from craniological studies have only a purely statistical
value. Aristotle, Epicurus, St. Paul, and Baron Canchy had not large and fine
heads, yet who will dispute the encyclopaedic genius of the first, the moral
genius of the second and third, and the mathematical genius of the fourth ?
Alexander Bain believes that there is a correlation between the intellectual
power and the volume of the brain ; Spencer, who had, like Bain, one of the
strongest and finest heads, is very sceptical on the point. Between that and
morality there is an impassable abyss. As to form, I am inclined to agree with
the illustrious Professor Haeckel, of Jena, that the formal differences in the
human skull are original and are of no value except for the classification of
races. While we are as yet unable to agree on the rational conditions of a
natural classification even of mushrooms, it would be premature and arbitrary
to divide humanity into two or four great classes, or to say that there are Euro-
pean heads and Asiatic heads in the moral sense, and to suppose that the Asiatic
head is much inferior to the European in this respect. The great prophets of
humanity had Asiatic heads. The thesis is, therefore, valid only in ethnography,
not in moral science.
Moreover, to speak only of my own country, what a confusion it would be to
regard all Ottomans as Asiatics. There are millions of men amongst us who
are as European as the most advanced nations of Europe and who are not in
every respect superior to their fellow-citizens of Asiatic origin. The phrases
imply, from their very nature, an idea of absolute superiority or inferiority
which is the psychic source of the arrogance, disdain, and hatred that so much
impede a good understanding. It is this feeling of disdain that justifies aggres-
sion against a supposed inferior race, because it is pacific. Nietzsche has given
us the psychological explanation of this important fact.
Possibly it is the feeling of aristocratic and military superiority rather than
the idea of a real moral and intellectual superiority that is the source of the evil.
It is on that ground that the Turks, when they had conquered nations more
civilised than themselves, did not regard them as fellow-citizens with equal
rights. That is one of the chief defects of the Turkish character. But all
conquering nations have the same defect. It is remarkable that Nietzsche
should attempt to justify all aggression on the part of a European and militarist
"superman." Nevertheless, the white race, which at present dominates the
others, ought to make a serious study of this psychic fact.
Social life is, like individual life, a continual process of adaptation to the
environment and the surrounding circumstances, which are a part of the
essential conditions of universal life. To wish to moralise a people that has
only rudimentary institutions and a gross and anthropomorphic religion swarm-
ing with contradictory superstitions by giving it a higher religion would be just
as absurd and dangerous as to cause the abortive delivery of a three-months' old
foetus in order to nurse it with the greatest care in an incubator. Is there any
reasonable man who, to facilitate the emergence of the mature insect, would
tear open the pupa-case in order to see the butterfly earlier? Yet this is just
what is being done everywhere outside the civilised continent with a great
expenditure of money and energy.
I am profoundly convinced that the moral value and practical, salutary effect
of a religion or religious belief is much more closely related to the sincerity of
the belief than to its object. It is the sincerity of faith that inspires noble and
unselfish deeds ; it is that and not the formal conceptions which constitute the
differentiating characters of religions that impels to sacrifice. If all new
religions could at the start inspire their followers with the idea of sacrifice, self-
denial, courage, and contempt of life it is owing to the sincerity of a faith that
460 UNIVERSAL RACES CONGRESS
has not yet been shaken by scepticism ; it is because they sincerely believed in
a sacred principle that was good for humanity. The question of form had
nothing to do with it ; if the faith is extinguished the metaphysical concepts
that remain may make professors, but not martyrs ready to sacrifice themselves
for a sublime truth.
I, therefore, think that it would be useful, and is important, to reflect on this
question, especially as religion has, according to the circumstances, either a
separative or a consolidating effect on the masses. To express myself very
briefly, let me say that an exaggerated zeal for religious propaganda in the
midst of any race will create so difficult a situation that it will end in embroiling
proselytism and orthodoxy, and nationalist sentiments will only complicate and
further aggravate the unfortunate situation.
As I am merely expressing abstract personal opinions on these important
sociological questions I will refrain from giving examples. I am endeavouring
only to discover and determine the chief obstacles which prevent a good under-
standing by destroying the exalted feelings of friendship that should bring the
various races of earth together.
The civilised nations which have accepted the noble mission of moralising
inferior races, as it is usually expressed, have always preached that tolerance is
one of the first conditions of morality. True civilisation begins with it, and not
with the application of steam and electricity to industry. It is in the recognition
of rights and the mutual respect of individuals and societies that we must seek
the test of a true civilisation.
It is very remarkable that the famous essay of John Locke did not prevent
Mill from emphasising toleration, a century and a half later, for the second time.
I repeat the fact is very remarkable. It must be taken into serious consideration,
as intolerance is one of the chief causes of the distrust and antipathy which are
born of the contact of different races and nations.
Admitting the universality of the scientific principle that " every oscillation
tends towards a point of stable equilibrium," I firmly believe that our inevitable
relations throughout the world will in the long run set up a more balanced
political and social situation by a better co-ordination of our interests, which tend
to greater and greater solidarity. A less rough, more intimate, and more fre-
quent contact between the nations of different races will create and foster this
desired sympathy, which is the psychic cause and the powerful factor of that
sociability without which there could be no civilisation. Only then shall we
admit the truth that, in spite of the apparent differences due to physical
characters, methods of social education, or degrees of intellectual capacity, we
have all, as human beings, the same fundamental character and the same
passions. We shall then admit more loyally that it is these very passions
rather than the knowledge acquired that make up the essence of the human
soul ; it is precisely these passions that dominate, rule, and direct men and
societies. Then we shall be more humane and benevolent to the races that we
regard as inferior and who are in reality profoundly like ourselves. Then we
shall be more indulgent and tolerant to our fellows. Then we will understand
that even the fetishistic savage has a vague consciousness of the sublime and
transcendental truth that surrounds us on every side and of which the human
intelligence is but a mysterious and marvellous revelation.
I am confident that in the province of social morality these are axiomatic
truths ; they are as positive to my conscience as mathematical truths are to my
intelligence. It is they that will guide us towards a moral ideal. What does
it matter that we shall never attain that ideal ! It is enough that our eyes
are turned to it to direct us toward a civilisation higher in every respect Hi. in
that of to-day. Did not our early nomad ancestors take the pole-star as their
guide, so that they might not be lost in the desert ? We must do likewise ; and,
APPENDIX 461
without pressing idealism so far as to insist on an absolute humanitarianism, let
us at least hope to replace the philosophy of Machiavelli by the reasoned
utilitarianism of Bentham and J. S. Mill. If there is one purely social
factor much more conducive to morality than any other of the same kind,
it is solidarity based on a reciprocity of well-understood interests. It is that
which will give us some security against aggression, which I regard as the
source of every individual misfortune, and every social and international
calamity.
I must, nevertheless, admit that this economic philosophy is rather dry and
inadequate for the attainment of our supreme aim. We must give it more life
and beauty by conforming, in the accomplishment of our difficult task, to the
unwritten dogmas — the dypatpa doypara — of practical morals.
Some sociologists have declared that the social question is at bottom an
economic question. I may say with just as much truth that it is entirely a moral
question ; since, as I have shown, the two phases of the social question are
intimately related.
Who knows what future is reserved for humanity ? I know only that social
catastrophes, like geological cataclysms, are due to slow and continuous causes.
I believe that the great men of all countries, especially those who govern and
administer the masses, could prevent at least some of the causes, and moderate,
to some extent, their dangerous effects.
I believe in the possibility of progress. The evolution of societies, as it
pursues its path, exhibits certain perturbations which we believe to be as inevit-
able and irremediable as those of a heavenly body. It is enough to study the
nature and causes of these perturbations to convince oneself that some of
them, at least, are avoidable. I am full of hope for the future.
The solemn Congress in which I have the great honour and unspeakable joy
of taking part gives me a brilliant proof that the leading representatives of
modern civilisation are inspired with a noble resolution to deal seriously with
the gravest question of our time.
The Turkey of to-day, with its ardent desire for progress and true civilisa-
tion, and its determined struggle for independence, ofjfers a sincere wish for the
success of the Congress, and warmly applauds its distinguished members who
are devotedly working in it for the cause of humanity.
[Paper submitted in French.]
1 -J V.' I!) H ' , .
LETTER FROM M. L^ON BOURGEOIS
MY LORD, — You have been good enough to seek my collaboration
and ask me to sign a paper for the forthcoming meeting of the
Races Congress, which is to be held in London.
Although the state of my health has prevented me from com-
plying personally with your request by writing a paper of any length,
I desire at least to approach you to-day and say how much I approve
the initiative that has impelled you and your distinguished collabo-
rators to bring together representatives of all the races of men in a
universal congress.
The thought that inspires you is a lofty one ; it merits the
attention of all, even of those who pride themselves on being
practical politicians, and who are at times tempted to neglect
problems of a general character on the ground that they do not
deal with immediate difficulties. The object at which you aim, the
securing of harmony between the various races of men, is an essential
condition of any serious attempt to diminish warfare and extend the
practice of arbitration. You approach the problem of pacification in
its whole range, without concealing the obstacles from yourselves,
and seek a solution that will apply, not to any particular human
group, but to the whole of the inhabited globe. It is well that
the question should already be put in this form by scientific con-
gresses, in order to provide material that may afterwards be used by
jurists and statesmen.
I have taken part in the work of the Hague Peace Conferences
from the start, and am in a good position to say how happily your
work completes ours. This assurance, indeed, will be given you by
my colleague and friend, M. d'Estournelles de Constant, and the other
French representatives at the Races Congress, some of whom have
been my collaborators and faithfully represent the idea which guided
us in the Hague meetings of 1899 and 1907.
I sincerely hope, therefore, that the first Races Congress, held
under so noble an inspiration, will throw some light on the complex
problems of the law of nations and thus see its labours crowned with
complete success.
Accept, my Lord, the assurance of my great regard.
L£ON BOURGEOIS.
THE RIGHT HON. LORD WEARDALK,
President of the Congress, London,
[Letter written in French.]
462
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RANKE, JOHANNES. Der Mensch. 2 vols. Leipzig, Bibliograph. Institut, 1886-87.
RATZEL, FRIEDRICH. Die Erde und das Leben. 2 vols. Leipzig, Bibliograph.
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RATZEL, FRIEDRICH. Volkerkunde. 3 vols. Leipzig, Bibliograph. Institut, 1885-88.
RECLUS, ELISEE. L' Homme et la Terre. 6 vols. Paris, Librairie Universelle, 1905-8.
REINACH, SALOMON. Cultes, Mythes et Religions. 3 vols. Paris, Leroux, 1905-8.
REINACH, SALOMON. Orphfus: Histoire generate des Religions, xxi + 625 pp. Paris,
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ROMANES, GEORGE JOHN. Mental Evolution in Man : Origin of Human Faculty.
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SAYCE, ARCHIBALD HENRY. Introduction to the Science of Language. 2 vols.
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SCHMIDT, EMIL. Anlhropologische Methoden. iv + 336 pp. Leipzig, Veit, 1888.
SCHURTZ, HBINRICH. VQlkerkunde. (Part xvi. of Die Erdkunde, herausgegeben von Max
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SCHOTZ, Dr. LUDWIG H. Die Hauptsprachen unserer Zeit. Frankfurt a/M., Goar, 1910.
SEBILLOT, PAUL. Le Folk-lore dc France. 4 vols. Paris. Guilmoto, 1904.
SBEBOHM, FREDERIC. The English Village Community examined in its Relations to the
Manorial and Tribal Systems, xxi -f- 464 pp. London, Longmans, 1883.
SBRGI, GlUSBPl'B. Arii in Europa e in Asia: Studio etnografico. 272 pp. Torino,
Bocca, 1904.
SBRGI, GIUSEPPE. Arii e Ilaliti attorno air Italia preistorica. 228 pp. Torino, Bocca,
1898.
SERGI, GIUSEPPE. Hominida: Sistema naturale de Classi/uazione, ovoero : FUomo
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SERGI, GIUSEPPE. IS Evoluzione umana, individuate e sociale. Torino, 1904.
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SMITH, WILLIAM ROBERTSON. Kinship and Marriage in Early Arabia, xiv -f 322 pp.
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II.— ETHNOGRAPHY
GENERAL.
ABRAHAMS, ISRAEL. Article Jews in Ency. Brit., 1911 edition.
ABRAHAMS, ISRAEL. Jewish Life in the Middle Ages, xxvii + 452 pp. London,
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MORRIS, CHARLES. Home Life in all Lands. 2 vols. Lippincott, Philadelphia
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RECLUS, ELISEE. Nouvelle Geographic Universelle : La Terrt et Us Hommes. ig vols.
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SENDLER, R., und KOBEL, O. Uebersichtliche Darstellung des Volkserziehungswesens
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A.— AFRICA.
ANKERMANN, BERNHARD. Ueber den gegenwdrtigen Stand der Ethnographic der
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BLYDEN, E. WILMOT. African Life and Customs. 91 pp. London, Phillips, 1908.
BLYDEN, E. WILMOT. West Africa before Europe, iv + 158 pp. London, Phillips,
1905-
BURROWS, GUY. The Land of the Pigmies. With Introduction by H. M. Stanley.
xxx + 299 pp. London, Pearson, 1898.
CHANTRE, ERNEST. Kecherches anthropologiques dans V Afrique orientale (Egypte).
xviii + 3i8 pp. Lyon, Rey, 1904.
ELLIS, ALFRED BURDON. A History of the Gold Coast of West Africa, xi + 400 pp.
London, Chapman & Hall, 1893.
FRITSCH, GUSTAV. Die Eingeborenen Stid- Afrikas. xxiv + 528 pp. Breslau, Hirt, 1873.
FULLEBORN, FRIEDRICH. Beitrdge zur physischen Anthropologic der Nord-Nyassa
Lander. (Deutsch Ost-Afrika, vol. viii.) Berlin, Reimer, 1902.
FOLLEBORN, FRIEDRICH. Das deutsche Nyassa und Kuvumagebiet : Land u. Leute.
Nebst Bemerkungen iiber die Schireldnder. (Deutsch Ost-Afrika, vol. ix.) xx + 636
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GENNEP, ARNOLD VAN. Tdbou et Tottmisme b Madagascar. 362 pp. Paris,
Leroux, 1904.
GLASER, EDOUARD. Die Abyssinier in Arabien und Afrika. xii-f 211 pp. MUnchen,
Lukaschik, 1895.
HARTMANN, ROBERT. Die Nigritier: Eine anthropologisch-ethnologische Monographic.
xxi + 526 pp. Berlin, Wiegandt, Hempel, u. Parey, 1876.
JOHNSTON, Sir HARRY H. The Uganda Protectorate. 2 vols. London,
Hutchinson, 1902.
JOHNSTON, Sir HARRY H. Liberia. 2 vols. London, Hutchinson, 1906.
KEMP, Rev. D. Nine Years at the Gold Coast. 294 pp. London, Macmillan, 1898.
KIDD, DUDLEY. The Essential Kaffir. Illustrated, xv + 435 pp. London, Black,
1904.
KlDD, DUDLEY. Savage Childhood ': a Study of Kafir Children. Illustrated. xvi+3I4PP-
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KINGSLEY, MARY HENRIETTA. West African Studies, xxiv + 639 pp. London,
Macmillan, 1899.
LEONARD, Major ARTHUR GLYN. The Lower Niger and its Tribes. (With a
Preface by A. C. Haddon.) xxii + 564 pp. London, Macmillan, 1906.
MILI.IGAN, ROBERT H. The Jungle Folk of Africa. 380 pp. New York, Re veil,
1908.
MORIE, Louis J. Les Civilisations Africaines: Histoire de FEthiopie. 2 vols.
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NACHTiGAL, GUSTAV. Sahara und Sudan. 3 vols. (Vol. iii. by E. Groddeck.)
Berlin, Weidmann, Parey, 1879-89.
PREVILLB, Louis ARMAND BARBIKR DE. Les SocMe's Africaines, leur Origine, leur
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ROTH, HENRY LING. Great Benin: its Customs, Art, and Horrors, xii + 234 pp.
Halifax, King, 1903.
SCHULTZE, Prof. LBONHARD S. Aus Namaland und Kalahari, xiv + 752 pp.
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SEROI, GIUSEPPE. Africa : Antropologia della Stirpe Camitica. Torino, Bocca, 1897.
SERGI, GIUSEPPE. UOrigine dei Popoli e loro Relazioni coi Popoli (f Africa, cC Asia
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STUHLMANN, FRANZ. Beitrdge zur Kulturgeschichte von Ostafrika. xxiii + 907 pp.
Berlin, Reimer, 1909.
TREMEARNE, Major A. J. N. The Niger and the West Sudan; The West African's
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WEISS, MAX. Die Volkerstamme im Norden Deutsch-Ostafrikas. 600 Illustrations.
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WEULE, Prof. KARL. Wissenschaftliche Ergebnisse meiner ethnographischen For-
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1908-9.
B.— AMERICA.
CALDEN, Hon. CADWALLADER. The History of the Five Indian Nations of Canada.
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CHERVIN, ARTHUR. Anthropologie bolivienne. 3 vols. Paris, 1908-9.
DAWSON, T. C. The South American Republics. Part i. New York and London, 1904.
EHRENREICH, PAUL. Anthropologische Studien iiber die Urbewohner Brasiliens. viii +
167 pp. Braunschweig, Vieneg, 1897.
GRINNEL, GEORGE BIRD. The North American Indians of To-day. 185 pp. London,
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HVADES, PAUL, et DENIKER, JOSEPH. Les Fuegiens. (Forme le vol. 7, " Anthropologie et
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MARTIN, P. F. Through Five Republics of South America. London, 1906.
NAU, Baron EMILE. Histoire des Caciques d Haiti. vi + 364 pp. Port-au-Prince,
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REISS, WILHELM, und STI)BEL, APHRONS. Das Totenfeld von Ancon in Peru: ein
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RIVETS, L. Anthropologie et ethnographic de fEquateur. Paris, 1911.
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SELER, EDUARD. Gesammelte Abhandlungen zur amerikanischen Sprach- und Altertums-
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STEINEN, KARL VON DEN. Unter den Naturvolkem Zentral- Brasiliens. xv -f 570 pp.
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VERNEAU, RENE. Les anciens Patagons. Paris, Friedlander, 1903.
Zwei yahre unter den Indianem: Reisen in Nordwestbrasilien. 2 vols. Berlin,
Koch-Grunberg, 1909-10.
C.— ASIA.
AFGHANISTAN.
HAMILTON, ANGUS. Afghanistan, xxi + 562 pp. London, Heinemann, 1906.
CEYLON.
SARASIN, PAUL und FRITZ. Die Weddas von Ceylon. 599 pp. Wiesbaden, Kreidel,
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470 UNIVERSAL RACES CONGRESS
CHINA.
BISHOP, Mrs. J. BIRD. The Yangtze Valley and Beyond, xv + 557 pp. London,
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BROOMHALL, MARSHALL. The Chinese Empire, xxiv + 472 pp. London, Morgan and
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LITTLE, ARCHIBALD. The Far East, viii -f- 334 pp. Oxford, Clarendon Press, 1905.
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SMITH, ARTHUR H. Chinese Characteristics. 342pp. Edinburgh and London, Oliphant,
1900.
WILLIAMS, SAMUEL WELLS. The Middle Kingdom : a Survey of the Geography ', Govern-
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HAWAII.
KRAEMER, AUGUSTIN. Die Samoainseln : Entwurf einer Monographic mit besonderer
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INDIA.
BHATTACHARYA, JOGENDRA NATH. Hindu Castes and Sects, xvii + 623 pp. Calcutta,
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FRAZER, ROBERT WATSON. The Literary Histtry of India, xiii + 470 pp. London, 1898.
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MACDONELL, A. A. A History of Sanskrit Literature. London, 1900.
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RISLEY, Sir HERBERT H. The People of India. Calcutta, 1908.
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JAPAN.
CLEMENT, ERNEST WILSON. Handbook of Modern Japan, xiv + 395 pp. London,
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DAVIDSON, JAMES WHEELER. The Island of Formosa. London, Macmillan, 1903.
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PONTING, HERBERT G. In Lotus Land : Japan, xvi + 395 pp. London, Macmillan,
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ALI SYED, AMEER. The Spirit of Islam, lix + 44° pp. Calcutta, Lahiri, 1902.
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BAMBUS, W. Paldstina, Land und Leute. 175 pp. Berlin, Cronbach, 1898.
BERNARD, M. Turquie d1 Europe et Turquie dAsie. Paris, 1899.
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BREHIER, Louis. L'Egypte de 1798 a 1900. Paris, Combet, 1901.
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BUXTON, CHARLES RODEN. Turkey in Revolution. 285pp. London, Fisher Unwin, 1909.
COLVIN, Sir A. The Making of Modern Egypt. London, 1906.
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CUINET, VITAL. La Turquie d'Asie : Geographic administrative , &c. 4 vols. Paris,
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EASTMAN, CHARLES A. Indian Boyhood. 300 pp. New York, McClure, 1908.
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MARGOLIOUTH, DAVID SAMUEL. Mohammed and the Rise of Islam, xxvi + 481 pp.
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RAMSAY, Sir WILLIAM MITCHELL. The Revolution in Constantinople and Turkey. 340 pp.
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PERSIA.
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D.— AUSTRALIA AND NEW ZEALAND.
BONWICK, JAMES. Daily Life and Origin of the Tasmanians. viii + 304 pp. London,
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E.— EUROPE.
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III.— RACE CONTACT
GENERAL.
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INDEX
ABA Ntsundu, 340
Abantu, 336
Abenakis, 367
Abendanon, Dr. J. H., Paper by, 324
Abesutho, 336
Aborigines Protection Society, 445
Adler, Dr. Felix, Paper by, 261 ; referred
to, 274
African Negroes, see Negroes
Agbebi, Pastor Mojola, Paper by, 341
Agriculture :
Egypt, 173. 176
Haiti, 182
International Institute of, 254
Ainos, III
Alaskans, 367
Albigenses, 183
Aldridge, Ira, 362
Algonquins, 367
Alpine Race, 18
American and European-born Children com-
pared, 101, 102
American Indians, see Indians
American Peace Society, 442
Amerindians, see American Indians
Ammon, Otto, 103
Ancestor Worship :
Africa, 346
Japan, 134, 138
Andamanese, 30
Angara, 104, 105
Anthropological View of Race, Special Paper,
13
Anti-Imperialist League (U.S.A.), 447
Appalachians, 367
Arabs, III
Arbitration :
Hague Arbitration Court, 123, 395,
414, 444
Lake Mohonk Conferences, 443
Armaments, Limitation of, see Peace Con-
ferences
Armenoids, 1 8
Arnold, Anton, 209
Aurignac Man, 5
Autonomy, 40, 121, 129, 164-, 281, 282,
288, 292, 295-, 298, 321, 339, 352-,
367
Avars, 185, 198
BABISM in Persia, 151
Backward Races, 38, 41, 43, 46, 48, 222-,
267, 323
Bah a, 'Abdu'l, Letter from, 154
Bahai Movement in Persia, 154
Banneker, Benjamin, 352, 362
Bantu, 19, 336, 349
Batak Institute, 259
Batwa, 340
Beauty— Equality of Races as regards, 14,
34-. 332-. 344. 38o
"Beena," 9 note
Beni-Israel, 276
Berbers, 20
Besutho, 336
Black Magic, 8, 346
Blakeslee, Professor G. H., 448
Boas, Dr. Franz, Paper by, 99
Bolk, 100
Bourgeois, Le"on, Letter by, 462
Brazilian Half-breeds, 377
Bruce, Sir Charles, Paper by, 279
Burtt, Joseph, Paper by, 323
Bushido, 140
CALDECOTT, Dr. Alfred, Paper by, 302
Camp, Maxime du, 183
Cannibalism, 8, 346
Capacity — Natural Capacity of Races, 73-
79, 80, 83
Capital, Transfer of, Effect on Inter-racial
Economics, 208 et sej.
Carijos, 112
Carnegie Peace Foundation, 251, 451
478
INDEX
China :
Aggressive Policy in, 287
" Awakening of " — Progress and Effects,
234 et seq,
Chinese Labour Questions, 313
Civilisation of, 34
Customs, Immobility of, 69
Education, 85, 127
Family in, 94
Miscegenation, 128
Opium Cultivation, Restrictions, 327
Political Government, 126
Polygamy, Chinese Law, 125
Yellow Peril, 202
Civic Evolution of Woman, 88
Civilised and Semi-Civilised, Needs of, 298-
Clark University Conferences, 447
Clan, Definition of, 10
Climate, 29, 43, 104-, 172, 179, 247, 367,
383, 426, 429
Clubs, Cosmopolitan Club Movement, 439,
449
Cocoa Plantations, Indentured Labour on,
324
Colonies and Dependencies, Government of,
Special Paper, 293 et seq.
General, 206, 291, 383-, 387
Colour Problem, 13-, 24-, 36, 44, 104-,
121, 131, 222-, 287-, 290-, 323, 330-,
336-, 341-, 348-, 364-, 383-, 427
Comparative Civilisation, International
Journal, suggestion, 13
Concubinage in China, 125
Congo :
Congo Reform Associations, 444, 445
Forced Labour System, 315
Pygmies, 331
Congresses, International, Effects on Race
Unity, 122, 244 et seq., 390, 443
Consanguineous Marriage, 9
Consciousness, Ethnic, 24
Constant, Baron d'Estournelles de, Paper
by, 383
Constitution League (U.S.A.), 446
Constitutional Government, 114, 116
Continuity of Type, 7, 16
Cook, Will, 363
Co-operative Societies, 246
" Corvee," 313
Cosmopolitan Club Movement, 439
Cossacks, 198
Cranial Capacity of Proto-human types, 7
Cremer, Sir W. Randal, 122
Cro-Magnon Man, 7
Crown — Holy Crown of Hungary, Special
Paper, 184 et seq.
Croxton, F. C., Paper by, 21 1
Culture, Opportunities of Various Races,
8,9
Customs, 10, 14, 25, 36, 61-, 67, 75, 138-,
144-, 170-, 233, 239, 241, 264, 267,
271, 292, 297-, 307, 311, 315, 320,
337-, 342-, 365. 368-, 429, 441
DAKOTAS, 368
Davids, Professor and Mrs. Rhys, Paper by,
62
Declaration of London, 411
DeForest, Dr. John H., 449
Dependent Peoples, see Subject Races
Deussen, Professor Paul, 238
Dilke, Sir Charles, Paper by, 312
Diseases introduced by Europeans, 344, 345,
373
Dislike of the Unlike, 25, 277
Douglas, Sir Robert, 235
Douglass, Frederick, 353, 363
Drink Traffic between Different Races, 32,4
DuBois, Professor W. E. B., 31 note, III,
446 ; Paper by, 348
Duckworth, Professor W. H. L., 328
Dyaks, 30
EASTMAN, Charles Alexander, Paper by,
367
Economics, 25, 38, 49, 50, 53-, 97, 173, 176-,
l82, 204, 2O8-, 21 1-, 222-, 244-, 252,
254-, 259-, 265, 270, 272, 278, 288,
294, 3°7, 312-, 323-, 327» 338, 342-,
357-, 365-, 369-, 384-, 426, 434
Education, 25, 38-, 80-, 85, 120, 127, 134,
140-, 145, 151, 166, 172, 176, 181,
236, 243, 251-, 296, 326-, 334, 335,
340-, 357, 386, 428-, 433-, 442
Egypt :
Agriculture, 173, 176
Cotton Trade, 173
Education, 172, 176
Electoral System, 176
Miscegenation, 170
Morals and Customs, 171
Language Question, 167
Political Situation, 172, 173
Public Assistance, Deficiency of, 177
Religions in, 168
Woman's Position in, 169
Ellis, G. Havelock, 4, 66 note
Enterprise — Equality of Races as regards,
32
Environment :
Adaptation to Larger, in Japan, 288
Africans, 428
American Indian and his, 374
Australia and Europe, 17
Capacity of Assimilation by Negro, 291
Dynamic Factor, 39
Egyptian and his, 178
General, 21
480
UNIVERSAL RACES CONGRESS
Environment {continued) —
Ideal as Social Basis, 86-
Instability of Character and Type, 6, 99-
Jew and his, 276
Mental Characters, 73-
Negroes handicapped, 32
Physical and other, 383
Self-government, 292
Social Element, 37, 44
Universal Solidarity, 29, 49, 55
Eskimo, 328
Ethics:
Ethical Teaching in Schools, Effect on
Race Knowledge, 433
Inter-racial, Principles and Applica-
tions of, Special Paper, 261 et seq.
European and American-born Children
compared, 101, 102
European Constitutions, 1850-1880, 116
FALASHAS, 276
Family :
China, 126
India, 95, 98
Negro Family, Average Size of, 356
Origin and Structure of, 9
Woman and the Family Ideal in
various countries, 91 et seq.
Fetichism, 183, 346
Finch, Professor Earl, Paper by, 108
Finot, Jean, 36 note, 84
Firmin, M., 30, 31
Forced and Indentured Labour, 312-
Fouillee, Alfred, Paper by, 24
Fried, Alfred H., Paper by, 420
Ful Tribe, 20
GAYANAZKS, 112
Genius, 32, 77, 335, 381
Geographical Position, 21, 29, 50-, 82-,
'33. »3S-. 367, 382, 387, 426, 435
Goethe, 233
Gokhale, Hon. G. K., Paper by, 157
Gondwana, 104
Gould, F. J.,438
Gray, John, Paper by, 79
Griquas, 109
Group, Marriage, 9
HAFIZ, 149, 150
Hague Peace Conferences, see Peace
Haitians — Government and People, Special
Paper, 178
Halde, Jean Baptiste du, 235
Hale, Edward Everett, 443, 452
Half-castes, 23, 377, 381
Hall, Dr. G. Stanley, 447
Ilamites, 19, 21
Hart, Sir Robert, 235
Hausa Tribe, 19
Hawaiians, 109
Haynes, Lemuel, 362
Hedin, Sven, 86
Heredity, Social, 37, 70
Hero-worship in Africa, 346
History, only possessed by man, 37
Hittites, 1 8
Hobson, John A., Paper by, 211, 222
Hoggan, Dr. Frances, Paper by, 364
Horde, 9
Hottentots, 30, 109, 336, 340
Hova, 21
Human Sacrifice in Africa, 345
Hungary, Holy Crown, Theory of, 184
et seq.
Huns, 185, 198
IMMIGRATION and Wages in the United
States, 211 et seq.
General, 130, 382
Imperialism, 12, 41-, 55, 228, 229, 294
Indentured and Forced Labour, 312-
India :
Family in, 95, 98
Indentured Emigration from, 317
Religion in, 96, 238
Unrest under British Rule, 159^ seq.,
239
Woman's Position in, 90 et seq.
Indians, North American :
Character of, 33, 405
General Account of, 367
Indian Rights Association, 447
Lake Mohonk Conferences, 33, 443, 447
References to, 328, 331, 332
Indonesians, 106
Infanticide, 9
" Inferior " Races, 14, 30
Instability of Human Types, 99 et seq.
Insurance, International Organisations for,
246
Intellectual Standing of Different Races, 79,
82
Intelligence, Equality of Races as regards, 32
Inter-marriage, see Miscegenation
International Education Associations, 251
International Institute of Agriculture,
Special Paper on, 254
International Language, see Language
International Law :
Associations promoting, 250
Extension of, 387
Inter-Parliamentary Union promoting,
123
Peace Conferences codifying, 409 et seq.
Subject Races and International Law,
398
Wars, Regulation of, 411
INDEX
481
International Organisations and Congresses,
Effects on Race Unity, 122, 244 et
seq., 390, 443
International Peace Associations, 251
International Prize Court, 395, 397, 412
International Union of Ethical Societies,
251
International Union of the Peace Press,
423
Inter- Parliamentary Union, 122, 411
Interpretation, Acute, of Primitive Peoples,
74
Inter-racial Goodwill, Organisation for, 443
Inter-racial Justice, International Bureau of,
450
Inter-racial Marriage, see Miscegenation
Intoxicants, Traffic between Different Races,
324
Investments and Loans — Effect on Inter-
racial Economics, 208 et seq.
Iroquois, 367
Islam, 19, 21, 63, 93, 148, 168, 347
Isolation, formation of Types by, 17
JABAVU.J. Tengo, Paper by, 336
James, Professor William, 446
Japan:
American Prejudice against Japanese,
449
Ancestor Worship in, 134, 138
Characteristics of the People, 138
Constitution of, 133
Customs, Resistance to Change, 69
Education, Imperial Rescript, 134, 140
Geographical Conditions, 135
Origin of Japanese Nation, 136
Russo-Japanese War, Effects of, 117
Western Civilisation, Japan approxi-
mating to, 288
Jews:
Cosmopolitan Mediators, 241
Extermination, Attempts at, 283
Famous Living Jews, 275
General and Historical Account of,
268 et seq.
Negro Element, 329
Nose, Semitic, Origin of, 18
Zionism, 277
Johnson, President, 352, 353
Johnson, Rosamond, 363
Johnston, Sir H. H., 446
Paper by, 328
Judeos, 276
Justice — International Organisations for
Inter-racial Justice, suggested, 414,
417, 450
KALNOCKY, Count, 424
Kato, Dr. Genchi, Paper by, 141
Kayyam, Omar, 149, 150
Khosars, 198
Kobayashi, Teruaki, Paper by, 132
Ku Kux Klan Secret Society, 354
Rumanians, 185
LABOUR:
Indentured and Forced, 312 et seq.
International Federations, 244
Lacerda, Dr. Jean-Baptiste de, Paper by,
377
Lake Mohonk Conferences, 33, 443, 447
Lamont, Norman, 318
Lange, Dr. C. L., Paper by, 113
Language, 19, 25, 36, 57-, 60, 6r, 121, 128,
149, 167, 168, 242, 252, 425, 429-
Lauck, W. Jett, Paper by, 211
Leger,J. N., 183 note
Legge, Dr., 34
Legitime, General, Paper by, 178
Literature — " World- Literature " suggestion,
242, 243
Livi, Ridolfo, 103
Loans and Investments, Effects on Inter-
racial Economics, 208 et seq.
Lochner, Louis P., Paper by, 439
Lubin, David, Paper by, 254
Luschan, Professor Felix von, Paper by, 13
Lyall, Sir Alfred, 235
Lyde, Lionel W., Paper by, 104
McCov, Emily L., 109
Macdonell, Sir John, Paper by, 398
Mackenzie, J. S., Paper by, 423
Magoon, M., 183
Magyars, 1 8
Mahrattas, 285
Maine, Sir Henry, 239, 240
Malays, 30, 226
Maoris, 30, 109, no
Margoliouth, Professor D. S., Paper by, 57
Markets and Countries, Effects of opening,
222 et seq.
Marriage :
China, 87, 125
Consanguineous, 9
Group- Marriage, 9
Indians of North America, 37 1
Miscegenation, see that Title
Plural Marriage in Africa, 346
Mead, Edwin D., Paper by, 443
Medicine, International Organisation of, 248
Medicine Men, 372
Mediation in International Disputes, 412,
413
Melanesians, 20, 21
Mendel's Law, 21
Mental Differences, Permanence of, 73 et seq.
Merriman, 338
2 I
482
UNIVERSAL RACES CONGRESS
Metabolistic Characters determining Race-
types, 5
Metis of Brazil, Capacities of, 381
Migration, 18-, 21-, 45, 291, 336
Milholland, John E., 446, 449
Mill, John Stuart, 41, 399
Miller, Kelly, 363
Miscegenation :
Absorption of Jews, 278
Adoption of Prisoners of War, 283
Brazil, 377-
China, 128
Effects of, Advantageous, 108
Egypt, 170
Europeans and Mongols, 289, 328
Fertility, in relation to, 17, 377-
India, 287
Indiscriminate, 36
Inter-breeding Groups, 58
Inter-Marriage, 283, 291, 344
Islam encourages Inter-Marriage, 92-
Japan, 136-
Marriage within Clan forbidden, 371
Mixture of Types, 21-, 43
Race-crossing, 328-
Racial Mixture, Advantage and Dis-
advantage, 22-, in, 125, 362, 375,
380-
United States, 350, 375
West Africa, 344
Missions, 234, 237, 302-, 334, 339. 373~> 444
Mixture of Races, Question of, 22
Mohammedanism, 19, 21, 62, 93, 148, 168,
347
Mongols, 107
Monogenetic Origin of Mankind, 16, 21, 377
Moors, III
Moral Education in Schools, effect on Race
Knowledge, 433
Moral Factor, 25, 28-, 34, 67-, 75, 124-,
127, 134, 171-, 196-, 240-, 251, 259,
260-, 277, 279-, 293-, 306, 319, 325,
333, 337-, 342-, 348,364-. 367- 371,
384-, 429-, 441
Morley, Lord, 164, 166
Morphological Characters, 4, 35
Moscheles, Felix, 449
Mulattoes, Percentage in Negro Population,
Table, no
Myers, Charles S., Paper by, 73
NATION, meaning of, 3, 10, 51-, 57-, 113
National Language, Relative Value of, 58
Native College for South Africa, suggestion,
341
Native Races in Colonies, Problem of, 291,
295
Natural Capacity of Races, 73-79, 80 tt uq.
Neanderthal Man, 5, 7, 331
Negritos, 5, 18
Negroes, 4, 14, 36
African Negro Population, Regulations
for, 291
Brazil Negro Traffic, 378
Disease Resistance acquired by, 323,
333
Equality among other Races, 30
France, Traces of Negroid Race in, 330
In Brazil, 377-, Europe, 329-, Haiti,
178-, S. Africa, 336-, United States,
348-, W. Africa, 341-
Intellectual Attainments of, 31, 32, 77,
85. 333, 335, 362, 363
Inter-marriage with, 291
Jewish Negroes, 276
Modern Conscience in relation to,
289
Morality of, 34 note, 304
Mulattoes, Percentage of, Table, I IO
National Association for Welfare of
Coloured People, 446
Nilotic, 1 06
Race Fertility, 333
Slavery, Negroes retaining Character-
istics of, 427
United States, Negro Problem in, 336,
348 et seg., 446, 452
White Women and Negroes, 360, 364
World- Position of Negro Races, 328
Negroid Races, 323
Newspapers :
Comparative Civilisation, suggested
Journal of, 13
General, 252, 284
Peace, Promotion by Newspaper Press,
243, 420
Nieuwenhuis, Dr. A. W., Paper by, 259
Nihilist Movement, 199
Nivedita, Sister, Paper by, 86
Nobel Institute, 251
Noble, Margaret, 86
North American Indians, see Indians
Nose, Semitic, Origin of, 18
OBSERVATION, Powers of Primitive People,
74
Olivier, Sir Sydney, 1 1 1
Paper by, 293 et seq.
Opium Traffic, 324
Oriental Civilisation and Culture, Proposed
Endowment of Professorships in
Western Universities, 13
Oriental Studies, Encouragement of, 243
Otaheitans, 406
P., W. T., 155
Palaeolithic Man, id -
Pantheism, 141
INDEX
483
Papuans, 20, 292, 317
Parliamentary Rule :
Haiti, 1 80
Subject Races, Parliament for, 408
Tendencies towards, Special Paper, 113
et seq,
Passy, Frederic, 122
Pathological Characters of Race Types, 5
Peace :
Carnegie Peace Foundation, 251, 451
Contact between Civilisations, Effects of,
233
Forces working towards, 25, 29
International Societies for, 251
Opening of Markets and Countries,
222
Persian Ideals, 148
Press — Newspaper Press promoting,
243, 420
Peace Conferences, 450
Arbitration Bureau, 418
Armaments, Limitation of, 409, 415
Moralising Force of, 413
Preparatory International Committee,
419
Work of, 122, 387, 393, 409 et seq.>
444, 462
Peasants, Primitive Mental Characteristics,
73
People, see Nation
Persia : —
Bahai Movement, 154
Changes in Regime, Effects of, 151
Customs and Habits, 145
Origin of, 145
Xenophobia, Allegations, 153
Petchenegs, 185, 198
Philosophical Ideas, 26
Phratry, 9, IO
Pitcairn Islanders, 109
Pithecanthropus Erectus, 7, 1 6
Pleistocene Man ,'7, 104
Plural Marriage, 346
Political Government : -
China, 126
Influence of, 49 et seq.
Parliamentary Rule, see that Title
Polvetz, 198
Polygamy, 28, 94, 125, 283, 297, 346-, 365,
371
Polynesians, 4, 20, 21, 109
Post, Hermann, 10
Postal Union, Effect on Racial Organisation,
245, 591
Practical Proposals and Conclusions, 13, 38-,
72-, 128, 242-, 267, 305, 341, 425,
450
Prejudice — Race Prejudice, 35, 384
Preparatory International Committee, 419
Press, see Newspapers
Primitive Races : —
Mental Characteristics, 73
Psychology of, 8
Types of, 16
Private Initiative, Effect on Unity of Races,
243
Prognathism, 4, 15
Promiscuity, 9
Proto-Man, 7
Proto-negritic Group, 17
Psychology of Primitive Peoples, 8, 74-
Psycho- Social Characters, 7
Public Health, International Organisations
for, 246, 392
Pygmies, 17, 1 8, 20, 37
QUATREFAGES, III
RACE- AVERSION and Race-Pride, 64, 425
Race Congresses, Regular Organisation of,
suggestion, 450
Race Consciousness, 24, 365
Race Equality, 29, 30-, 35, 148, 276, 288,
290, 323, 334, 34°, 365, 374, 383,
386, 398, 427-, 439
Race-Idea and Race-Consciousness, 24, 365
Race Indolence, 33, 301, 318
Race, Jewish, 268-
Race, Meaning of, I
Race, Variety, Species, Definition of, 2-,
377, 425
Races, Physical Characteristics of, 19-, 35-,
76, 99-, 331, 367, 378, 427
Railways, International Associations and
Congresses, 245
Rain, Absence of, Effect on Skin Colour, 106
Ratzel, 29, 31
Reid, Archdall, 5
Renisch, Dr. Paul, Paper by, 49
Religion, 10, 19, 21, 25-, 27, 29, 36, 58, 62-,
67-,93, 124, 134, 138-, 141-, 146-,
148, 1 68-, 181, 183-, 196-, 229, 233-,
237, 251, 266, 268-, 280-, 293, 295,
301-, 302-, 334-, 337, 342-, 347, 359-,
368-, 370, 374, 384, 429-, 434, 441
Respect due by White Races to other Races,
23, 383 et seq.
Riche, President, 184
Ridgeway, Professor, 100, 101
Robertson, J. M., Paper by, 40
Russia :
Customs, Immobility of, 68
Nihilist Movement, 199
Russo-Japanese War, Effects of, 117
West and East, Mutual Approach,
Russia's R61e in, 195 et seq.
SADI, 149, 150
St.-Mery, Moreau de, 183
484
UNIVERSAL RACES CONGRESS
Sakai, 106
Samangs, 106
"Savages," 13-
Scalping, 372
Scholarships, &c., for Sociological Studies,
243
Schlicking, Dr. W., Paper by, 387
Schurz, Karl, 353
Science, I, 25, 40, 52, 240-, 246-, 288,
3°7-. 392
Seal, Brajendranath, Paper by, I
Secret Societies, 345, 354
Segregation in Tropical Africa, 344
Self-Government for Subject Races, 40 et seq.
Sergi, Professor Giuseppe, Paper by, 67
Sherman, Hon. James S., 33
Shintoism, 134, 141
Sillac, Jarousse de, Paper by, 409
Sionans, 367
Sioux, 368
Skin, Climatic Control of Colour, 104
Skulls found at Grimaldi, 330
Slave Trade, 402
Slavophiles, 201
Small Nations, 38
Social and Moral Science, International
Academy, suggestion, 243
Social Choice, Origin of, 1 1
Social Instinct, 8, 71
Social Service Movement in America, 91
Social Transmission, 37
Society of States, Organisation of, 415
Sociological Considerations, Special Paper, 24
Solovien, W., 201
Soudanese, 349
Sourour Bey, Moh., Paper by, 167
South African Races, General Account of,
336 et seq.
South Sea Islanders, 406
Spiller, G. , Paper by, 29
Stature, Increased, Result of Change of
Environment, 100
Stead, Rev. W. Y., 339
Storey, Moorfield, 446, 447
Subject Races, 38, 40-, 42, 44, 47, 259, 279,
293-. 383» 398-. 402
Superstitions, 8, 183
Suppression of Languages, Effects of, 59
TAHITIANS, 109
Takebe, Tongo, Paper by, 132
Tanner, H. O., 363
Tarde, M., 401
Tasmanians, IIO
Tibet, Customs, Immobility of, 68
Timon, Akos de, Paper by, 184
Ting- Fang, Wu, Paper by, 123 et sey.
Toala, 1 6
Tolstoy, L., 202
Tonnies, Dr. Ferdinand, Paper by, 233
Topinard, 4
Trade :
Egypt, i73
Haiti, 182
Opening of Markets and Countries,
222 et seq.
Tramways, International Union of, 246
Treaties :
Associations of States and Treaties,
Effects of, 389
Subject Races, Treaties with, 402
Trees, Absence of, Effect on Skin Colour, 106
Trepanning of Skulls, 19
Tribe:
Meaning of, I
Origin and Structure, 9, 10
Trueblood, Dr. Benjamin H., 442
Types of Race :
Classification of, 3
Continuity of Type, 7, 16
Instability of Human Type, 99 et seq.
Stability of, 6
UNIFICATION of Language, 60, 61
Unification of Races :
Bahai Movement, 154
Peaceful Contact in Civilisation, effect-
ing, 234
Private Enterprise, Effects of, 243
United States :
Immigration Question, 6, 22, 211
Negro Race in, 336, 348 et seq., 446, 452
Social Service Movement, 91
Wages and Immigration, 21 1
Unity of Mankind, 21
University Standard among Different Races,
31,80-
VANDALS, 19
Variability — Primitive and Developed Races
compared, 76
Varieties of Mankind, 17, 280
Vaudouism, 183, 184
Veddas, 16, 30
Verneaux, Dr., 330
Volga- Bulgarians, 185
WAGES and Immigration in United States,
211
War, Regulation of, Work of Peace Con-
ferences, 410
Washington, Dr. Booker, 31, 363
West Africa, European Contact, Problem
of, 341 et sef.
West and East, 13, 21, 25, 33-, 49, 51, 68,
87-, 92, 98, 120, 132, 144, 147, 157-,
167, I95-. 209, 222-, 233-, 266, 279,
284, 287-, 292, 336-, 341-, 387-, 438,
447
INDEX
485
Wheatley, Phillis, 352, 362
White Man — Inferiority, Prof. v. Luschan's
Theory, 22
" White " Policy, 131
Widows in India and China, 96, 97
Wife Capture, 9
Wilder, Professor B. G., 34
Witchcraft in Africa, 346
Women :
Chinese, in Marriage, 87
Chinese, Status of, 125
Civic Evolution of, 88
East — Women's Position in, 86 et seq.
Egypt, 169-
Employment of Native Women, 366
Equal Rights with Men, 38
Forced Labour, 313
Freedom, 97
Indians of North America, Status of,
369-
International Council of, 252
Women (continued] —
Negroes and White Women, 290, 360,
364
Persia, 87-, 148-
Protection, Associations for, 246
Religious Missions, 311
Secret Societies, 345
Sex, 435, 438
Sexual Differences, 76-
West Africa, 346, 347
World's Humanity League, suggestion, 13
YAHYA, Hadji- Mirza, Paper by, 143
Yamato Race, 136, 137
Yastchenko, Dr. A., Paper by, 195
Yellow Peril, 202
ZAMENHOF, Dr. L., Paper by, 425
Zangwill, Israel, Paper by, 268 et seq,
Zionism, 277
Demy 8vo, Cloth, 3«. 6d. Net (Inland Portage. 4d.)
REPORT OF CONFERENCE HELD IN CAXTON HALL,
WESTMINSTER, JUNE 28-30, 1910.
SPEAKERS AND SUBJECTS
EGYPT - - MAHOMED FARID AND TAHA EL ABD.
FINLAND - AINO MALMBERG AND ROSALIND TRAVERS.
GEORGIA - MICHEL TSERETHELI AND W. TCHKRKESOFP.
INDIA - - LAJPAT RAI AND B. CHANDRA PAL, H. COTTON, DUBE.
IRELAND - WILLIAM GIBSON AND G. GAVAN DUFFY.
MOROCCO - HENRY W. NEVINSON.
PERSIA - - BERNARD TEMPLE.
POLAND - w. LACH-SZYRMA.
SLAVERY AND FORCED AND INDENTURED LABOUR IN AFRICA, MEXICO, PERU, ETC.
CHARLES WENTWORTH DILKE, H. VAN KOL, RENE CLAPEREDE, TRAVERS BUXTON, E. B. MORKL.
J. J. HARRIS.
PROPOSED REMEDIES. J. A. HOBSON, G. K. CHESTERTON, S. H. SWINNY, V. RUTHERFORD,
R. CUNNINGHAME GRAHAM, J. F. GREEN, B. CHANDRA PAL, A. J. WINDUS.
ANNOUNCEMENT
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Peculiar interest attaches to the article on " Forced and Indentured Labour," by the
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having written a preface to a volume of patriotic poems. Such a sentence emphasises
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CAPTURE IN WAR ON LAND
AND SEA
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THE ALIEN PROBLEM AND ITS
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